{"id":41917,"date":"2017-03-03T22:41:53","date_gmt":"2017-03-04T06:41:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/erickimphotography.com\/blog\/?page_id=41917"},"modified":"2017-03-03T22:46:54","modified_gmt":"2017-03-04T06:46:54","slug":"notebook-leonardo","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/erickimphotography.com\/blog\/notebook-leonardo\/","title":{"rendered":"Notebook Leonardo"},"content":{"rendered":"<h1>Leonardo da Vinci Notebook<\/h1>\n<p>The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci, Complete<br \/>\nby Leonardo Da Vinci<br \/>\n(#3 in our series by Leonardo Da Vinci)<\/p>\n<p>Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the<br \/>\ncopyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing<br \/>\nthis or any other Project Gutenberg eBook.<\/p>\n<p>This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project<br \/>\nGutenberg file.  Please do not remove it.  Do not change or edit the<br \/>\nheader without written permission.<\/p>\n<p>Please read the &#8220;legal small print,&#8221; and other information about the<br \/>\neBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file.  Included is<br \/>\nimportant information about your specific rights and restrictions in<br \/>\nhow the file may be used.  You can also find out about how to make a<br \/>\ndonation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!*****<\/p>\n<p>Title: The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci, Complete<\/p>\n<p>Author: Leonardo Da Vinci<\/p>\n<p>Release Date: Jan, 2004  [EBook #5000]<br \/>\n[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]<br \/>\n[This file was first posted on April 10, 2002]<\/p>\n<p>Edition: 09<\/p>\n<p>Language: English<\/p>\n<p>Character set encoding: UTF-8<\/p>\n<p>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, THE NOTEBOOKS OF LEONARDO DA VINCI, COMPLETE ***<\/p>\n<hr>\n<h1>Leonardo da Vinci Notebook<\/h1>\n<p>CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.<\/p>\n<p>1.<\/p>\n<p>How by a certain machine many may stay some time under water. And<br \/>\nhow and wherefore I do not describe my method of remaining under<br \/>\nwater and how long I can remain without eating. And I do not publish<br \/>\nnor divulge these, by reason of the evil nature of men, who would<br \/>\nuse them for assassinations at the bottom of the sea by destroying<br \/>\nships, and sinking them, together with the men in them. Nevertheless<br \/>\nI will impart others, which are not dangerous because the mouth of<br \/>\nthe tube through which you breathe is above the water, supported on<br \/>\nair sacks or cork.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The leaf on which this passage is written, is headed with<br \/>\nthe words <em>Casi<\/em> 39, and most of these cases begin with the word<br \/>\n&#8216;<em>Come<\/em>&#8216;, like the two here given, which are the 26th and 27th. 7.<br \/>\n<em>Sughero<\/em>. In the Codex Antlanticus 377a; 1170a there is a sketch,<br \/>\ndrawn with the pen, representing a man with a tube in his mouth, and<br \/>\nat the farther end of the tube a disk. By the tube the word<br \/>\n&#8216;<em>Channa<\/em>&#8216; is written, and by the disk the word &#8216;<em>sughero<\/em>&#8216;.]<\/p>\n<p>The preparation of the MSS. for publication.<\/p>\n<p>2.<\/p>\n<p>When you put together the science of the motions of water, remember<br \/>\nto include under each proposition its application and use, in order<br \/>\nthat this science may not be useless.&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A comparatively small portion of Leonardo&#8217;s notes on<br \/>\nwater-power was published at Bologna in 1828, under the title: &#8220;<em>Del<br \/>\nmoto e misura dell&#8217;Acqua, di L. da Vinci<\/em>&#8220;.]<\/p>\n<p>Admonition to readers.<\/p>\n<p>3.<\/p>\n<p>Let no man who is not a Mathematician read the elements of my work.<\/p>\n<p>The disorder in the MSS.<\/p>\n<p>4.<\/p>\n<p>Begun at Florence, in the house of Piero di Braccio Martelli, on the<br \/>\n22nd day of March 1508. And this is to be a collection without<br \/>\norder, taken from many papers which I have copied here, hoping to<br \/>\narrange them later each in its place, according to the subjects of<br \/>\nwhich they may treat. But I believe that before I am at the end of<br \/>\nthis [task] I shall have to repeat the same things several times;<br \/>\nfor which, O reader! do not blame me, for the subjects are many and<br \/>\nmemory cannot retain them [all] and say: &#8216;I will not write this<br \/>\nbecause I wrote it before.&#8217; And if I wished to avoid falling into<br \/>\nthis fault, it would be necessary in every case when I wanted to<br \/>\ncopy [a passage] that, not to repeat myself, I should read over all<br \/>\nthat had gone before; and all the more since the intervals are long<br \/>\nbetween one time of writing and the next.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 1. In the history of Florence in the early part of the<br \/>\nXVIth century <em>Piero di Braccio Martelli<\/em> is frequently mentioned as<br \/>\n<em>Commissario della Signoria<\/em>. He was famous for his learning and at<br \/>\nhis death left four books on Mathematics ready for the press; comp.<br \/>\nLITTA, <em>Famiglie celebri Italiane<\/em>, <em>Famiglia Martelli di<br \/>\nFirenze<\/em>.&#8211;In the Official Catalogue of MSS. in the Brit. Mus., New<br \/>\nSeries Vol. I., where this passage is printed, <em>Barto<\/em> has been<br \/>\nwrongly given for Braccio.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><em>addi 22 di marzo 1508<\/em>. The Christian era was computed in<br \/>\nFlorence at that time from the Incarnation (Lady day, March 25th).<br \/>\nHence this should be 1509 by our reckoning.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p><em>racolto tratto di molte carte le quali io ho qui copiate<\/em>. We<br \/>\nmust suppose that Leonardo means that he has copied out his own MSS.<br \/>\nand not those of others. The first thirteen leaves of the MS. in the<br \/>\nBrit. Mus. are a fair copy of some notes on physics.]<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Suggestions for the arrangement of MSS treating of particular<br \/>\nsubjects.(5-8).<\/p>\n<p>5.<\/p>\n<p>Of digging a canal. Put this in the Book of useful inventions and in<br \/>\nproving them bring forward the propositions already proved. And this<br \/>\nis the proper order; since if you wished to show the usefulness of<br \/>\nany plan you would be obliged again to devise new machines to prove<br \/>\nits utility and thus would confuse the order of the forty Books and<br \/>\nalso the order of the diagrams; that is to say you would have to mix<br \/>\nup practice with theory, which would produce a confused and<br \/>\nincoherent work.<\/p>\n<p>6.<\/p>\n<p>I am not to blame for putting forward, in the course of my work on<br \/>\nscience, any general rule derived from a previous conclusion.<\/p>\n<p>7.<\/p>\n<p>The Book of the science of Mechanics must precede the Book of useful<br \/>\ninventions.&#8211;Have your books on anatomy bound! [Footnote: 4. The<br \/>\nnumerous notes on anatomy written on loose leaves and now in the<br \/>\nRoyal collection at Windsor can best be classified in four Books,<br \/>\ncorresponding to the different character and size of the paper. When<br \/>\nLeonardo speaks of &#8216;<em>li tua libri di notomia<\/em>&#8216;, he probably means<br \/>\nthe MSS. which still exist; if this hypothesis is correct the<br \/>\npresent condition of these leaves might seem to prove that he only<br \/>\ncarried out his purpose with one of the Books on anatomy. A borrowed<br \/>\nbook on Anatomy is mentioned in F.O.]<\/p>\n<p>8.<\/p>\n<p>The order of your book must proceed on this plan: first simple<br \/>\nbeams, then (those) supported from below, then suspended in part,<br \/>\nthen wholly [suspended]. Then beams as supporting other weights<br \/>\n[Footnote: 4. Leonardo&#8217;s notes on Mechanics are extraordinarily<br \/>\nnumerous; but, for the reasons assigned in my introduction, they<br \/>\nhave not been included in the present work.].<\/p>\n<p>General introductions to the book on Painting (9-13).<\/p>\n<p>9.<\/p>\n<p>INTRODUCTION.<\/p>\n<p>Seeing that I can find no subject specially useful or<br \/>\npleasing&#8211;since the men who have come before me have taken for their<br \/>\nown every useful or necessary theme&#8211;I must do like one who, being<br \/>\npoor, comes last to the fair, and can find no other way of providing<br \/>\nhimself than by taking all the things already seen by other buyers,<br \/>\nand not taken but refused by reason of their lesser value. I, then,<br \/>\nwill load my humble pack with this despised and rejected<br \/>\nmerchandise, the refuse of so many buyers; and will go about to<br \/>\ndistribute it, not indeed in great cities, but in the poorer towns,<br \/>\ntaking such a price as the wares I offer may be worth. [Footnote: It<br \/>\nneed hardly be pointed out that there is in this &#8216;Proemio&#8217; a covert<br \/>\nirony. In the second and third prefaces, Leonardo characterises his<br \/>\nrivals and opponents more closely. His protest is directed against<br \/>\nNeo-latinism as professed by most of the humanists of his time; its<br \/>\nfutility is now no longer questioned.]<\/p>\n<p>10.<\/p>\n<p>INTRODUCTION.<\/p>\n<p>I know that many will call this useless work [Footnote: 3. questa<br \/>\nessere opera inutile. By opera we must here understand libro di<br \/>\npittura and particularly the treatise on Perspective.]; and they<br \/>\nwill be those of whom Demetrius [Footnote: 4. Demetrio. &#8220;With regard<br \/>\nto the passage attributed to Demetrius&#8221;, Dr. H. M\u00c3\u0153LLER STR\u00c3\u0153BING<br \/>\nwrites, &#8220;I know not what to make of it. It is certainly not<br \/>\nDemetrius Phalereus that is meant and it can hardly be Demetrius<br \/>\nPoliorcetes. Who then can it be&#8211;for the name is a very common one?<br \/>\nIt may be a clerical error for Demades and the maxim is quite in the<br \/>\nspirit of his writings I have not however been able to find any<br \/>\ncorresponding passage either in the &#8216;Fragments&#8217; (C. MULLER, <em>Orat.<br \/>\nAtt.<\/em>, II. 441) nor in the Supplements collected by DIETZ (<em>Rhein.<br \/>\nMus.<\/em>, vol. 29, p. 108).&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>The same passage occurs as a simple Memorandum in the MS. Tr. 57,<br \/>\napparently as a note for this &#8216;<em>Proemio<\/em>&#8216; thus affording some data<br \/>\nas to the time where these introductions were written.] declared<br \/>\nthat he took no more account of the wind that came out their mouth<br \/>\nin words, than of that they expelled from their lower parts: men who<br \/>\ndesire nothing but material riches and are absolutely devoid of that<br \/>\nof wisdom, which is the food and the only true riches of the mind.<br \/>\nFor so much more worthy as the soul is than the body, so much more<br \/>\nnoble are the possessions of the soul than those of the body. And<br \/>\noften, when I see one of these men take this work in his hand, I<br \/>\nwonder that he does not put it to his nose, like a monkey, or ask me<br \/>\nif it is something good to eat.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original, the Proemio d\u00c3\u00ac prospettiva cio\u00c3\u00a8<br \/>\ndell&#8217;uffitio dell&#8217;occhio (see No. 21) stands between this and the<br \/>\npreceding one, No. 9.]<\/p>\n<p>INTRODUCTION.<\/p>\n<p>I am fully concious that, not being a literary man, certain<br \/>\npresumptuous persons will think that they may reasonably blame me;<br \/>\nalleging that I am not a man of letters. Foolish folks! do they not<br \/>\nknow that I might retort as Marius did to the Roman Patricians<br \/>\n[Footnote 21: <em>Come Mario disse ai patriti Romani<\/em>. &#8220;I am unable to<br \/>\nfind the words here attributed by Leonardo to Marius, either in<br \/>\nPlutarch&#8217;s Life of Marius or in the Apophthegmata (<em>Moralia<\/em>,<br \/>\np.202). Nor do they occur in the writings of Valerius Maximus (who<br \/>\nfrequently mentions Marius) nor in Velleius Paterculus (II, 11 to<br \/>\n43), Dio Cassius, Aulus Gellius, or Macrobius. Professor E.<br \/>\nMENDELSON of Dorpat, the editor of Herodian, assures me that no such<br \/>\npassage is the found in that author&#8221; (communication from Dr. MULLER<br \/>\nSTRUBING). Leonardo evidently meant to allude to some well known<br \/>\nincident in Roman history and the mention of Marius is the result<br \/>\nprobably of some confusion. We may perhaps read, for Marius,<br \/>\nMenenius Agrippa, though in that case it is true we must alter<br \/>\nPatriti to Plebei. The change is a serious one. but it would render<br \/>\nthe passage perfectly clear.] by saying: That they, who deck<br \/>\nthemselves out in the labours of others will not allow me my own.<br \/>\nThey will say that I, having no literary skill, cannot properly<br \/>\nexpress that which I desire to treat of [Footnote 26: <em>le mie cose<br \/>\n&#8230;. che d&#8217;altra parola<\/em>. This can hardly be reconciled with Mons.<br \/>\nRAVAISSON&#8217;S estimate of L. da Vinci&#8217;s learning. &#8220;<em>Leonard de Vinci<br \/>\netait un admirateur et un disciple des anciens, aussi bien dans<br \/>\nl&#8217;art que dans la science et il tenait a passer pour tel meme aux<br \/>\nyeux de la posterite.<\/em>&#8221; _Gaz. des Beaux arts. Oct. 1877.]; but they<br \/>\ndo not know that my subjects are to be dealt with by experience<br \/>\nrather than by words [Footnote 28: See Footnote 26]; and<br \/>\n[experience] has been the mistress of those who wrote well. And so,<br \/>\nas mistress, I will cite her in all cases.<\/p>\n<p>11.<\/p>\n<p>Though I may not, like them, be able to quote other authors, I shall<br \/>\nrely on that which is much greater and more worthy:&#8211;on experience,<br \/>\nthe mistress of their Masters. They go about puffed up and pompous,<br \/>\ndressed and decorated with [the fruits], not of their own labours,<br \/>\nbut of those of others. And they will not allow me my own. They will<br \/>\nscorn me as an inventor; but how much more might they&#8211;who are not<br \/>\ninventors but vaunters and declaimers of the works of others&#8211;be<br \/>\nblamed.<\/p>\n<p>INTRODUCTION.<\/p>\n<p>And those men who are inventors and interpreters between Nature and<br \/>\nMan, as compared with boasters and declaimers of the works of<br \/>\nothers, must be regarded and not otherwise esteemed than as the<br \/>\nobject in front of a mirror, when compared with its image seen in<br \/>\nthe mirror. For the first is something in itself, and the other<br \/>\nnothingness.&#8211;Folks little indebted to Nature, since it is only by<br \/>\nchance that they wear the human form and without it I might class<br \/>\nthem with the herds of beasts.<\/p>\n<p>12.<\/p>\n<p>Many will think they may reasonably blame me by alleging that my<br \/>\nproofs are opposed to the authority of certain men held in the<br \/>\nhighest reverence by their inexperienced judgments; not considering<br \/>\nthat my works are the issue of pure and simple experience, who is<br \/>\nthe one true mistress. These rules are sufficient to enable you to<br \/>\nknow the true from the false&#8211;and this aids men to look only for<br \/>\nthings that are possible and with due moderation&#8211;and not to wrap<br \/>\nyourself in ignorance, a thing which can have no good result, so<br \/>\nthat in despair you would give yourself up to melancholy.<\/p>\n<p>13.<\/p>\n<p>Among all the studies of natural causes and reasons Light chiefly<br \/>\ndelights the beholder; and among the great features of Mathematics<br \/>\nthe certainty of its demonstrations is what preeminently (tends to)<br \/>\nelevate the mind of the investigator. Perspective, therefore, must<br \/>\nbe preferred to all the discourses and systems of human learning. In<br \/>\nthis branch [of science] the beam of light is explained on those<br \/>\nmethods of demonstration which form the glory not so much of<br \/>\nMathematics as of Physics and are graced with the flowers of both<br \/>\n[Footnote: 5. Such of Leonardo&#8217;s notes on Optics or on Perspective<br \/>\nas bear exclusively on Mathematics or Physics could not be included<br \/>\nin the arrangement of the <em>libro di pittura<\/em> which is here presented<br \/>\nto the reader. They are however but few.]. But its axioms being laid<br \/>\ndown at great length, I shall abridge them to a conclusive brevity,<br \/>\narranging them on the method both of their natural order and of<br \/>\nmathematical demonstration; sometimes by deduction of the effects<br \/>\nfrom the causes, and sometimes arguing the causes from the effects;<br \/>\nadding also to my own conclusions some which, though not included in<br \/>\nthem, may nevertheless be inferred from them. Thus, if the Lord&#8211;who<br \/>\nis the light of all things&#8211;vouchsafe to enlighten me, I will treat<br \/>\nof Light; wherefore I will divide the present work into 3 Parts<br \/>\n[Footnote: 10. In the middle ages&#8211;for instance, by ROGER BACON, by<br \/>\nVITELLONE, with whose works Leonardo was certainly familiar, and by<br \/>\nall the writers of the Renaissance Perspective and Optics were not<br \/>\nregarded as distinct sciences. Perspective, indeed, is in its widest<br \/>\napplication the science of seeing. Although to Leonardo the two<br \/>\nsciences were clearly separate, it is not so as to their names; thus<br \/>\nwe find axioms in Optics under the heading Perspective. According to<br \/>\nthis arrangement of the materials for the theoretical portion of the<br \/>\n<em>libro di pittura<\/em> propositions in Perspective and in Optics stand<br \/>\nside by side or occur alternately. Although this particular chapter<br \/>\ndeals only with Optics, it is not improbable that the words <em>partir\u00c3\u00b2<br \/>\nla presente opera in 3 parti<\/em> may refer to the same division into<br \/>\nthree sections which is spoken of in chapters 14 to 17.].<\/p>\n<p>The plan of the book on Painting (14&#8211;17).<\/p>\n<p>14.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE THREE BRANCHES OF PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>There are three branches of perspective; the first deals with the<br \/>\nreasons of the (apparent) diminution of objects as they recede from<br \/>\nthe eye, and is known as Diminishing Perspective.&#8211;The second<br \/>\ncontains the way in which colours vary as they recede from the eye.<br \/>\nThe third and last is concerned with the explanation of how the<br \/>\nobjects [in a picture] ought to be less finished in proportion as<br \/>\nthey are remote (and the names are as follows):<\/p>\n<p>Linear Perspective. The Perspective of Colour. The Perspective of<br \/>\nDisappearance.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 13. From the character of the handwriting I infer that<br \/>\nthis passage was written before the year 1490.].<\/p>\n<p>15.<\/p>\n<p>ON PAINTING AND PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The divisions of Perspective are 3, as used in drawing; of these,<br \/>\nthe first includes the diminution in size of opaque objects; the<br \/>\nsecond treats of the diminution and loss of outline in such opaque<br \/>\nobjects; the third, of the diminution and loss of colour at long<br \/>\ndistances.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The division is here the same as in the previous chapter<br \/>\nNo. 14, and this is worthy of note when we connect it with the fact<br \/>\nthat a space of about 20 years must have intervened between the<br \/>\nwriting of the two passages.]<\/p>\n<p>16.<\/p>\n<p>THE DISCOURSE ON PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Perspective, as bearing on drawing, is divided into three principal<br \/>\nsections; of which the first treats of the diminution in the size of<br \/>\nbodies at different distances. The second part is that which treats<br \/>\nof the diminution in colour in these objects. The third [deals with]<br \/>\nthe diminished distinctness of the forms and outlines displayed by<br \/>\nthe objects at various distances.<\/p>\n<p>17.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE SECTIONS OF [THE BOOK ON] PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The first thing in painting is that the objects it represents should<br \/>\nappear in relief, and that the grounds surrounding them at different<br \/>\ndistances shall appear within the vertical plane of the foreground<br \/>\nof the picture by means of the 3 branches of Perspective, which are:<br \/>\nthe diminution in the distinctness of the forms of the objects, the<br \/>\ndiminution in their magnitude; and the diminution in their colour.<br \/>\nAnd of these 3 classes of Perspective the first results from [the<br \/>\nstructure of] the eye, while the other two are caused by the<br \/>\natmosphere which intervenes between the eye and the objects seen by<br \/>\nit. The second essential in painting is appropriate action and a due<br \/>\nvariety in the figures, so that the men may not all look like<br \/>\nbrothers, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This and the two foregoing chapters must have been<br \/>\nwritten in 1513 to 1516. They undoubtedly indicate the scheme which<br \/>\nLeonardo wished to carry out in arranging his researches on<br \/>\nPerspective as applied to Painting. This is important because it is<br \/>\nan evidence against the supposition of H. LUDWIG and others, that<br \/>\nLeonardo had collected his principles of Perspective in one book so<br \/>\nearly as before 1500; a Book which, according to the hypothesis,<br \/>\nmust have been lost at a very early period, or destroyed possibly,<br \/>\nby the French (!) in 1500 (see H. LUDWIG. L. da Vinci: <em>Das Buch van<br \/>\nder Malerei<\/em>. Vienna 1882 III, 7 and 8).]<\/p>\n<p>The use of the book on Painting.<\/p>\n<p>18.<\/p>\n<p>These rules are of use only in correcting the figures; since every<br \/>\nman makes some mistakes in his first compositions and he who knows<br \/>\nthem not, cannot amend them. But you, knowing your errors, will<br \/>\ncorrect your works and where you find mistakes amend them, and<br \/>\nremember never to fall into them again. But if you try to apply<br \/>\nthese rules in composition you will never make an end, and will<br \/>\nproduce confusion in your works.<\/p>\n<p>These rules will enable you to have a free and sound judgment; since<br \/>\ngood judgment is born of clear understanding, and a clear<br \/>\nunderstanding comes of reasons derived from sound rules, and sound<br \/>\nrules are the issue of sound experience&#8211;the common mother of all<br \/>\nthe sciences and arts. Hence, bearing in mind the precepts of my<br \/>\nrules, you will be able, merely by your amended judgment, to<br \/>\ncriticise and recognise every thing that is out of proportion in a<br \/>\nwork, whether in the perspective or in the figures or any thing<br \/>\nelse.<\/p>\n<p>Necessity of theoretical knowledge (19. 20).<\/p>\n<p>19.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MISTAKES MADE BY THOSE WHO PRACTISE WITHOUT KNOWLEDGE.<\/p>\n<p>Those who are in love with practice without knowledge are like the<br \/>\nsailor who gets into a ship without rudder or compass and who never<br \/>\ncan be certain whether he is going. Practice must always be founded<br \/>\non sound theory, and to this Perspective is the guide and the<br \/>\ngateway; and without this nothing can be done well in the matter of<br \/>\ndrawing.<\/p>\n<p>20.<\/p>\n<p>The painter who draws merely by practice and by eye, without any<br \/>\nreason, is like a mirror which copies every thing placed in front of<br \/>\nit without being conscious of their existence.<\/p>\n<p>The function of the eye (21-23).<\/p>\n<p>21.<\/p>\n<p>INTRODUCTION TO PERSPECTIVE:&#8211;THAT IS OF THE FUNCTION OF THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>Behold here O reader! a thing concerning which we cannot trust our<br \/>\nforefathers, the ancients, who tried to define what the Soul and<br \/>\nLife are&#8211;which are beyond proof, whereas those things, which can at<br \/>\nany time be clearly known and proved by experience, remained for<br \/>\nmany ages unknown or falsely understood. The eye, whose function we<br \/>\nso certainly know by experience, has, down to my own time, been<br \/>\ndefined by an infinite number of authors as one thing; but I find,<br \/>\nby experience, that it is quite another. [Footnote 13: Compare the<br \/>\nnote to No. 70.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In section 13 we already find it indicated that the study<br \/>\nof Perspective and of Optics is to be based on that of the functions<br \/>\nof the eye. Leonardo also refers to the science of the eye, in his<br \/>\nastronomical researches, for instance in MS. F 25b &#8216;<em>Ordine del<br \/>\nprovare la terra essere una stella: Imprima difinisce l&#8217;occhio&#8217;<\/em>,<br \/>\n&amp;c. Compare also MS. E 15b and F 60b. The principles of astronomical<br \/>\nperspective.]<\/p>\n<p>22.<\/p>\n<p>Here [in the eye] forms, here colours, here the character of every<br \/>\npart of the universe are concentrated to a point; and that point is<br \/>\nso marvellous a thing &#8230; Oh! marvellous, O stupendous Necessity&#8211;by<br \/>\nthy laws thou dost compel every effect to be the direct result of<br \/>\nits cause, by the shortest path. These [indeed] are miracles;&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>In so small a space it can be reproduced and rearranged in its whole<br \/>\nexpanse. Describe in your anatomy what proportion there is between<br \/>\nthe diameters of all the images in the eye and the distance from<br \/>\nthem of the crystalline lens.<\/p>\n<p>23.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE 10 ATTRIBUTES OF THE EYE, ALL CONCERNED IN PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Painting is concerned with all the 10 attributes of sight; which<br \/>\nare:&#8211;Darkness, Light, Solidity and Colour, Form and Position,<br \/>\nDistance and Propinquity, Motion and Rest. This little work of mine<br \/>\nwill be a tissue [of the studies] of these attributes, reminding the<br \/>\npainter of the rules and methods by which he should use his art to<br \/>\nimitate all the works of Nature which adorn the world.<\/p>\n<p>24.<\/p>\n<p>ON PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Variability of the eye.<\/p>\n<p>1st. The pupil of the eye contracts, in proportion to the increase<br \/>\nof light which is reflected in it. 2nd. The pupil of the eye expands<br \/>\nin proportion to the diminution in the day light, or any other<br \/>\nlight, that is reflected in it. 3rd. [Footnote: 8. The subject of<br \/>\nthis third proposition we find fully discussed in MS. G. 44a.]. The<br \/>\neye perceives and recognises the objects of its vision with greater<br \/>\nintensity in proportion as the pupil is more widely dilated; and<br \/>\nthis can be proved by the case of nocturnal animals, such as cats,<br \/>\nand certain birds&#8211;as the owl and others&#8211;in which the pupil varies<br \/>\nin a high degree from large to small, &amp;c., when in the dark or in<br \/>\nthe light. 4th. The eye [out of doors] in an illuminated atmosphere<br \/>\nsees darkness behind the windows of houses which [nevertheless] are<br \/>\nlight. 5th. All colours when placed in the shade appear of an equal<br \/>\ndegree of darkness, among themselves. 6th. But all colours when<br \/>\nplaced in a full light, never vary from their true and essential<br \/>\nhue.<\/p>\n<p>25.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>Focus of sight.<\/p>\n<p>If the eye is required to look at an object placed too near to it,<br \/>\nit cannot judge of it well&#8211;as happens to a man who tries to see the<br \/>\ntip of his nose. Hence, as a general rule, Nature teaches us that an<br \/>\nobject can never be seen perfectly unless the space between it and<br \/>\nthe eye is equal, at least, to the length of the face.<\/p>\n<p>Differences of perception by one eye and by both eyes (26-29).<\/p>\n<p>26.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>When both eyes direct the pyramid of sight to an object, that object<br \/>\nbecomes clearly seen and comprehended by the eyes.<\/p>\n<p>27.<\/p>\n<p>Objects seen by one and the same eye appear sometimes large, and<br \/>\nsometimes small.<\/p>\n<p>28.<\/p>\n<p>The motion of a spectator who sees an object at rest often makes it<br \/>\nseem as though the object at rest had acquired the motion of the<br \/>\nmoving body, while the moving person appears to be at rest.<\/p>\n<p>ON PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Objects in relief, when seen from a short distance with one eye,<br \/>\nlook like a perfect picture. If you look with the eye <em>a<\/em>, <em>b<\/em> at<br \/>\nthe spot <em>c<\/em>, this point <em>c<\/em> will appear to be at <em>d<\/em>, <em>f<\/em>, and if<br \/>\nyou look at it with the eye <em>g<\/em>, <em>h<\/em> will appear to be at <em>m<\/em>. A<br \/>\npicture can never contain in itself both aspects.<\/p>\n<p>29.<\/p>\n<p>Let the object in relief <em>t<\/em> be seen by both eyes; if you will look<br \/>\nat the object with the right eye <em>m<\/em>, keeping the left eye <em>n<\/em> shut,<br \/>\nthe object will appear, or fill up the space, at <em>a<\/em>; and if you<br \/>\nshut the right eye and open the left, the object (will occupy the)<br \/>\nspace <em>b<\/em>; and if you open both eyes, the object will no longer<br \/>\nappear at <em>a<\/em> or <em>b<\/em>, but at <em>e<\/em>, <em>r<\/em>, <em>f<\/em>. Why will not a picture<br \/>\nseen by both eyes produce the effect of relief, as [real] relief<br \/>\ndoes when seen by both eyes; and why should a picture seen with one<br \/>\neye give the same effect of relief as real relief would under the<br \/>\nsame conditions of light and shade?<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the sketch, <em>m<\/em> is the left eye and <em>n<\/em> the right,<br \/>\nwhile the text reverses this lettering. We must therefore suppose<br \/>\nthat the face in which the eyes <em>m<\/em> and <em>n<\/em> are placed is opposite<br \/>\nto the spectator.]<\/p>\n<p>30.<\/p>\n<p>The comparative size of the image depends on the amount of light<br \/>\n(30-39).<\/p>\n<p>The eye will hold and retain in itself the image of a luminous body<br \/>\nbetter than that of a shaded object. The reason is that the eye is<br \/>\nin itself perfectly dark and since two things that are alike cannot<br \/>\nbe distinguished, therefore the night, and other dark objects cannot<br \/>\nbe seen or recognised by the eye. Light is totally contrary and<br \/>\ngives more distinctness, and counteracts and differs from the usual<br \/>\ndarkness of the eye, hence it leaves the impression of its image.<\/p>\n<p>31.<\/p>\n<p>Every object we see will appear larger at midnight than at midday,<br \/>\nand larger in the morning than at midday.<\/p>\n<p>This happens because the pupil of the eye is much smaller at midday<br \/>\nthan at any other time.<\/p>\n<p>32.<\/p>\n<p>The pupil which is largest will see objects the largest. This is<br \/>\nevident when we look at luminous bodies, and particularly at those<br \/>\nin the sky. When the eye comes out of darkness and suddenly looks up<br \/>\nat these bodies, they at first appear larger and then diminish; and<br \/>\nif you were to look at those bodies through a small opening, you<br \/>\nwould see them smaller still, because a smaller part of the pupil<br \/>\nwould exercise its function.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 9. <em>buso<\/em> in the Lomb. dialect is the same as <em>buco<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>33.<\/p>\n<p>When the eye, coming out of darkness suddenly sees a luminous body,<br \/>\nit will appear much larger at first sight than after long looking at<br \/>\nit. The illuminated object will look larger and more brilliant, when<br \/>\nseen with two eyes than with only one. A luminous object will appear<br \/>\nsmaller in size, when the eye sees it through a smaller opening. A<br \/>\nluminous body of an oval form will appear rounder in proportion as<br \/>\nit is farther from the eye.<\/p>\n<p>34.<\/p>\n<p>Why when the eye has just seen the light, does the half light look<br \/>\ndark to it, and in the same way if it turns from the darkness the<br \/>\nhalf light look very bright?<\/p>\n<p>35.<\/p>\n<p>ON PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>If the eye, when [out of doors] in the luminous atmosphere, sees a<br \/>\nplace in shadow, this will look very much darker than it really is.<br \/>\nThis happens only because the eye when out in the air contracts the<br \/>\npupil in proportion as the atmosphere reflected in it is more<br \/>\nluminous. And the more the pupil contracts, the less luminous do the<br \/>\nobjects appear that it sees. But as soon as the eye enters into a<br \/>\nshady place the darkness of the shadow suddenly seems to diminish.<br \/>\nThis occurs because the greater the darkness into which the pupil<br \/>\ngoes the more its size increases, and this increase makes the<br \/>\ndarkness seem less.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 14: <em>La luce entrer\u00c3\u00a0<\/em>. <em>Luce<\/em> occurs here in the sense of<br \/>\npupil of the eye as in no 51: C. A. 84b; 245a; I&#8211;5; and in many<br \/>\nother places.]<\/p>\n<p>36.<\/p>\n<p>ON PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The eye which turns from a white object in the light of the sun and<br \/>\ngoes into a less fully lighted place will see everything as dark.<br \/>\nAnd this happens either because the pupils of the eyes which have<br \/>\nrested on this brilliantly lighted white object have contracted so<br \/>\nmuch that, given at first a certain extent of surface, they will<br \/>\nhave lost more than 3\/4 of their size; and, lacking in size, they<br \/>\nare also deficient in [seeing] power. Though you might say to me: A<br \/>\nlittle bird (then) coming down would see comparatively little, and<br \/>\nfrom the smallness of his pupils the white might seem black! To this<br \/>\nI should reply that here we must have regard to the proportion of<br \/>\nthe mass of that portion of the brain which is given up to the sense<br \/>\nof sight and to nothing else. Or&#8211;to return&#8211;this pupil in Man<br \/>\ndilates and contracts according to the brightness or darkness of<br \/>\n(surrounding) objects; and since it takes some time to dilate and<br \/>\ncontract, it cannot see immediately on going out of the light and<br \/>\ninto the shade, nor, in the same way, out of the shade into the<br \/>\nlight, and this very thing has already deceived me in painting an<br \/>\neye, and from that I learnt it.<\/p>\n<p>37.<\/p>\n<p>Experiment [showing] the dilatation and contraction of the pupil,<br \/>\nfrom the motion of the sun and other luminaries. In proportion as<br \/>\nthe sky is darker the stars appear of larger size, and if you were<br \/>\nto light up the medium these stars would look smaller; and this<br \/>\ndifference arises solely from the pupil which dilates and contracts<br \/>\nwith the amount of light in the medium which is interposed between<br \/>\nthe eye and the luminous body. Let the experiment be made, by<br \/>\nplacing a candle above your head at the same time that you look at a<br \/>\nstar; then gradually lower the candle till it is on a level with the<br \/>\nray that comes from the star to the eye, and then you will see the<br \/>\nstar diminish so much that you will almost lose sight of it.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: No reference is made in the text to the letters on the<br \/>\naccompanying diagram.]<\/p>\n<p>38.<\/p>\n<p>The pupil of the eye, in the open air, changes in size with every<br \/>\ndegree of motion from the sun; and at every degree of its changes<br \/>\none and the same object seen by it will appear of a different size;<br \/>\nalthough most frequently the relative scale of surrounding objects<br \/>\ndoes not allow us to detect these variations in any single object we<br \/>\nmay look at.<\/p>\n<p>39.<\/p>\n<p>The eye&#8211;which sees all objects reversed&#8211;retains the images for<br \/>\nsome time. This conclusion is proved by the results; because, the<br \/>\neye having gazed at light retains some impression of it. After<br \/>\nlooking (at it) there remain in the eye images of intense<br \/>\nbrightness, that make any less brilliant spot seem dark until the<br \/>\neye has lost the last trace of the impression of the stronger light.<\/p>\n<p>_II.<\/p>\n<p>Linear Perspective.<\/p>\n<p>We see clearly from the concluding sentence of section 49, where the<br \/>\nauthor directly addresses the painter, that he must certainly have<br \/>\nintended to include the elements of mathematics in his Book on the<br \/>\nart of Painting. They are therefore here placed at the beginning. In<br \/>\nsection 50 the theory of the &#8220;Pyramid of Sight&#8221; is distinctly and<br \/>\nexpressly put forward as the fundamental principle of linear<br \/>\nperspective, and sections 52 to 57 treat of it fully. This theory of<br \/>\nsight can scarcely be traced to any author of antiquity. Such<br \/>\npassages as occur in Euclid for instance, may, it is true, have<br \/>\nproved suggestive to the painters of the Renaissance, but it would<br \/>\nbe rash to say any thing decisive on this point.<\/p>\n<p>Leon Battista Alberti treats of the &#8220;Pyramid of Sight&#8221; at some<br \/>\nlength in his first Book of Painting; but his explanation differs<br \/>\nwidely from Leonardo&#8217;s in the details. Leonardo, like Alberti, may<br \/>\nhave borrowed the broad lines of his theory from some views commonly<br \/>\naccepted among painters at the time; but he certainly worked out its<br \/>\napplication in a perfectly original manner.<\/p>\n<p>The axioms as to the perception of the pyramid of rays are followed<br \/>\nby explanations of its origin, and proofs of its universal<br \/>\napplication (58&#8211;69). The author recurs to the subject with endless<br \/>\nvariations; it is evidently of fundamental importance in his<br \/>\nartistic theory and practice. It is unnecessary to discuss how far<br \/>\nthis theory has any scientific value at the present day; so much as<br \/>\nthis, at any rate, seems certain: that from the artist&#8217;s point of<br \/>\nview it may still claim to be of immense practical utility.<\/p>\n<p>According to Leonardo, on one hand, the laws of perspective are an<br \/>\ninalienable condition of the existence of objects in space; on the<br \/>\nother hand, by a natural law, the eye, whatever it sees and wherever<br \/>\nit turns, is subjected to the perception of the pyramid of rays in<br \/>\nthe form of a minute target. Thus it sees objects in perspective<br \/>\nindependently of the will of the spectator, since the eye receives<br \/>\nthe images by means of the pyramid of rays &#8220;just as a magnet<br \/>\nattracts iron&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>In connection with this we have the function of the eye explained by<br \/>\nthe Camera obscura, and this is all the more interesting and<br \/>\nimportant because no writer previous to Leonardo had treated of this<br \/>\nsubject_ (70&#8211;73). <em>Subsequent passages, of no less special interest,<br \/>\nbetray his knowledge of refraction and of the inversion of the image<br \/>\nin the camera and in the eye<\/em> (74&#8211;82).<\/p>\n<p><em>From the principle of the transmission of the image to the eye and<br \/>\nto the camera obscura he deduces the means of producing an<br \/>\nartificial construction of the pyramid of rays or&#8211;which is the same<br \/>\nthing&#8211;of the image. The fundamental axioms as to the angle of sight<br \/>\nand the vanishing point are thus presented in a manner which is as<br \/>\ncomplete as it is simple and intelligible<\/em> (86&#8211;89).<\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo distinguishes between simple and complex perspective<\/em> (90,<br \/>\n91). <em>The last sections treat of the apparent size of objects at<br \/>\nvarious distances and of the way to estimate it<\/em> (92&#8211;109).<\/p>\n<p>General remarks on perspective (40-41).<\/p>\n<p>40.<\/p>\n<p>ON PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Perspective is the best guide to the art of Painting.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 40. Compare 53, 2.]<\/p>\n<p>41.<\/p>\n<p>The art of perspective is of such a nature as to make what is flat<br \/>\nappear in relief and what is in relief flat.<\/p>\n<p>The elements of perspective&#8211;Of the Point (42-46).<\/p>\n<p>42.<\/p>\n<p>All the problems of perspective are made clear by the five terms of<br \/>\nmathematicians, which are:&#8211;the point, the line, the angle, the<br \/>\nsuperficies and the solid. The point is unique of its kind. And the<br \/>\npoint has neither height, breadth, length, nor depth, whence it is<br \/>\nto be regarded as indivisible and as having no dimensions in space.<br \/>\nThe line is of three kinds, straight, curved and sinuous and it has<br \/>\nneither breadth, height, nor depth. Hence it is indivisible,<br \/>\nexcepting in its length, and its ends are two points. The angle is<br \/>\nthe junction of two lines in a point.<\/p>\n<p>43.<\/p>\n<p>A point is not part of a line.<\/p>\n<p>44.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE NATURAL POINT.<\/p>\n<p>The smallest natural point is larger than all mathematical points,<br \/>\nand this is proved because the natural point has continuity, and any<br \/>\nthing that is continuous is infinitely divisible; but the<br \/>\nmathematical point is indivisible because it has no size.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This definition was inserted by Leonardo on a MS. copy on<br \/>\nparchment of the well-known <em>&#8220;Trattato d&#8217;Architettura civile e<br \/>\nmilitare&#8221;<\/em> &amp;c. by FRANCESCO DI GIORGIO; opposite a passage where the<br \/>\nauthor says: _&#8217;In prima he da sapere che punto \u00c3\u00a8 quella parie della<br \/>\nquale he nulla&#8211;Linia he luncheza senza \u00c3\u00a0pieza; &amp;c.]<\/p>\n<p>45.<\/p>\n<p>1, The superficies is a limitation of the body. 2, and the<br \/>\nlimitation of a body is no part of that body. 4, and the limitation<br \/>\nof one body is that which begins another. 3, that which is not part<br \/>\nof any body is nothing. Nothing is that which fills no space.<\/p>\n<p>If one single point placed in a circle may be the starting point of<br \/>\nan infinite number of lines, and the termination of an infinite<br \/>\nnumber of lines, there must be an infinite number of points<br \/>\nseparable from this point, and these when reunited become one again;<br \/>\nwhence it follows that the part may be equal to the whole.<\/p>\n<p>46.<\/p>\n<p>The point, being indivisible, occupies no space. That which occupies<br \/>\nno space is nothing. The limiting surface of one thing is the<br \/>\nbeginning of another. 2. That which is no part of any body is called<br \/>\nnothing. 1. That which has no limitations, has no form. The<br \/>\nlimitations of two conterminous bodies are interchangeably the<br \/>\nsurface of each. All the surfaces of a body are not parts of that<br \/>\nbody.<\/p>\n<p>Of the line (47-48).<\/p>\n<p>47.<\/p>\n<p>DEFINITION OF THE NATURE OF THE LINE.<\/p>\n<p>The line has in itself neither matter nor substance and may rather<br \/>\nbe called an imaginary idea than a real object; and this being its<br \/>\nnature it occupies no space. Therefore an infinite number of lines<br \/>\nmay be conceived of as intersecting each other at a point, which has<br \/>\nno dimensions and is only of the thickness (if thickness it may be<br \/>\ncalled) of one single line.<\/p>\n<p>HOW WE MAY CONCLUDE THAT A SUPERFICIES TERMINATES IN A POINT?<\/p>\n<p>An angular surface is reduced to a point where it terminates in an<br \/>\nangle. Or, if the sides of that angle are produced in a straight<br \/>\nline, then&#8211;beyond that angle&#8211;another surface is generated,<br \/>\nsmaller, or equal to, or larger than the first.<\/p>\n<p>48.<\/p>\n<p>OF DRAWING OUTLINE.<\/p>\n<p>Consider with the greatest care the form of the outlines of every<br \/>\nobject, and the character of their undulations. And these<br \/>\nundulations must be separately studied, as to whether the curves are<br \/>\ncomposed of arched convexities or angular concavities.<\/p>\n<p>49.<\/p>\n<p>The nature of the outline.<\/p>\n<p>The boundaries of bodies are the least of all things. The<br \/>\nproposition is proved to be true, because the boundary of a thing is<br \/>\na surface, which is not part of the body contained within that<br \/>\nsurface; nor is it part of the air surrounding that body, but is the<br \/>\nmedium interposted between the air and the body, as is proved in its<br \/>\nplace. But the lateral boundaries of these bodies is the line<br \/>\nforming the boundary of the surface, which line is of invisible<br \/>\nthickness. Wherefore O painter! do not surround your bodies with<br \/>\nlines, and above all when representing objects smaller than nature;<br \/>\nfor not only will their external outlines become indistinct, but<br \/>\ntheir parts will be invisible from distance.<\/p>\n<p>50.<\/p>\n<p>Definition of Perspective.<\/p>\n<p>[Drawing is based upon perspective, which is nothing else than a<br \/>\nthorough knowledge of the function of the eye. And this function<br \/>\nsimply consists in receiving in a pyramid the forms and colours of<br \/>\nall the objects placed before it. I say in a pyramid, because there<br \/>\nis no object so small that it will not be larger than the spot where<br \/>\nthese pyramids are received into the eye. Therefore, if you extend<br \/>\nthe lines from the edges of each body as they converge you will<br \/>\nbring them to a single point, and necessarily the said lines must<br \/>\nform a pyramid.]<\/p>\n<p>[Perspective is nothing more than a rational demonstration applied<br \/>\nto the consideration of how objects in front of the eye transmit<br \/>\ntheir image to it, by means of a pyramid of lines. The <em>Pyramid<\/em> is<br \/>\nthe name I apply to the lines which, starting from the surface and<br \/>\nedges of each object, converge from a distance and meet in a single<br \/>\npoint.]<\/p>\n<p>[Perspective is a rational demonstration, by which we may<br \/>\npractically and clearly understand how objects transmit their own<br \/>\nimage, by lines forming a Pyramid (centred) in the eye.]<\/p>\n<p>Perspective is a rational demonstration by which experience confirms<br \/>\nthat every object sends its image to the eye by a pyramid of lines;<br \/>\nand bodies of equal size will result in a pyramid of larger or<br \/>\nsmaller size, according to the difference in their distance, one<br \/>\nfrom the other. By a pyramid of lines I mean those which start from<br \/>\nthe surface and edges of bodies, and, converging from a distance<br \/>\nmeet in a single point. A point is said to be that which [having no<br \/>\ndimensions] cannot be divided, and this point placed in the eye<br \/>\nreceives all the points of the cone.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 50. 1-5. Compare with this the Proem. No. 21. The<br \/>\nparagraphs placed in brackets: lines 1-9, 10-14, and 17&#8211;20, are<br \/>\nevidently mere sketches and, as such, were cancelled by the writer;<br \/>\nbut they serve as a commentary on the final paragraph, lines 22-29.]<\/p>\n<p>51.<\/p>\n<p>IN WHAT WAY THE EYE SEES OBJECTS PLACED IN FRONT OF IT.<\/p>\n<p>The perception of the object depends on the direction of the eye.<\/p>\n<p>Supposing that the ball figured above is the ball of the eye and let<br \/>\nthe small portion of the ball which is cut off by the line <em>s t<\/em> be<br \/>\nthe pupil and all the objects mirrored on the centre of the face of<br \/>\nthe eye, by means of the pupil, pass on at once and enter the pupil,<br \/>\npassing through the crystalline humour, which does not interfere in<br \/>\nthe pupil with the things seen by means of the light. And the pupil<br \/>\nhaving received the objects, by means of the light, immediately<br \/>\nrefers them and transmits them to the intellect by the line <em>a b<\/em>.<br \/>\nAnd you must know that the pupil transmits nothing perfectly to the<br \/>\nintellect or common sense excepting when the objects presented to it<br \/>\nby means of light, reach it by the line <em>a b;<\/em> as, for instance, by<br \/>\nthe line <em>b c<\/em>. For although the lines <em>m n<\/em> and <em>f g<\/em> may be seen<br \/>\nby the pupil they are not perfectly taken in, because they do not<br \/>\ncoincide with the line <em>a b<\/em>. And the proof is this: If the eye,<br \/>\nshown above, wants to count the letters placed in front, the eye<br \/>\nwill be obliged to turn from letter to letter, because it cannot<br \/>\ndiscern them unless they lie in the line <em>a b;<\/em> as, for instance, in<br \/>\nthe line <em>a c<\/em>. All visible objects reach the eye by the lines of a<br \/>\npyramid, and the point of the pyramid is the apex and centre of it,<br \/>\nin the centre of the pupil, as figured above.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 51. In this problem the eye is conceived of as fixed and<br \/>\nimmovable; this is plain from line 11.]<\/p>\n<p>Experimental proof of the existence of the pyramid of sight (52-55).<\/p>\n<p>52.<\/p>\n<p>Perspective is a rational demonstration, confirmed by experience,<br \/>\nthat all objects transmit their image to the eye by a pyramid of<br \/>\nlines.<\/p>\n<p>By a pyramid of lines I understand those lines which start from the<br \/>\nedges of the surface of bodies, and converging from a distance, meet<br \/>\nin a single point; and this point, in the present instance, I will<br \/>\nshow to be situated in the eye which is the universal judge of all<br \/>\nobjects. By a point I mean that which cannot be divided into parts;<br \/>\ntherefore this point, which is situated in the eye, being<br \/>\nindivisible, no body is seen by the eye, that is not larger than<br \/>\nthis point. This being the case it is inevitable that the lines<br \/>\nwhich come from the object to the point must form a pyramid. And if<br \/>\nany man seeks to prove that the sense of sight does not reside in<br \/>\nthis point, but rather in the black spot which is visible in the<br \/>\nmiddle of the pupil, I might reply to him that a small object could<br \/>\nnever diminish at any distance, as it might be a grain of millet or<br \/>\nof oats or of some similar thing, and that object, if it were larger<br \/>\nthan the said [black] spot would never be seen as a whole; as may be<br \/>\nseen in the diagram below. Let <em>a<\/em>. be the seat of sight, <em>b e<\/em> the<br \/>\nlines which reach the eye. Let <em>e d<\/em> be the grains of millet within<br \/>\nthese lines. You plainly see that these will never diminish by<br \/>\ndistance, and that the body <em>m n<\/em> could not be entirely covered by<br \/>\nit. Therefore you must confess that the eye contains within itself<br \/>\none single indivisible point <em>a<\/em>, to which all the points converge<br \/>\nof the pyramid of lines starting from an object, as is shown below.<br \/>\nLet <em>a<\/em>. <em>b<\/em>. be the eye; in the centre of it is the point above<br \/>\nmentioned. If the line <em>e f<\/em> is to enter as an image into so small<br \/>\nan opening in the eye, you must confess that the smaller object<br \/>\ncannot enter into what is smaller than itself unless it is<br \/>\ndiminished, and by diminishing it must take the form of a pyramid.<\/p>\n<p>53.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Perspective comes in where judgment fails [as to the distance] in<br \/>\nobjects which diminish. The eye can never be a true judge for<br \/>\ndetermining with exactitude how near one object is to another which<br \/>\nis equal to it [in size], if the top of that other is on the level<br \/>\nof the eye which sees them on that side, excepting by means of the<br \/>\nvertical plane which is the standard and guide of perspective. Let<br \/>\n<em>n<\/em> be the eye, <em>e f<\/em> the vertical plane above mentioned. Let <em>a b c<br \/>\nd<\/em> be the three divisions, one below the other; if the lines <em>a n<\/em><br \/>\nand <em>c n<\/em> are of a given length and the eye <em>n<\/em> is in the centre,<br \/>\nthen <em>a b<\/em> will look as large as <em>b c. c d<\/em> is lower and farther off<br \/>\nfrom <em>n<\/em>, therefore it will look smaller. And the same effect will<br \/>\nappear in the three divisions of a face when the eye of the painter<br \/>\nwho is drawing it is on a level with the eye of the person he is<br \/>\npainting.<\/p>\n<p>54.<\/p>\n<p>TO PROVE HOW OBJECTS REACH THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>If you look at the sun or some other luminous body and then shut<br \/>\nyour eyes you will see it again inside your eye for a long time.<br \/>\nThis is evidence that images enter into the eye.<\/p>\n<p>The relations of the distance points to the vanishing point (55-56).<\/p>\n<p>55.<\/p>\n<p>ELEMENTS OF PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>All objects transmit their image to the eye in pyramids, and the<br \/>\nnearer to the eye these pyramids are intersected the smaller will<br \/>\nthe image appear of the objects which cause them. Therefore, you may<br \/>\nintersect the pyramid with a vertical plane [Footnote 4: <em>Pariete<\/em>.<br \/>\nCompare the definitions in 85, 2-5, 6-27. These lines refer<br \/>\nexclusively to the third diagram. For the better understanding of<br \/>\nthis it should be observed that <em>c s<\/em> must be regarded as<br \/>\nrepresenting the section or profile of a square plane, placed<br \/>\nhorizontally (comp. lines 11, 14, 17) for which the word <em>pianura<\/em><br \/>\nis subsequently employed (20, 22). Lines 6-13 contain certain<br \/>\npreliminary observations to guide the reader in understanding the<br \/>\ndiagram; the last three seem to have been added as a supplement.<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s mistake in writing <em>t denota<\/em> (line 6) for <em>f denota<\/em> has<br \/>\nbeen rectified.] which reaches the base of the pyramid as is shown<br \/>\nin the plane <em>a n<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>The eye <em>f<\/em> and the eye <em>t<\/em> are one and the same thing; but the eye<br \/>\n<em>f<\/em> marks the distance, that is to say how far you are standing from<br \/>\nthe object; and the eye <em>t<\/em> shows you the direction of it; that is<br \/>\nwhether you are opposite, or on one side, or at an angle to the<br \/>\nobject you are looking at. And remember that the eye <em>f<\/em> and the eye<br \/>\n<em>t<\/em> must always be kept on the same level. For example if you raise<br \/>\nor lower the eye from the distance point <em>f<\/em> you must do the same<br \/>\nwith the direction point <em>t<\/em>. And if the point <em>f<\/em> shows how far the<br \/>\neye is distant from the square plane but does not show on which side<br \/>\nit is placed&#8211;and, if in the same way, the point <em>t<\/em> show <em>s<\/em> the<br \/>\ndirection and not the distance, in order to ascertain both you must<br \/>\nuse both points and they will be one and the same thing. If the eye<br \/>\n<em>f<\/em> could see a perfect square of which all the sides were equal to<br \/>\nthe distance between <em>s<\/em> and <em>c<\/em>, and if at the nearest end of the<br \/>\nside towards the eye a pole were placed, or some other straight<br \/>\nobject, set up by a perpendicular line as shown at <em>r s<\/em>&#8211;then, I<br \/>\nsay, that if you were to look at the side of the square that is<br \/>\nnearest to you it will appear at the bottom of the vertical plane <em>r<br \/>\ns<\/em>, and then look at the farther side and it would appear to you at<br \/>\nthe height of the point <em>n<\/em> on the vertical plane. Thus, by this<br \/>\nexample, you can understand that if the eye is above a number of<br \/>\nobjects all placed on the same level, one beyond another, the more<br \/>\nremote they are the higher they will seem, up to the level of the<br \/>\neye, but no higher; because objects placed upon the level on which<br \/>\nyour feet stand, so long as it is flat&#8211;even if it be extended into<br \/>\ninfinity&#8211;would never be seen above the eye; since the eye has in<br \/>\nitself the point towards which all the cones tend and converge which<br \/>\nconvey the images of the objects to the eye. And this point always<br \/>\ncoincides with the point of diminution which is the extreme of all<br \/>\nwe can see. And from the base line of the first pyramid as far as<br \/>\nthe diminishing point<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The two diagrams above the chapter are explained by the<br \/>\nfirst five lines. They have, however, more letters than are referred<br \/>\nto in the text, a circumstance we frequently find occasion to<br \/>\nremark.]<\/p>\n<p>56.<\/p>\n<p>there are only bases without pyramids which constantly diminish up<br \/>\nto this point. And from the first base where the vertical plane is<br \/>\nplaced towards the point in the eye there will be only pyramids<br \/>\nwithout bases; as shown in the example given above. Now, let <em>a b<\/em><br \/>\nbe the said vertical plane and <em>r<\/em> the point of the pyramid<br \/>\nterminating in the eye, and <em>n<\/em> the point of diminution which is<br \/>\nalways in a straight line opposite the eye and always moves as the<br \/>\neye moves&#8211;just as when a rod is moved its shadow moves, and moves<br \/>\nwith it, precisely as the shadow moves with a body. And each point<br \/>\nis the apex of a pyramid, all having a common base with the<br \/>\nintervening vertical plane. But although their bases are equal their<br \/>\nangles are not equal, because the diminishing point is the<br \/>\ntermination of a smaller angle than that of the eye. If you ask me:<br \/>\n&#8220;By what practical experience can you show me these points?&#8221; I<br \/>\nreply&#8211;so far as concerns the diminishing point which moves with you<br \/>\n&#8211;when you walk by a ploughed field look at the straight furrows<br \/>\nwhich come down with their ends to the path where you are walking,<br \/>\nand you will see that each pair of furrows will look as though they<br \/>\ntried to get nearer and meet at the [farther] end.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: For the easier understanding of the diagram and of its<br \/>\nconnection with the preceding I may here remark that the square<br \/>\nplane shown above in profile by the line <em>c s<\/em> is here indicated by<br \/>\n<em>e d o p<\/em>. According to lines 1, 3 <em>a b<\/em> must be imagined as a plane<br \/>\nof glass placed perpendicularly at <em>o p<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>57.<\/p>\n<p>How to measure the pyramid of vision.<\/p>\n<p>As regards the point in the eye; it is made more intelligible by<br \/>\nthis: If you look into the eye of another person you will see your<br \/>\nown image. Now imagine 2 lines starting from your ears and going to<br \/>\nthe ears of that image which you see in the other man&#8217;s eye; you<br \/>\nwill understand that these lines converge in such a way that they<br \/>\nwould meet in a point a little way beyond your own image mirrored in<br \/>\nthe eye. And if you want to measure the diminution of the pyramid in<br \/>\nthe air which occupies the space between the object seen and the<br \/>\neye, you must do it according to the diagram figured below. Let <em>m<br \/>\nn<\/em> be a tower, and <em>e f<\/em> a, rod, which you must move backwards and<br \/>\nforwards till its ends correspond with those of the tower [Footnote<br \/>\n9: <em>I sua stremi .. della storre<\/em> (its ends &#8230; of the tower) this<br \/>\nis the case at <em>e f<\/em>.]; then bring it nearer to the eye, at <em>c d<\/em><br \/>\nand you will see that the image of the tower seems smaller, as at <em>r<br \/>\no<\/em>. Then [again] bring it closer to the eye and you will see the rod<br \/>\nproject far beyond the image of the tower from <em>a<\/em> to <em>b<\/em> and from<br \/>\n<em>t<\/em> to <em>b<\/em>, and so you will discern that, a little farther within,<br \/>\nthe lines must converge in a point.<\/p>\n<p>The Production of pyramid of Vision (58-60).<\/p>\n<p>58.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The instant the atmosphere is illuminated it will be filled with an<br \/>\ninfinite number of images which are produced by the various bodies<br \/>\nand colours assembled in it. And the eye is the target, a loadstone,<br \/>\nof these images.<\/p>\n<p>59.<\/p>\n<p>The whole surface of opaque bodies displays its whole image in all<br \/>\nthe illuminated atmosphere which surrounds them on all sides.<\/p>\n<p>60.<\/p>\n<p>That the atmosphere attracts to itself, like a loadstone, all the<br \/>\nimages of the objects that exist in it, and not their forms merely<br \/>\nbut their nature may be clearly seen by the sun, which is a hot and<br \/>\nluminous body. All the atmosphere, which is the all-pervading<br \/>\nmatter, absorbs light and heat, and reflects in itself the image of<br \/>\nthe source of that heat and splendour and, in each minutest portion,<br \/>\ndoes the same. The Northpole does the same as the loadstone shows;<br \/>\nand the moon and the other planets, without suffering any<br \/>\ndiminution, do the same. Among terrestrial things musk does the same<br \/>\nand other perfumes.<\/p>\n<p>61.<\/p>\n<p>All bodies together, and each by itself, give off to the surrounding<br \/>\nair an infinite number of images which are all-pervading and each<br \/>\ncomplete, each conveying the nature, colour and form of the body<br \/>\nwhich produces it.<\/p>\n<p>It can clearly be shown that all bodies are, by their images,<br \/>\nall-pervading in the surrounding atmosphere, and each complete in<br \/>\nitself as to substance form and colour; this is seen by the images<br \/>\nof the various bodies which are reproduced in one single perforation<br \/>\nthrough which they transmit the objects by lines which intersect and<br \/>\ncause reversed pyramids, from the objects, so that they are upside<br \/>\ndown on the dark plane where they are first reflected. The reason of<br \/>\nthis is&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram intended to illustrate the statement (Pl. II<br \/>\nNo. i) occurs in the original between lines 3 and 4. The three<br \/>\ncircles must be understood to represent three luminous bodies which<br \/>\ntransmit their images through perforations in a wall into a dark<br \/>\nchamber, according to a law which is more fully explained in 75?81.<br \/>\nSo far as concerns the present passage the diagram is only intended<br \/>\nto explain that the images of the three bodies may be made to<br \/>\ncoalesce at any given spot. In the circles are written,<br \/>\ngiallo&#8211;yellow, bi\u00c3\u00a0cho&#8211;white, rosso&#8211;red.<\/p>\n<p>The text breaks off at line 8. The paragraph No.40 follows here in<br \/>\nthe original MS.]<\/p>\n<p>62.<\/p>\n<p>Every point is the termination of an infinite number of lines, which<br \/>\ndiverge to form a base, and immediately, from the base the same<br \/>\nlines converge to a pyramid [imaging] both the colour and form. No<br \/>\nsooner is a form created or compounded than suddenly infinite lines<br \/>\nand angles are produced from it; and these lines, distributing<br \/>\nthemselves and intersecting each other in the air, give rise to an<br \/>\ninfinite number of angles opposite to each other. Given a base, each<br \/>\nopposite angle, will form a triangle having a form and proportion<br \/>\nequal to the larger angle; and if the base goes twice into each of<br \/>\nthe 2 lines of the pyramid the smaller triangle will do the same.<\/p>\n<p>63.<\/p>\n<p>Every body in light and shade fills the surrounding air with<br \/>\ninfinite images of itself; and these, by infinite pyramids diffused<br \/>\nin the air, represent this body throughout space and on every side.<br \/>\nEach pyramid that is composed of a long assemblage of rays includes<br \/>\nwithin itself an infinite number of pyramids and each has the same<br \/>\npower as all, and all as each. A circle of equidistant pyramids of<br \/>\nvision will give to their object angles of equal size; and an eye at<br \/>\neach point will see the object of the same size. The body of the<br \/>\natmosphere is full of infinite pyramids composed of radiating<br \/>\nstraight lines, which are produced from the surface of the bodies in<br \/>\nlight and shade, existing in the air; and the farther they are from<br \/>\nthe object which produces them the more acute they become and<br \/>\nalthough in their distribution they intersect and cross they never<br \/>\nmingle together, but pass through all the surrounding air,<br \/>\nindependently converging, spreading, and diffused. And they are all<br \/>\nof equal power [and value]; all equal to each, and each equal to<br \/>\nall. By these the images of objects are transmitted through all<br \/>\nspace and in every direction, and each pyramid, in itself, includes,<br \/>\nin each minutest part, the whole form of the body causing it.<\/p>\n<p>64.<\/p>\n<p>The body of the atmosphere is full of infinite radiating pyramids<br \/>\nproduced by the objects existing in it. These intersect and cross<br \/>\neach other with independent convergence without interfering with<br \/>\neach other and pass through all the surrounding atmosphere; and are<br \/>\nof equal force and value&#8211;all being equal to each, each to all. And<br \/>\nby means of these, images of the body are transmitted everywhere and<br \/>\non all sides, and each receives in itself every minutest portion of<br \/>\nthe object that produces it.<\/p>\n<p>Proof by experiment (65-66).<\/p>\n<p>65.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The air is filled with endless images of the objects distributed in<br \/>\nit; and all are represented in all, and all in one, and all in each,<br \/>\nwhence it happens that if two mirrors are placed in such a manner as<br \/>\nto face each other exactly, the first will be reflected in the<br \/>\nsecond and the second in the first. The first being reflected in the<br \/>\nsecond takes to it the image of itself with all the images<br \/>\nrepresented in it, among which is the image of the second mirror,<br \/>\nand so, image within image, they go on to infinity in such a manner<br \/>\nas that each mirror has within it a mirror, each smaller than the<br \/>\nlast and one inside the other. Thus, by this example, it is clearly<br \/>\nproved that every object sends its image to every spot whence the<br \/>\nobject itself can be seen; and the converse: That the same object<br \/>\nmay receive in itself all the images of the objects that are in<br \/>\nfront of it. Hence the eye transmits through the atmosphere its own<br \/>\nimage to all the objects that are in front of it and receives them<br \/>\ninto itself, that is to say on its surface, whence they are taken in<br \/>\nby the common sense, which considers them and if they are pleasing<br \/>\ncommits them to the memory. Whence I am of opinion: That the<br \/>\ninvisible images in the eyes are produced towards the object, as the<br \/>\nimage of the object to the eye. That the images of the objects must<br \/>\nbe disseminated through the air. An instance may be seen in several<br \/>\nmirrors placed in a circle, which will reflect each other endlessly.<br \/>\nWhen one has reached the other it is returned to the object that<br \/>\nproduced it, and thence&#8211;being diminished&#8211;it is returned again to<br \/>\nthe object and then comes back once more, and this happens<br \/>\nendlessly. If you put a light between two flat mirrors with a<br \/>\ndistance of 1 braccio between them you will see in each of them an<br \/>\ninfinite number of lights, one smaller than another, to the last. If<br \/>\nat night you put a light between the walls of a room, all the parts<br \/>\nof that wall will be tinted with the image of that light. And they<br \/>\nwill receive the light and the light will fall on them, mutually,<br \/>\nthat is to say, when there is no obstacle to interrupt the<br \/>\ntransmission of the images. This same example is seen in a greater<br \/>\ndegree in the distribution of the solar rays which all together, and<br \/>\neach by itself, convey to the object the image of the body which<br \/>\ncauses it. That each body by itself alone fills with its images the<br \/>\natmosphere around it, and that the same air is able, at the same<br \/>\ntime, to receive the images of the endless other objects which are<br \/>\nin it, this is clearly proved by these examples. And every object is<br \/>\neverywhere visible in the whole of the atmosphere, and the whole in<br \/>\nevery smallest part of it; and all the objects in the whole, and all<br \/>\nin each smallest part; each in all and all in every part.<\/p>\n<p>66.<\/p>\n<p>The images of objects are all diffused through the atmosphere which<br \/>\nreceives them; and all on every side in it. To prove this, let <em>a c<br \/>\ne<\/em> be objects of which the images are admitted to a dark chamber by<br \/>\nthe small holes <em>n p<\/em> and thrown upon the plane <em>f i<\/em> opposite to<br \/>\nthese holes. As many images will be produced in the chamber on the<br \/>\nplane as the number of the said holes.<\/p>\n<p>67.<\/p>\n<p>General conclusions.<\/p>\n<p>All objects project their whole image and likeness, diffused and<br \/>\nmingled in the whole of the atmosphere, opposite to themselves. The<br \/>\nimage of every point of the bodily surface, exists in every part of<br \/>\nthe atmosphere. All the images of the objects are in every part of<br \/>\nthe atmosphere. The whole, and each part of the image of the<br \/>\natmosphere is [reflected] in each point of the surface of the bodies<br \/>\npresented to it. Therefore both the part and the whole of the images<br \/>\nof the objects exist, both in the whole and in the parts of the<br \/>\nsurface of these visible bodies. Whence we may evidently say that<br \/>\nthe image of each object exists, as a whole and in every part, in<br \/>\neach part and in the whole interchangeably in every existing body.<br \/>\nAs is seen in two mirrors placed opposite to each other.<\/p>\n<p>68.<\/p>\n<p>That the contrary is impossible.<\/p>\n<p>It is impossible that the eye should project from itself, by visual<br \/>\nrays, the visual virtue, since, as soon as it opens, that front<br \/>\nportion [of the eye] which would give rise to this emanation would<br \/>\nhave to go forth to the object and this it could not do without<br \/>\ntime. And this being so, it could not travel so high as the sun in a<br \/>\nmonth&#8217;s time when the eye wanted to see it. And if it could reach<br \/>\nthe sun it would necessarily follow that it should perpetually<br \/>\nremain in a continuous line from the eye to the sun and should<br \/>\nalways diverge in such a way as to form between the sun and the eye<br \/>\nthe base and the apex of a pyramid. This being the case, if the eye<br \/>\nconsisted of a million worlds, it would not prevent its being<br \/>\nconsumed in the projection of its virtue; and if this virtue would<br \/>\nhave to travel through the air as perfumes do, the winds would bent<br \/>\nit and carry it into another place. But we do [in fact] see the mass<br \/>\nof the sun with the same rapidity as [an object] at the distance of<br \/>\na braccio, and the power of sight is not disturbed by the blowing of<br \/>\nthe winds nor by any other accident.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The view here refuted by Leonardo was maintained among<br \/>\nothers by Bramantino, Leonardo&#8217;s Milanese contemporary. LOMAZZO<br \/>\nwrites as follows in his Trattato dell&#8217; Arte della pittura &amp;c.<br \/>\n(Milano 1584. Libr. V cp. XXI): Sovviemmi di aver gi\u00c3\u00a0 letto in certi<br \/>\nscritti alcune cose di Bramantino milanese, celebratissimo pittore,<br \/>\nattenente alla prospettiva, le quali ho voluto riferire, e quasi<br \/>\nintessere in questo luogo, affinch\u00c3\u00a8 sappiamo qual fosse l&#8217;opinione<br \/>\ndi cosi chiaro e famoso pittore intorno alla prospettiva . . Scrive<br \/>\nBramantino che la prospettiva \u00c3\u00a8 una cosa che contraf\u00c3\u00a0 il naturale, e<br \/>\nche ci\u00c3\u00b2 si fa in tre modi<\/p>\n<p>Circa il primo modo che si fa con ragione, per essere la cosa in<br \/>\npoche parole conclusa da Bramantino in maniera che giudico non<br \/>\npotersi dir meglio, contenendovi si tutta Parte del principio al<br \/>\nfine, io riferir\u00c3\u00b2 per appunto le proprie parole sue (cp. XXII, Prima<br \/>\nprospettiva di Bramantino). La prima prospettiva fa le cose di<br \/>\npunto, e l&#8217;altra non mai, e la terza pi\u00c3\u00b9 appresso. Adunque la prima<br \/>\nsi dimanda prospettiva, cio\u00c3\u00a8 ragione, la quale fa l&#8217;effetto dell&#8217;<br \/>\nocchio, facendo crescere e calare secondo gli effetti degli occhi.<br \/>\nQuesto crescere e calare non procede della cosa propria, che in se<br \/>\nper esser lontana, ovvero vicina, per quello effetto non pu\u00c3\u00b2<br \/>\ncrescere e sminuire, ma procede dagli effetti degli occhi, i quali<br \/>\nsono piccioli, e perci\u00c3\u00b2 volendo vedere tanto gran cosa_, bisogna che<br \/>\nmandino fuora la virt\u00c3\u00b9 visiva, <em>la quale si dilata in tanta<br \/>\nlarghezza, che piglia tutto quello che vuoi vedere, ed<\/em> arrivando a<br \/>\nquella cosa la vede dove \u00c3\u00a8: <em>e da lei agli occhi per quello circuito<br \/>\nfino all&#8217; occhio, e tutto quello termine \u00c3\u00a8 pieno di quella cosa<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>It is worthy of note that Leonardo had made his memorandum refuting<br \/>\nthis view, at Milan in 1492]<\/p>\n<p>69.<\/p>\n<p>A parallel case.<\/p>\n<p>Just as a stone flung into the water becomes the centre and cause of<br \/>\nmany circles, and as sound diffuses itself in circles in the air: so<br \/>\nany object, placed in the luminous atmosphere, diffuses itself in<br \/>\ncircles, and fills the surrounding air with infinite images of<br \/>\nitself. And is repeated, the whole every-where, and the whole in<br \/>\nevery smallest part. This can be proved by experiment, since if you<br \/>\nshut a window that faces west and make a hole [Footnote: 6. Here the<br \/>\ntext breaks off.] . .<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare LIBRI, <em>Histoire des sciences math\u00c3\u00a9matiques en<br \/>\nItalie<\/em>. Tome III, p. 43.]<\/p>\n<p>The function of the eye as explained by the camera obscura (70. 71).<\/p>\n<p>70.<\/p>\n<p>If the object in front of the eye sends its image to the eye, the<br \/>\neye, on the other hand, sends its image to the object, and no<br \/>\nportion whatever of the object is lost in the images it throws off,<br \/>\nfor any reason either in the eye or the object. Therefore we may<br \/>\nrather believe it to be the nature and potency of our luminous<br \/>\natmosphere which absorbs the images of the objects existing in it,<br \/>\nthan the nature of the objects, to send their images through the<br \/>\nair. If the object opposite to the eye were to send its image to the<br \/>\neye, the eye would have to do the same to the object, whence it<br \/>\nmight seem that these images were an emanation. But, if so, it would<br \/>\nbe necessary [to admit] that every object became rapidly smaller;<br \/>\nbecause each object appears by its images in the surrounding<br \/>\natmosphere. That is: the whole object in the whole atmosphere, and<br \/>\nin each part; and all the objects in the whole atmosphere and all of<br \/>\nthem in each part; speaking of that atmosphere which is able to<br \/>\ncontain in itself the straight and radiating lines of the images<br \/>\nprojected by the objects. From this it seems necessary to admit that<br \/>\nit is in the nature of the atmosphere, which subsists between the<br \/>\nobjects, and which attracts the images of things to itself like a<br \/>\nloadstone, being placed between them.<\/p>\n<p>PROVE HOW ALL OBJECTS, PLACED IN ONE POSITION, ARE ALL EVERYWHERE<br \/>\nAND ALL IN EACH PART.<\/p>\n<p>I say that if the front of a building&#8211;or any open piazza or<br \/>\nfield&#8211;which is illuminated by the sun has a dwelling opposite to<br \/>\nit, and if, in the front which does not face the sun, you make a<br \/>\nsmall round hole, all the illuminated objects will project their<br \/>\nimages through that hole and be visible inside the dwelling on the<br \/>\nopposite wall which may be made white; and there, in fact, they will<br \/>\nbe upside down, and if you make similar openings in several places<br \/>\nin the same wall you will have the same result from each. Hence the<br \/>\nimages of the illuminated objects are all everywhere on this wall<br \/>\nand all in each minutest part of it. The reason, as we clearly know,<br \/>\nis that this hole must admit some light to the said dwelling, and<br \/>\nthe light admitted by it is derived from one or many luminous<br \/>\nbodies. If these bodies are of various colours and shapes the rays<br \/>\nforming the images are of various colours and shapes, and so will<br \/>\nthe representations be on the wall.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 70. 15&#8211;23. This section has already been published in the<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Saggio delle Opere di Leonardo da Vinci<\/em>&#8221; Milan 1872, pp. 13, 14.<br \/>\nG. Govi observes upon it, that Leonardo is not to be regarded as the<br \/>\ninventor of the Camera obscura, but that he was the first to explain<br \/>\nby it the structure of the eye. An account of the Camera obscura<br \/>\nfirst occurs in CESARE CESARINI&#8217;s Italian version of Vitruvius, pub.<br \/>\n1523, four years after Leonardo&#8217;s death. Cesarini expressly names<br \/>\nBenedettino Don Papnutio as the inventor of the Camera obscura. In<br \/>\nhis explanation of the function of the eye by a comparison with the<br \/>\nCamera obscura Leonardo was the precursor of G. CARDANO, Professor<br \/>\nof Medicine at Bologna (died 1576) and it appears highly probable<br \/>\nthat this is, in fact, the very discovery which Leonardo ascribes to<br \/>\nhimself in section 21 without giving any further details.]<\/p>\n<p>71.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THE IMAGES OF OBJECTS RECEIVED BY THE EYE INTERSECT WITHIN THE<br \/>\nCRYSTALLINE HUMOUR OF THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>An experiment, showing how objects transmit their images or<br \/>\npictures, intersecting within the eye in the crystalline humour, is<br \/>\nseen when by some small round hole penetrate the images of<br \/>\nilluminated objects into a very dark chamber. Then, receive these<br \/>\nimages on a white paper placed within this dark room and rather near<br \/>\nto the hole and you will see all the objects on the paper in their<br \/>\nproper forms and colours, but much smaller; and they will be upside<br \/>\ndown by reason of that very intersection. These images being<br \/>\ntransmitted from a place illuminated by the sun will seem actually<br \/>\npainted on this paper which must be extremely thin and looked at<br \/>\nfrom behind. And let the little perforation be made in a very thin<br \/>\nplate of iron. Let <em>a b e d e<\/em> be the object illuminated by the sun<br \/>\nand <em>o r<\/em> the front of the dark chamber in which is the said hole at<br \/>\n<em>n m<\/em>. Let <em>s t<\/em> be the sheet of paper intercepting the rays of the<br \/>\nimages of these objects upside down, because the rays being<br \/>\nstraight, <em>a<\/em> on the right hand becomes <em>k<\/em> on the left, and <em>e<\/em> on<br \/>\nthe left becomes <em>f<\/em> on the right; and the same takes place inside<br \/>\nthe pupil.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This chapter is already known through a translation into<br \/>\nFrench by VENTURI. Compare his &#8216;<em>Essai sur les ouvrages<br \/>\nphysico-math\u00c3\u00a9matiques de L. da Vinci avec des fragments tir\u00c3\u00a9s de ses<br \/>\nManuscrits, apport\u00c3\u00a9s de l&#8217;Italie. Lu a la premiere classe de<br \/>\nl&#8217;Institut national des Sciences et Arts.&#8217; Paris, An V<\/em> (1797).]<\/p>\n<p>The practice of perspective (72. 73).<\/p>\n<p>72.<\/p>\n<p>In the practice of perspective the same rules apply to light and to<br \/>\nthe eye.<\/p>\n<p>73.<\/p>\n<p>The object which is opposite to the pupil of the eye is seen by that<br \/>\npupil and that which is opposite to the eye is seen by the pupil.<\/p>\n<p>Refraction of the rays falling upon the eye (74. 75)<\/p>\n<p>74.<\/p>\n<p>The lines sent forth by the image of an object to the eye do not<br \/>\nreach the point within the eye in straight lines.<\/p>\n<p>75.<\/p>\n<p>If the judgment of the eye is situated within it, the straight lines<br \/>\nof the images are refracted on its surface because they pass through<br \/>\nthe rarer to the denser medium. If, when you are under water, you<br \/>\nlook at objects in the air you will see them out of their true<br \/>\nplace; and the same with objects under water seen from the air.<\/p>\n<p>The intersection of the rays (76-82).<\/p>\n<p>76.<\/p>\n<p>The inversion of the images.<\/p>\n<p>All the images of objects which pass through a window [glass pane]<br \/>\nfrom the free outer air to the air confined within walls, are seen<br \/>\non the opposite side; and an object which moves in the outer air<br \/>\nfrom east to west will seem in its shadow, on the wall which is<br \/>\nlighted by this confined air, to have an opposite motion.<\/p>\n<p>77.<\/p>\n<p>THE PRINCIPLE ON WHICH THE IMAGES OF BODIES PASS IN BETWEEN THE<br \/>\nMARGINS OF THE OPENINGS BY WHICH THEY ENTER.<\/p>\n<p>What difference is there in the way in which images pass through<br \/>\nnarrow openings and through large openings, or in those which pass<br \/>\nby the sides of shaded bodies? By moving the edges of the opening<br \/>\nthrough which the images are admitted, the images of immovable<br \/>\nobjects are made to move. And this happens, as is shown in the 9th<br \/>\nwhich demonstrates: [Footnote 11: <em>per la 9a che dicie<\/em>. When<br \/>\nLeonardo refers thus to a number it serves to indicate marginal<br \/>\ndiagrams; this can in some instances be distinctly proved. The ninth<br \/>\nsketch on the page W. L. 145 b corresponds to the middle sketch of<br \/>\nthe three reproduced.] the images of any object are all everywhere,<br \/>\nand all in each part of the surrounding air. It follows that if one<br \/>\nof the edges of the hole by which the images are admitted to a dark<br \/>\nchamber is moved it cuts off those rays of the image that were in<br \/>\ncontact with it and gets nearer to other rays which previously were<br \/>\nremote from it &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOVEMENT OF THE EDGE AT THE RIGHT OR LEFT, OR THE UPPER, OR<br \/>\nLOWER EDGE.<\/p>\n<p>If you move the right side of the opening the image on the left will<br \/>\nmove [being that] of the object which entered on the right side of<br \/>\nthe opening; and the same result will happen with all the other<br \/>\nsides of the opening. This can be proved by the 2nd of this which<br \/>\nshows: all the rays which convey the images of objects through the<br \/>\nair are straight lines. Hence, if the images of very large bodies<br \/>\nhave to pass through very small holes, and beyond these holes<br \/>\nrecover their large size, the lines must necessarily intersect.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 77. 2. In the first of the three diagrams Leonardo had<br \/>\ndrawn only one of the two margins, et <em>m<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>78.<\/p>\n<p>Necessity has provided that all the images of objects in front of<br \/>\nthe eye shall intersect in two places. One of these intersections is<br \/>\nin the pupil, the other in the crystalline lens; and if this were<br \/>\nnot the case the eye could not see so great a number of objects as<br \/>\nit does. This can be proved, since all the lines which intersect do<br \/>\nso in a point. Because nothing is seen of objects excepting their<br \/>\nsurface; and their edges are lines, in contradistinction to the<br \/>\ndefinition of a surface. And each minute part of a line is equal to<br \/>\na point; for <em>smallest<\/em> is said of that than which nothing can be<br \/>\nsmaller, and this definition is equivalent to the definition of the<br \/>\npoint. Hence it is possible for the whole circumference of a circle<br \/>\nto transmit its image to the point of intersection, as is shown in<br \/>\nthe 4th of this which shows: all the smallest parts of the images<br \/>\ncross each other without interfering with each other. These<br \/>\ndemonstrations are to illustrate the eye. No image, even of the<br \/>\nsmallest object, enters the eye without being turned upside down;<br \/>\nbut as it penetrates into the crystalline lens it is once more<br \/>\nreversed and thus the image is restored to the same position within<br \/>\nthe eye as that of the object outside the eye.<\/p>\n<p>79.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE CENTRAL LINE OF THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>Only one line of the image, of all those that reach the visual<br \/>\nvirtue, has no intersection; and this has no sensible dimensions<br \/>\nbecause it is a mathematical line which originates from a<br \/>\nmathematical point, which has no dimensions.<\/p>\n<p>According to my adversary, necessity requires that the central line<br \/>\nof every image that enters by small and narrow openings into a dark<br \/>\nchamber shall be turned upside down, together with the images of the<br \/>\nbodies that surround it.<\/p>\n<p>80.<\/p>\n<p>AS TO WHETHER THE CENTRAL LINE OF THE IMAGE CAN BE INTERSECTED, OR<br \/>\nNOT, WITHIN THE OPENING.<\/p>\n<p>It is impossible that the line should intersect itself; that is,<br \/>\nthat its right should cross over to its left side, and so, its left<br \/>\nside become its right side. Because such an intersection demands two<br \/>\nlines, one from each side; for there can be no motion from right to<br \/>\nleft or from left to right in itself without such extension and<br \/>\nthickness as admit of such motion. And if there is extension it is<br \/>\nno longer a line but a surface, and we are investigating the<br \/>\nproperties of a line, and not of a surface. And as the line, having<br \/>\nno centre of thickness cannot be divided, we must conclude that the<br \/>\nline can have no sides to intersect each other. This is proved by<br \/>\nthe movement of the line <em>a f<\/em> to <em>a b<\/em> and of the line <em>e b<\/em> to <em>e<br \/>\nf<\/em>, which are the sides of the surface <em>a f e b<\/em>. But if you move<br \/>\nthe line <em>a b<\/em> and the line <em>e f<\/em>, with the frontends <em>a e<\/em>, to the<br \/>\nspot <em>c<\/em>, you will have moved the opposite ends <em>f b<\/em> towards each<br \/>\nother at the point <em>d<\/em>. And from the two lines you will have drawn<br \/>\nthe straight line <em>c d<\/em> which cuts the middle of the intersection of<br \/>\nthese two lines at the point <em>n<\/em> without any intersection. For, you<br \/>\nimagine these two lines as having breadth, it is evident that by<br \/>\nthis motion the first will entirely cover the other&#8211;being equal<br \/>\nwith it&#8211;without any intersection, in the position <em>c d<\/em>. And this<br \/>\nis sufficient to prove our proposition.<\/p>\n<p>81.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THE INNUMERABLE RAYS FROM INNUMERABLE IMAGES CAN CONVERGE TO A<br \/>\nPOINT.<\/p>\n<p>Just as all lines can meet at a point without interfering with each<br \/>\nother&#8211;being without breadth or thickness&#8211;in the same way all the<br \/>\nimages of surfaces can meet there; and as each given point faces the<br \/>\nobject opposite to it and each object faces an opposite point, the<br \/>\nconverging rays of the image can pass through the point and diverge<br \/>\nagain beyond it to reproduce and re-magnify the real size of that<br \/>\nimage. But their impressions will appear reversed&#8211;as is shown in<br \/>\nthe first, above; where it is said that every image intersects as it<br \/>\nenters the narrow openings made in a very thin substance.<\/p>\n<p>Read the marginal text on the other side.<\/p>\n<p>In proportion as the opening is smaller than the shaded body, so<br \/>\nmuch less will the images transmitted through this opening intersect<br \/>\neach other. The sides of images which pass through openings into a<br \/>\ndark room intersect at a point which is nearer to the opening in<br \/>\nproportion as the opening is narrower. To prove this let <em>a b<\/em> be an<br \/>\nobject in light and shade which sends not its shadow but the image<br \/>\nof its darkened form through the opening <em>d e<\/em> which is as wide as<br \/>\nthis shaded body; and its sides <em>a b<\/em>, being straight lines (as has<br \/>\nbeen proved) must intersect between the shaded object and the<br \/>\nopening; but nearer to the opening in proportion as it is smaller<br \/>\nthan the object in shade. As is shown, on your right hand and your<br \/>\nleft hand, in the two diagrams <em>a<\/em> <em>b<\/em> <em>c<\/em> <em>n<\/em> <em>m<\/em> <em>o<\/em> where, the<br \/>\nright opening <em>d<\/em> <em>e<\/em>, being equal in width to the shaded object <em>a<\/em><br \/>\n<em>b<\/em>, the intersection of the sides of the said shaded object occurs<br \/>\nhalf way between the opening and the shaded object at the point <em>c<\/em>.<br \/>\nBut this cannot happen in the left hand figure, the opening <em>o<\/em><br \/>\nbeing much smaller than the shaded object <em>n<\/em> <em>m<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>It is impossible that the images of objects should be seen between<br \/>\nthe objects and the openings through which the images of these<br \/>\nbodies are admitted; and this is plain, because where the atmosphere<br \/>\nis illuminated these images are not formed visibly.<\/p>\n<p>When the images are made double by mutually crossing each other they<br \/>\nare invariably doubly as dark in tone. To prove this let <em>d<\/em> <em>e<\/em> <em>h<\/em><br \/>\nbe such a doubling which although it is only seen within the space<br \/>\nbetween the bodies in <em>b<\/em> and <em>i<\/em> this will not hinder its being<br \/>\nseen from <em>f<\/em> <em>g<\/em> or from <em>f<\/em> <em>m<\/em>; being composed of the images <em>a<\/em><br \/>\n<em>b<\/em> <em>i<\/em> <em>k<\/em> which run together in <em>d<\/em> <em>e<\/em> <em>h<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 81. On the original diagram at the beginning of this<br \/>\nchapter Leonardo has written &#8220;<em>azurro<\/em>&#8221; (blue) where in the<br \/>\nfacsimile I have marked <em>A<\/em>, and &#8220;<em>giallo<\/em>&#8221; (yellow) where <em>B<\/em><br \/>\nstands.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 15&#8211;23. These lines stand between the diagrams I and III.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 24&#8211;53. These lines stand between the diagrams I and II.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 54&#8211;97 are written along the left side of diagram I.]<\/p>\n<p>82.<\/p>\n<p>An experiment showing that though the pupil may not be moved from<br \/>\nits position the objects seen by it may appear to move from their<br \/>\nplaces.<\/p>\n<p>If you look at an object at some distance from you and which is<br \/>\nbelow the eye, and fix both your eyes upon it and with one hand<br \/>\nfirmly hold the upper lid open while with the other you push up the<br \/>\nunder lid&#8211;still keeping your eyes fixed on the object gazed at&#8211;you<br \/>\nwill see that object double; one [image] remaining steady, and the<br \/>\nother moving in a contrary direction to the pressure of your finger<br \/>\non the lower eyelid. How false the opinion is of those who say that<br \/>\nthis happens because the pupil of the eye is displaced from its<br \/>\nposition.<\/p>\n<p>How the above mentioned facts prove that the pupil acts upside down<br \/>\nin seeing.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 82. 14&#8211;17. The subject indicated by these two headings is<br \/>\nfully discussed in the two chapters that follow them in the<br \/>\noriginal; but it did not seem to me appropriate to include them<br \/>\nhere.]<\/p>\n<p>Demostration of perspective by means of a vertical glass plane<br \/>\n(83-85).<\/p>\n<p>83.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE PLANE OF GLASS.<\/p>\n<p>Perspective is nothing else than seeing place [or objects] behind a<br \/>\nplane of glass, quite transparent, on the surface of which the<br \/>\nobjects behind that glass are to be drawn. These can be traced in<br \/>\npyramids to the point in the eye, and these pyramids are intersected<br \/>\non the glass plane.<\/p>\n<p>84.<\/p>\n<p>Pictorial perspective can never make an object at the same distance,<br \/>\nlook of the same size as it appears to the eye. You see that the<br \/>\napex of the pyramid <em>f c d<\/em> is as far from the object <em>c<\/em> <em>d<\/em> as the<br \/>\nsame point <em>f<\/em> is from the object <em>a<\/em> <em>b<\/em>; and yet <em>c<\/em> <em>d<\/em>, which is<br \/>\nthe base made by the painter&#8217;s point, is smaller than <em>a<\/em> <em>b<\/em> which<br \/>\nis the base of the lines from the objects converging in the eye and<br \/>\nrefracted at <em>s<\/em> <em>t<\/em>, the surface of the eye. This may be proved by<br \/>\nexperiment, by the lines of vision and then by the lines of the<br \/>\npainter&#8217;s plumbline by cutting the real lines of vision on one and<br \/>\nthe same plane and measuring on it one and the same object.<\/p>\n<p>85.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The vertical plane is a perpendicular line, imagined as in front of<br \/>\nthe central point where the apex of the pyramids converge. And this<br \/>\nplane bears the same relation to this point as a plane of glass<br \/>\nwould, through which you might see the various objects and draw them<br \/>\non it. And the objects thus drawn would be smaller than the<br \/>\noriginals, in proportion as the distance between the glass and the<br \/>\neye was smaller than that between the glass and the objects.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The different converging pyramids produced by the objects, will<br \/>\nshow, on the plane, the various sizes and remoteness of the objects<br \/>\ncausing them.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>All those horizontal planes of which the extremes are met by<br \/>\nperpendicular lines forming right angles, if they are of equal width<br \/>\nthe more they rise to the level of eye the less this is seen, and<br \/>\nthe more the eye is above them the more will their real width be<br \/>\nseen.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The farther a spherical body is from the eye the more you will see<br \/>\nof it.<\/p>\n<p>The angle of sight varies with the distance (86-88)<\/p>\n<p>86.<\/p>\n<p>A simple and natural method; showing how objects appear to the eye<br \/>\nwithout any other medium.<\/p>\n<p>The object that is nearest to the eye always seems larger than<br \/>\nanother of the same size at greater distance. The eye <em>m<\/em>, seeing<br \/>\nthe spaces <em>o v x<\/em>, hardly detects the difference between them, and<br \/>\nthe. reason of this is that it is close to them [Footnote 6: It is<br \/>\nquite inconceivable to me why M. RAVAISSON, in a note to his French<br \/>\ntranslation of this simple passage should have remarked: <em>Il est<br \/>\nclair que c&#8217;est par erreur que Leonard a \u00c3\u00a8crit<\/em> per esser visino <em>au<br \/>\nlieu de<\/em> per non esser visino. (See his printed ed. of MS. A. p.<br \/>\n38.)]; but if these spaces are marked on the vertical plane <em>n o<\/em><br \/>\nthe space <em>o v<\/em> will be seen at <em>o r<\/em>, and in the same way the space<br \/>\n<em>v x<\/em> will appear at <em>r q<\/em>. And if you carry this out in any place<br \/>\nwhere you can walk round, it will look out of proportion by reason<br \/>\nof the great difference in the spaces <em>o r<\/em> and <em>r q<\/em>. And this<br \/>\nproceeds from the eye being so much below [near] the plane that the<br \/>\nplane is foreshortened. Hence, if you wanted to carry it out, you<br \/>\nwould have [to arrange] to see the perspective through a single hole<br \/>\nwhich must be at the point <em>m<\/em>, or else you must go to a distance of<br \/>\nat least 3 times the height of the object you see. The plane <em>o p<\/em><br \/>\nbeing always equally remote from the eye will reproduce the objects<br \/>\nin a satisfactory way, so that they may be seen from place to place.<\/p>\n<p>87.<\/p>\n<p>How every large mass sends forth its images, which may diminish<br \/>\nthrough infinity.<\/p>\n<p>The images of any large mass being infinitely divisible may be<br \/>\ninfinitely diminished.<\/p>\n<p>88.<\/p>\n<p>Objects of equal size, situated in various places, will be seen by<br \/>\ndifferent pyramids which will each be smaller in proportion as the<br \/>\nobject is farther off.<\/p>\n<p>89.<\/p>\n<p>Perspective, in dealing with distances, makes use of two opposite<br \/>\npyramids, one of which has its apex in the eye and the base as<br \/>\ndistant as the horizon. The other has the base towards the eye and<br \/>\nthe apex on the horizon. Now, the first includes the [visible]<br \/>\nuniverse, embracing all the mass of the objects that lie in front of<br \/>\nthe eye; as it might be a vast landscape seen through a very small<br \/>\nopening; for the more remote the objects are from the eye, the<br \/>\ngreater number can be seen through the opening, and thus the pyramid<br \/>\nis constructed with the base on the horizon and the apex in the eye,<br \/>\nas has been said. The second pyramid is extended to a spot which is<br \/>\nsmaller in proportion as it is farther from the eye; and this second<br \/>\nperspective [= pyramid] results from the first.<\/p>\n<p>90.<\/p>\n<p>SIMPLE PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Simple perspective is that which is constructed by art on a vertical<br \/>\nplane which is equally distant from the eye in every part. Complex<br \/>\nperspective is that which is constructed on a ground-plan in which<br \/>\nnone of the parts are equally distant from the eye.<\/p>\n<p>91.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>No surface can be seen exactly as it is, if the eye that sees it is<br \/>\nnot equally remote from all its edges.<\/p>\n<p>92.<\/p>\n<p>WHY WHEN AN OBJECT IS PLACED CLOSE TO THE EYE ITS EDGES ARE<br \/>\nINDISTINCT.<\/p>\n<p>When an object opposite the eye is brought too close to it, its<br \/>\nedges must become too confused to be distinguished; as it happens<br \/>\nwith objects close to a light, which cast a large and indistinct<br \/>\nshadow, so is it with an eye which estimates objects opposite to it;<br \/>\nin all cases of linear perspective, the eye acts in the same way as<br \/>\nthe light. And the reason is that the eye has one leading line (of<br \/>\nvision) which dilates with distance and embraces with true<br \/>\ndiscernment large objects at a distance as well as small ones that<br \/>\nare close. But since the eye sends out a multitude of lines which<br \/>\nsurround this chief central one and since these which are farthest<br \/>\nfrom the centre in this cone of lines are less able to discern with<br \/>\naccuracy, it follows that an object brought close to the eye is not<br \/>\nat a due distance, but is too near for the central line to be able<br \/>\nto discern the outlines of the object. So the edges fall within the<br \/>\nlines of weaker discerning power, and these are to the function of<br \/>\nthe eye like dogs in the chase which can put up the game but cannot<br \/>\ntake it. Thus these cannot take in the objects, but induce the<br \/>\ncentral line of sight to turn upon them, when they have put them up.<br \/>\nHence the objects which are seen with these lines of sight have<br \/>\nconfused outlines.<\/p>\n<p>The relative size of objects with regard to their distance from the<br \/>\neye (93-98).<\/p>\n<p>93.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Small objects close at hand and large ones at a distance, being seen<br \/>\nwithin equal angles, will appear of the same size.<\/p>\n<p>94.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>There is no object so large but that at a great distance from the<br \/>\neye it does not appear smaller than a smaller object near.<\/p>\n<p>95.<\/p>\n<p>Among objects of equal size that which is most remote from the eye<br \/>\nwill look the smallest. [Footnote: This axiom, sufficiently clear in<br \/>\nitself, is in the original illustrated by a very large diagram,<br \/>\nconstructed like that here reproduced under No. 108.<\/p>\n<p>The same idea is repeated in C. A. I a; I a, stated as follows:<br \/>\n<em>Infra le cose d&#8217;equal grandeza quella si dimostra di minor figura<br \/>\nche sara pi\u00c3\u00b9 distante dall&#8217; ochio<\/em>.&#8211;]<\/p>\n<p>96.<\/p>\n<p>Why an object is less distinct when brought near to the eye, and why<br \/>\nwith spectacles, or without the naked eye sees badly either close or<br \/>\nfar off [as the case may be].<\/p>\n<p>97.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Among objects of equal size, that which is most remote from the eye<br \/>\nwill look the smallest.<\/p>\n<p>98.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>No second object can be so much lower than the first as that the eye<br \/>\nwill not see it higher than the first, if the eye is above the<br \/>\nsecond.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>And this second object will never be so much higher than the first<br \/>\nas that the eye, being below them, will not see the second as lower<br \/>\nthan the first.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>If the eye sees a second square through the centre of a smaller one,<br \/>\nthat is nearer, the second, larger square will appear to be<br \/>\nsurrounded by the smaller one.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE&#8211;PROPOSITION.<\/p>\n<p>Objects that are farther off can never be so large but that those in<br \/>\nfront, though smaller, will conceal or surround them.<\/p>\n<p>DEFINITION.<\/p>\n<p>This proposition can be proved by experiment. For if you look<br \/>\nthrough a small hole there is nothing so large that it cannot be<br \/>\nseen through it and the object so seen appears surrounded and<br \/>\nenclosed by the outline of the sides of the hole. And if you stop it<br \/>\nup, this small stopping will conceal the view of the largest object.<\/p>\n<p>The apparent size of objects defined by calculation (99-105)<\/p>\n<p>99.<\/p>\n<p>OF LINEAR PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Linear Perspective deals with the action of the lines of sight, in<br \/>\nproving by measurement how much smaller is a second object than the<br \/>\nfirst, and how much the third is smaller than the second; and so on<br \/>\nby degrees to the end of things visible. I find by experience that<br \/>\nif a second object is as far beyond the first as the first is from<br \/>\nthe eye, although they are of the same size, the second will seem<br \/>\nhalf the size of the first and if the third object is of the same<br \/>\nsize as the 2nd, and the 3rd is as far beyond the second as the 2nd<br \/>\nfrom the first, it will appear of half the size of the second; and<br \/>\nso on by degrees, at equal distances, the next farthest will be half<br \/>\nthe size of the former object. So long as the space does not exceed<br \/>\nthe length of 20 braccia. But, beyond 20 braccia figures of equal<br \/>\nsize will lose 2\/4 and at 40 braccia they will lose 9\/10, and 19\/20<br \/>\nat 60 braccia, and so on diminishing by degrees. This is if the<br \/>\npicture plane is distant from you twice your own height. If it is<br \/>\nonly as far off as your own height, there will be a great difference<br \/>\nbetween the first braccia and the second.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This chapter is included in DUFRESNE&#8217;S and MANZI&#8217;S<br \/>\neditions of the Treatise on Painting. H. LUDWIG, in his commentary,<br \/>\ncalls this chapter &#8220;<em>eines der wichtigsten im ganzen Tractat<\/em>&#8220;, but<br \/>\nat the same time he asserts that its substance has been so<br \/>\ncompletely disfigured in the best MS. copies that we ought not to<br \/>\nregard Leonardo as responsible for it. However, in the case of this<br \/>\nchapter, the old MS. copies agree with the original as it is<br \/>\nreproduced above. From the chapters given later in this edition,<br \/>\nwhich were written at a subsequent date, it would appear that<br \/>\nLeonardo corrected himself on these points.]<\/p>\n<p>100.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DIMINUTION OF OBJECTS AT VARIOUS DISTANCES.<\/p>\n<p>A second object as far distant from the first as the first is from<br \/>\nthe eye will appear half the size of the first, though they be of<br \/>\nthe same size really.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DEGREES OF DIMINUTION.<\/p>\n<p>If you place the vertical plane at one braccio from the eye, the<br \/>\nfirst object, being at a distance of 4 braccia from your eye will<br \/>\ndiminish to 3\/4 of its height at that plane; and if it is 8 braccia<br \/>\nfrom the eye, to 7\/8; and if it is 16 braccia off, it will diminish<br \/>\nto 15\/16 of its height and so on by degrees, as the space doubles<br \/>\nthe diminution will double.<\/p>\n<p>101.<\/p>\n<p>Begin from the line <em>m f<\/em> with the eye below; then go up and do the<br \/>\nsame with the line <em>n f<\/em>, then with the eye above and close to the 2<br \/>\ngauges on the ground look at <em>m n<\/em>; then as <em>c m<\/em> is to <em>m n<\/em> so<br \/>\nwill <em>n m<\/em> be to <em>n s<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>If <em>a n<\/em> goes 3 times into <em>f b, m p<\/em> will do the same into <em>p g<\/em>.<br \/>\nThen go backwards so far as that <em>c d<\/em> goes twice into <em>a n<\/em> and <em>p<br \/>\ng<\/em> will be equal to <em>g h<\/em>. And <em>m p<\/em> will go into <em>h p<\/em> as often as<br \/>\n<em>d c<\/em> into <em>o p<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The first three lines are unfortunately very obscure.]<\/p>\n<p>102.<\/p>\n<p>I GIVE THE DEGREES OF THE OBJECTS SEEN BY THE EYE AS THE MUSICIAN<br \/>\nDOES THE NOTES HEARD BY THE EAR.<\/p>\n<p>Although the objects seen by the eye do, in fact, touch each other<br \/>\nas they recede, I will nevertheless found my rule on spaces of 20<br \/>\nbraccia each; as a musician does with notes, which, though they can<br \/>\nbe carried on one into the next, he divides into degrees from note<br \/>\nto note calling them 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th; and has affixed a name<br \/>\nto each degree in raising or lowering the voice.<\/p>\n<p>103.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>f<\/em> be the level and distance of the eye; and <em>a<\/em> the vertical<br \/>\nplane, as high as a man; let <em>e<\/em> be a man, then I say that on the<br \/>\nplane this will be the distance from the plane to the 2nd man.<\/p>\n<p>104.<\/p>\n<p>The differences in the diminution of objects of equal size in<br \/>\nconsequence of their various remoteness from the eye will bear among<br \/>\nthemselves the same proportions as those of the spaces between the<br \/>\neye and the different objects.<\/p>\n<p>Find out how much a man diminishes at a certain distance and what<br \/>\nits length is; and then at twice that distance and at 3 times, and<br \/>\nso make your general rule.<\/p>\n<p>105.<\/p>\n<p>The eye cannot judge where an object high up ought to descend.<\/p>\n<p>106.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>If two similar and equal objects are placed one beyond the other at<br \/>\na given distance the difference in their size will appear greater in<br \/>\nproportion as they are nearer to the eye that sees them. And<br \/>\nconversely there will seem to be less difference in their size in<br \/>\nproportion as they are remote from the eve.<\/p>\n<p>This is proved by the proportions of their distances among<br \/>\nthemselves; for, if the first of these two objects were as far from<br \/>\nthe eye, as the 2nd from the first this would be called the second<br \/>\nproportion: since, if the first is at 1 braccia from the eye and the<br \/>\n2nd at two braccia, two being twice as much as one, the first object<br \/>\nwill look twice as large as the second. But if you place the first<br \/>\nat a hundred braccia from you and the second at a hundred and one,<br \/>\nyou will find that the first is only so much larger than the second<br \/>\nas 100 is less than 101; and the converse is equally true. And<br \/>\nagain, the same thing is proved by the 4th of this book which shows<br \/>\nthat among objects that are equal, there is the same proportion in<br \/>\nthe diminution of the size as in the increase in the distance from<br \/>\nthe eye of the spectator.<\/p>\n<p>On natural perspective (107&#8211;109).<\/p>\n<p>107.<\/p>\n<p>OF EQUAL OBJECTS THE MOST REMOTE LOOK THE SMALLEST.<\/p>\n<p>The practice of perspective may be divided into &#8230; parts [Footnote<br \/>\n4: <em>in<\/em> &#8230; <em>parte<\/em>. The space for the number is left blank in the<br \/>\noriginal.], of which the first treats of objects seen by the eye at<br \/>\nany distance; and it shows all these objects just as the eye sees<br \/>\nthem diminished, without obliging a man to stand in one place rather<br \/>\nthan another so long as the plane does not produce a second<br \/>\nforeshortening.<\/p>\n<p>But the second practice is a combination of perspective derived<br \/>\npartly from art and partly from nature and the work done by its<br \/>\nrules is in every portion of it, influenced by natural perspective<br \/>\nand artificial perspective. By natural perspective I mean that the<br \/>\nplane on which this perspective is represented is a flat surface,<br \/>\nand this plane, although it is parallel both in length and height,<br \/>\nis forced to diminish in its remoter parts more than in its nearer<br \/>\nones. And this is proved by the first of what has been said above,<br \/>\nand its diminution is natural. But artificial perspective, that is<br \/>\nthat which is devised by art, does the contrary; for objects equal<br \/>\nin size increase on the plane where it is foreshortened in<br \/>\nproportion as the eye is more natural and nearer to the plane, and<br \/>\nas the part of the plane on which it is figured is farther from the<br \/>\neye.<\/p>\n<p>And let this plane be <em>d e<\/em> on which are seen 3 equal circles which<br \/>\nare beyond this plane <em>d e<\/em>, that is the circles <em>a b c<\/em>. Now you<br \/>\nsee that the eye <em>h<\/em> sees on the vertical plane the sections of the<br \/>\nimages, largest of those that are farthest and smallest of the<br \/>\nnearest.<\/p>\n<p>108.<\/p>\n<p>Here follows what is wanting in the margin at the foot on the other<br \/>\nside of this page.<\/p>\n<p>Natural perspective acts in a contrary way; for, at greater<br \/>\ndistances the object seen appears smaller, and at a smaller distance<br \/>\nthe object appears larger. But this said invention requires the<br \/>\nspectator to stand with his eye at a small hole and then, at that<br \/>\nsmall hole, it will be very plain. But since many (men&#8217;s) eyes<br \/>\nendeavour at the same time to see one and the same picture produced<br \/>\nby this artifice only one can see clearly the effect of this<br \/>\nperspective and all the others will see confusion. It is well<br \/>\ntherefore to avoid such complex perspective and hold to simple<br \/>\nperspective which does not regard planes as foreshortened, but as<br \/>\nmuch as possible in their proper form. This simple perspective, in<br \/>\nwhich the plane intersects the pyramids by which the images are<br \/>\nconveyed to the eye at an equal distance from the eye is our<br \/>\nconstant experience, from the curved form of the pupil of the eye on<br \/>\nwhich the pyramids are intersected at an equal distance from the<br \/>\nvisual virtue.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 24: <em>la prima di sopra<\/em> i. e. the first of the three<br \/>\ndiagrams which, in the original MS., are placed in the margin at the<br \/>\nbeginning of this chapter.]<\/p>\n<p>109.<\/p>\n<p>OF A MIXTURE OF NATURAL AND ARTIFICIAL PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>This diagram distinguishes natural from artificial perspective. But<br \/>\nbefore proceeding any farther I will define what is natural and what<br \/>\nis artificial perspective. Natural perspective says that the more<br \/>\nremote of a series of objects of equal size will look the smaller,<br \/>\nand conversely, the nearer will look the larger and the apparent<br \/>\nsize will diminish in proportion to the distance. But in artificial<br \/>\nperspective when objects of unequal size are placed at various<br \/>\ndistances, the smallest is nearer to the eye than the largest and<br \/>\nthe greatest distance looks as though it were the least of all; and<br \/>\nthe cause of this is the plane on which the objects are represented;<br \/>\nand which is at unequal distances from the eye throughout its<br \/>\nlength. And this diminution of the plane is natural, but the<br \/>\nperspective shown upon it is artificial since it nowhere agrees with<br \/>\nthe true diminution of the said plane. Whence it follows, that when<br \/>\nthe eye is somewhat removed from the [station point of the]<br \/>\nperspective that it has been gazing at, all the objects represented<br \/>\nlook monstrous, and this does not occur in natural perspective,<br \/>\nwhich has been defined above. Let us say then, that the square <em>a b<br \/>\nc d<\/em> figured above is foreshortened being seen by the eye situated<br \/>\nin the centre of the side which is in front. But a mixture of<br \/>\nartificial and natural perspective will be seen in this tetragon<br \/>\ncalled <em>el main<\/em> [Footnote 20: <em>el main<\/em> is quite legibly written in<br \/>\nthe original; the meaning and derivation of the word are equally<br \/>\ndoubtful.], that is to say <em>e f g h<\/em> which must appear to the eye of<br \/>\nthe spectator to be equal to <em>a b c d<\/em> so long as the eye remains in<br \/>\nits first position between <em>c<\/em> and <em>d<\/em>. And this will be seen to<br \/>\nhave a good effect, because the natural perspective of the plane<br \/>\nwill conceal the defects which would [otherwise] seem monstrous.<\/p>\n<p><em>III.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Six books on Light and Shade.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Linear Perspective cannot be immediately followed by either the<\/em><br \/>\n&#8220;prospettiva de&#8217; perdimenti&#8221; <em>or the<\/em> &#8220;prospettiva de&#8217; colori&#8221; <em>or<br \/>\nthe aerial perspective; since these branches of the subject<br \/>\npresuppose a knowledge of the principles of Light and Shade. No<br \/>\napology, therefore, is here needed for placing these immediately<br \/>\nafter Linear Perspective.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>We have various plans suggested by Leonardo for the arrangement of<br \/>\nthe mass of materials treating of this subject. Among these I have<br \/>\ngiven the preference to a scheme propounded in No.<\/em> III, <em>because,<br \/>\nin all probability, we have here a final and definite purpose<br \/>\nexpressed. Several authors have expressed it as their opinion that<br \/>\nthe Paris Manuscript<\/em> C <em>is a complete and finished treatise on<br \/>\nLight and Shade. Certainly, the Principles of Light and Shade form<br \/>\nby far the larger portion of this MS. which consists of two separate<br \/>\nparts; still, the materials are far from being finally arranged. It<br \/>\nis also evident that he here investigates the subject from the point<br \/>\nof view of the Physicist rather than from that of the Painter.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The plan of a scheme of arrangement suggested in No.<\/em> III <em>and<br \/>\nadopted by me has been strictly adhered to for the first four Books.<br \/>\nFor the three last, however, few materials have come down to us; and<br \/>\nit must be admitted that these three Books would find a far more<br \/>\nappropriate place in a work on Physics than in a treatise on<br \/>\nPainting. For this reason I have collected in Book V all the<br \/>\nchapters on Reflections, and in Book VI I have put together and<br \/>\narranged all the sections of MS.<\/em> C <em>that belong to the book on<br \/>\nPainting, so far as they relate to Light and Shade, while the<br \/>\nsections of the same MS. which treat of the<\/em> &#8220;Prospettiva de&#8217;<br \/>\nperdimenti&#8221; <em>have, of course, been excluded from the series on Light<br \/>\nand Shade.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>[Footnote III: This text has already been published with some slight<br \/>\nvariations in Dozio&#8217;s pamphlet <em>Degli scritti e disegni di Leonardo<br \/>\nda Vinci<\/em>, Milan 1871, pp. 30&#8211;31. Dozio did not transcribe it from<br \/>\nthe original MS. which seems to have remained unknown to him, but<br \/>\nfrom an old copy (MS. H. 227 in the Ambrosian Library).]<\/p>\n<p>GENERAL INTRODUCTION.<\/p>\n<p>Prolegomena.<\/p>\n<p>110.<\/p>\n<p>You must first explain the theory and then the practice. First you<br \/>\nmust describe the shadows and lights on opaque objects, and then on<br \/>\ntransparent bodies.<\/p>\n<p>Scheme of the books on Light and shade.<\/p>\n<p>111.<\/p>\n<p>INTRODUCTION.<\/p>\n<p>[Having already treated of the nature of shadows and the way in<br \/>\nwhich they are cast [Footnote 2: <em>Avendo io tractato.<\/em>&#8211;We may<br \/>\nsuppose that he here refers to some particular MS., possibly Paris<br \/>\nC.], I will now consider the places on which they fall; and their<br \/>\ncurvature, obliquity, flatness or, in short, any character I may be<br \/>\nable to detect in them.]<\/p>\n<p>Shadow is the obstruction of light. Shadows appear to me to be of<br \/>\nsupreme importance in perspective, because, without them opaque and<br \/>\nsolid bodies will be ill defined; that which is contained within<br \/>\ntheir outlines and their boundaries themselves will be<br \/>\nill-understood unless they are shown against a background of a<br \/>\ndifferent tone from themselves. And therefore in my first<br \/>\nproposition concerning shadow I state that every opaque body is<br \/>\nsurrounded and its whole surface enveloped in shadow and light. And<br \/>\non this proposition I build up the first Book. Besides this, shadows<br \/>\nhave in themselves various degrees of darkness, because they are<br \/>\ncaused by the absence of a variable amount of the luminous rays; and<br \/>\nthese I call Primary shadows because they are the first, and<br \/>\ninseparable from the object to which they belong. And on this I will<br \/>\nfound my second Book. From these primary shadows there result<br \/>\ncertain shaded rays which are diffused through the atmosphere and<br \/>\nthese vary in character according to that of the primary shadows<br \/>\nwhence they are derived. I shall therefore call these shadows<br \/>\nDerived shadows because they are produced by other shadows; and the<br \/>\nthird Book will treat of these. Again these derived shadows, where<br \/>\nthey are intercepted by various objects, produce effects as various<br \/>\nas the places where they are cast and of this I will treat in the<br \/>\nfourth Book. And since all round the derived shadows, where the<br \/>\nderived shadows are intercepted, there is always a space where the<br \/>\nlight falls and by reflected dispersion is thrown back towards its<br \/>\ncause, it meets the original shadow and mingles with it and modifies<br \/>\nit somewhat in its nature; and on this I will compose my fifth Book.<br \/>\nBesides this, in the sixth Book I will investigate the many and<br \/>\nvarious diversities of reflections resulting from these rays which<br \/>\nwill modify the original [shadow] by [imparting] some of the various<br \/>\ncolours from the different objects whence these reflected rays are<br \/>\nderived. Again, the seventh Book will treat of the various distances<br \/>\nthat may exist between the spot where the reflected rays fall and<br \/>\nthat where they originate, and the various shades of colour which<br \/>\nthey will acquire in falling on opaque bodies.<\/p>\n<p>Different principles and plans of treatment (112&#8211;116).<\/p>\n<p>112.<\/p>\n<p>First I will treat of light falling through windows which I will<br \/>\ncall Restricted [Light] and then I will treat of light in the open<br \/>\ncountry, to which I will give the name of diffused Light. Then I<br \/>\nwill treat of the light of luminous bodies.<\/p>\n<p>113.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The conditions of shadow and light [as seen] by the eye are 3. Of<br \/>\nthese the first is when the eye and the light are on the same side<br \/>\nof the object seen; the 2nd is when the eye is in front of the<br \/>\nobject and the light is behind it. The 3rd is when the eye is in<br \/>\nfront of the object and the light is on one side, in such a way as<br \/>\nthat a line drawn from the object to the eye and one from the object<br \/>\nto the light should form a right angle where they meet.<\/p>\n<p>114.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>This is another section: that is, of the nature of a reflection<br \/>\n(from) an object placed between the eye and the light under various<br \/>\naspects.<\/p>\n<p>115.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>As regards all visible objects 3 things must be considered. These<br \/>\nare the position of the eye which sees: that of the object seen<br \/>\n[with regard] to the light, and the position of the light which<br \/>\nilluminates the object, <em>b<\/em> is the eye, <em>a<\/em> the object seen, <em>c<\/em> the<br \/>\nlight, <em>a<\/em> is the eye, <em>b<\/em> the illuminating body, <em>c<\/em> is the<br \/>\nilluminated object.<\/p>\n<p>116.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>a<\/em> be the light, <em>b<\/em> the eye, <em>c<\/em> the object seen by the eye<br \/>\nand in the light. These show, first, the eye between the light and<br \/>\nthe body; the 2nd, the light between the eye and the body; the 3rd<br \/>\nthe body between the eye and the light, <em>a<\/em> is the eye, <em>b<\/em> the<br \/>\nilluminated object, <em>c<\/em> the light.<\/p>\n<p>117.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE THREE KINDS OF LIGHT THAT ILLUMINATE OPAQUE BODIES.<\/p>\n<p>The first kind of Light which may illuminate opaque bodies is called<br \/>\nDirect light&#8211;as that of the sun or any other light from a window or<br \/>\nflame. The second is Diffused [universal] light, such as we see in<br \/>\ncloudy weather or in mist and the like. The 3rd is Subdued light,<br \/>\nthat is when the sun is entirely below the horizon, either in the<br \/>\nevening or morning.<\/p>\n<p>118.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>The lights which may illuminate opaque bodies are of 4 kinds. These<br \/>\nare: diffused light as that of the atmosphere, within our horizon.<br \/>\nAnd Direct, as that of the sun, or of a window or door or other<br \/>\nopening. The third is Reflected light; and there is a 4th which is<br \/>\nthat which passes through [semi] transparent bodies, as linen or<br \/>\npaper or the like, but not transparent like glass, or crystal, or<br \/>\nother diaphanous bodies, which produce the same effect as though<br \/>\nnothing intervened between the shaded object and the light that<br \/>\nfalls upon it; and this we will discuss fully in our discourse.<\/p>\n<p>Definition of the nature of shadows (119&#8211;122).<\/p>\n<p>119.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT LIGHT AND SHADOW ARE.<\/p>\n<p>Shadow is the absence of light, merely the obstruction of the<br \/>\nluminous rays by an opaque body. Shadow is of the nature of<br \/>\ndarkness. Light [on an object] is of the nature of a luminous body;<br \/>\none conceals and the other reveals. They are always associated and<br \/>\ninseparable from all objects. But shadow is a more powerful agent<br \/>\nthan light, for it can impede and entirely deprive bodies of their<br \/>\nlight, while light can never entirely expel shadow from a body, that<br \/>\nis from an opaque body.<\/p>\n<p>120.<\/p>\n<p>Shadow is the diminution of light by the intervention of an opaque<br \/>\nbody. Shadow is the counterpart of the luminous rays which are cut<br \/>\noff by an opaque body.<\/p>\n<p>This is proved because the shadow cast is the same in shape and size<br \/>\nas the luminous rays were which are transformed into a shadow.<\/p>\n<p>121.<\/p>\n<p>Shadow is the diminution alike of light and of darkness, and stands<br \/>\nbetween darkness and light.<\/p>\n<p>A shadow may be infinitely dark, and also of infinite degrees of<br \/>\nabsence of darkness.<\/p>\n<p>The beginnings and ends of shadow lie between the light and darkness<br \/>\nand may be infinitely diminished and infinitely increased. Shadow is<br \/>\nthe means by which bodies display their form.<\/p>\n<p>The forms of bodies could not be understood in detail but for<br \/>\nshadow.<\/p>\n<p>122.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE NATURE OF SHADOW.<\/p>\n<p>Shadow partakes of the nature of universal matter. All such matters<br \/>\nare more powerful in their beginning and grow weaker towards the<br \/>\nend, I say at the beginning, whatever their form or condition may be<br \/>\nand whether visible or invisible. And it is not from small<br \/>\nbeginnings that they grow to a great size in time; as it might be a<br \/>\ngreat oak which has a feeble beginning from a small acorn. Yet I may<br \/>\nsay that the oak is most powerful at its beginning, that is where it<br \/>\nsprings from the earth, which is where it is largest (To return:)<br \/>\nDarkness, then, is the strongest degree of shadow and light is its<br \/>\nleast. Therefore, O Painter, make your shadow darkest close to the<br \/>\nobject that casts it, and make the end of it fading into light,<br \/>\nseeming to have no end.<\/p>\n<p>Of the various kinds of shadows. (123-125).<\/p>\n<p>123.<\/p>\n<p>Darkness is absence of light. Shadow is diminution of light.<br \/>\nPrimitive shadow is that which is inseparable from a body not in the<br \/>\nlight. Derived shadow is that which is disengaged from a body in<br \/>\nshadow and pervades the air. A cast transparent shadow is that which<br \/>\nis surrounded by an illuminated surface. A simple shadow is one<br \/>\nwhich receives no light from the luminous body which causes it. A<br \/>\nsimple shadow begins within the line which starts from the edge of<br \/>\nthe luminous body <em>a b<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>124.<\/p>\n<p>A simple shadow is one where no light at all interferes with it.<\/p>\n<p>A compound shadow is one which is somewhat illuminated by one or<br \/>\nmore lights.<\/p>\n<p>125.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT IS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN A SHADOW THAT IS INSEPARABLE FROM A<br \/>\nBODY AND A CAST SHADOW?<\/p>\n<p>An inseparable shadow is that which is never absent from the<br \/>\nilluminated body. As, for instance a ball, which so long as it is in<br \/>\nthe light always has one side in shadow which never leaves it for<br \/>\nany movement or change of position in the ball. A separate shadow<br \/>\nmay be and may not be produced by the body itself. Suppose the ball<br \/>\nto be one braccia distant from a wall with a light on the opposite<br \/>\nside of it; this light will throw upon the wall exactly as broad a<br \/>\nshadow as is to be seen on the side of the ball that is turned<br \/>\ntowards the wall. That portion of the cast shadow will not be<br \/>\nvisible when the light is below the ball and the shadow is thrown up<br \/>\ntowards the sky and finding no obstruction on its way is lost.<\/p>\n<p>126.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THERE ARE 2 KINDS OF LIGHT, ONE SEPARABLE FROM, AND THE OTHER<br \/>\nINSEPARABLE FROM BODIES.<\/p>\n<p>Of the various kinds of light (126, 127).<\/p>\n<p>Separate light is that which falls upon the body. Inseparable light<br \/>\nis the side of the body that is illuminated by that light. One is<br \/>\ncalled primary, the other derived. And, in the same way there are<br \/>\ntwo kinds of shadow:&#8211;One primary and the other derived. The primary<br \/>\nis that which is inseparable from the body, the derived is that<br \/>\nwhich proceeds from the body conveying to the surface of the wall<br \/>\nthe form of the body causing it.<\/p>\n<p>127.<\/p>\n<p>How there are 2 different kinds of light; one being called diffused,<br \/>\nthe other restricted. The diffused is that which freely illuminates<br \/>\nobjects. The restricted is that which being admitted through an<br \/>\nopening or window illuminates them on that side only.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: At the spot marked <em>A<\/em> in the first diagram Leonardo<br \/>\nwrote <em>lume costretto<\/em> (restricted light). At the spot <em>B<\/em> on the<br \/>\nsecond diagram he wrote <em>lume libero<\/em> (diffused light).]<\/p>\n<p>General remarks (128. 129).<\/p>\n<p>128.<\/p>\n<p>Light is the chaser away of darkness. Shade is the obstruction of<br \/>\nlight. Primary light is that which falls on objects and causes light<br \/>\nand shade. And derived lights are those portions of a body which are<br \/>\nilluminated by the primary light. A primary shadow is that side of a<br \/>\nbody on which the light cannot fall.<\/p>\n<p>The general distribution of shadow and light is that sum total of<br \/>\nthe rays thrown off by a shaded or illuminated body passing through<br \/>\nthe air without any interference and the spot which intercepts and<br \/>\ncuts off the distribution of the dark and light rays.<\/p>\n<p>And the eye can best distinguish the forms of objects when it is<br \/>\nplaced between the shaded and the illuminated parts.<\/p>\n<p>129.<\/p>\n<p>MEMORANDUM OF THINGS I REQUIRE TO HAVE GRANTED [AS AXIOMS] IN MY<br \/>\nEXPLANATION OF PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>I ask to have this much granted me&#8211;to assert that every ray<br \/>\npassing through air of equal density throughout, travels in a<br \/>\nstraight line from its cause to the object or place it falls upon.<\/p>\n<p>FIRST BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>On the nature of light (130. 131).<\/p>\n<p>130.<\/p>\n<p>The reason by which we know that a light radiates from a single<br \/>\ncentre is this: We plainly see that a large light is often much<br \/>\nbroader than some small object which nevertheless&#8211;and although the<br \/>\nrays [of the large light] are much more than twice the extent [of<br \/>\nthe small body]&#8211;always has its shadow cast on the nearest surface<br \/>\nvery visibly. Let <em>c f<\/em> be a broad light and <em>n<\/em> be the object in<br \/>\nfront of it, casting a shadow on the plane, and let <em>a b<\/em> be the<br \/>\nplane. It is clear that it is not the broad light that will cast the<br \/>\nshadow <em>n<\/em> on the plane, but that the light has within it a centre<br \/>\nis shown by this experiment. The shadow falls on the plane as is<br \/>\nshown at <em>m o t r<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 13: In the original MS. no explanatory text is placed<br \/>\nafter this title-line; but a space is left for it and the text<br \/>\nbeginning at line 15 comes next.] Why, to two [eyes] or in front of<br \/>\ntwo eyes do 3 objects appear as two?<\/p>\n<p>Why, when you estimate the direction of an object with two sights<br \/>\nthe nearer appears confused. I say that the eye projects an infinite<br \/>\nnumber of lines which mingle or join those reaching it which come to<br \/>\nit from the object looked at. And it is only the central and<br \/>\nsensible line that can discern and discriminate colours and objects;<br \/>\nall the others are false and illusory. And if you place 2 objects at<br \/>\nhalf an arm&#8217;s length apart if the nearer of the two is close to the<br \/>\neye its form will remain far more confused than that of the second;<br \/>\nthe reason is that the first is overcome by a greater number of<br \/>\nfalse lines than the second and so is rendered vague.<\/p>\n<p>Light acts in the same manner, for in the effects of its lines<br \/>\n(=rays), and particularly in perspective, it much resembles the eye;<br \/>\nand its central rays are what cast the true shadow. When the object<br \/>\nin front of it is too quickly overcome with dim rays it will cast a<br \/>\nbroad and disproportionate shadow, ill defined; but when the object<br \/>\nwhich is to cast the shadow and cuts off the rays near to the place<br \/>\nwhere the shadow falls, then the shadow is distinct; and the more so<br \/>\nin proportion as the light is far off, because at a long distance<br \/>\nthe central ray is less overcome by false rays; because the lines<br \/>\nfrom the eye and the solar and other luminous rays passing through<br \/>\nthe atmosphere are obliged to travel in straight lines. Unless they<br \/>\nare deflected by a denser or rarer air, when they will be bent at<br \/>\nsome point, but so long as the air is free from grossness or<br \/>\nmoisture they will preserve their direct course, always carrying the<br \/>\nimage of the object that intercepts them back to their point of<br \/>\norigin. And if this is the eye, the intercepting object will be seen<br \/>\nby its colour, as well as by form and size. But if the intercepting<br \/>\nplane has in it some small perforation opening into a darker<br \/>\nchamber&#8211;not darker in colour, but by absence of light&#8211;you will see<br \/>\nthe rays enter through this hole and transmitting to the plane<br \/>\nbeyond all the details of the object they proceed from both as to<br \/>\ncolour and form; only every thing will be upside down. But the size<br \/>\n[of the image] where the lines are reconstructed will be in<br \/>\nproportion to the relative distance of the aperture from the plane<br \/>\non which the lines fall [on one hand] and from their origin [on the<br \/>\nother]. There they intersect and form 2 pyramids with their point<br \/>\nmeeting [a common apex] and their bases opposite. Let <em>a b<\/em> be the<br \/>\npoint of origin of the lines, <em>d e<\/em> the first plane, and <em>c<\/em> the<br \/>\naperture with the intersection of the lines; <em>f g<\/em> is the inner<br \/>\nplane. You will find that <em>a<\/em> falls upon the inner plane below at<br \/>\n<em>g<\/em>, and <em>b<\/em> which is below will go up to the spot <em>f<\/em>; it will be<br \/>\nquite evident to experimenters that every luminous body has in<br \/>\nitself a core or centre, from which and to which all the lines<br \/>\nradiate which are sent forth by the surface of the luminous body and<br \/>\nreflected back to it; or which, having been thrown out and not<br \/>\nintercepted, are dispersed in the air.<\/p>\n<p>131.<\/p>\n<p>THE RAYS WHETHER SHADED OR LUMINOUS HAVE GREATER STRENGTH AND EFFECT<br \/>\nAT THEIR POINTS THAN AT THEIR SIDES.<\/p>\n<p>Although the points of luminous pyramids may extend into shaded<br \/>\nplaces and those of pyramids of shadow into illuminated places, and<br \/>\nthough among the luminous pyramids one may start from a broader base<br \/>\nthan another; nevertheless, if by reason of their various length<br \/>\nthese luminous pyramids acquire angles of equal size their light<br \/>\nwill be equal; and the case will be the same with the pyramids of<br \/>\nshadow; as may be seen in the intersected pyramids <em>a b c<\/em> and <em>d e<br \/>\nf<\/em>, which though their bases differ in size are equal as to breadth<br \/>\nand light.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 51&#8211;55: This supplementary paragraph is indicated as being<br \/>\na continuation of line 45, by two small crosses.]<\/p>\n<p>The difference between light and lustre (132&#8211;135).<\/p>\n<p>132.<\/p>\n<p>Of the difference between light and lustre; and that lustre is not<br \/>\nincluded among colours, but is saturation of whiteness, and derived<br \/>\nfrom the surface of wet bodies; light partakes of the colour of the<br \/>\nobject which reflects it (to the eye) as gold or silver or the like.<\/p>\n<p>133.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE HIGHEST LIGHTS WHICH TURN AND MOVE AS THE EYE MOVES WHICH<br \/>\nSEES THE OBJECT.<\/p>\n<p>Suppose the body to be the round object figured here and let the<br \/>\nlight be at the point <em>a<\/em>, and let the illuminated side of the<br \/>\nobject be <em>b c<\/em> and the eye at the point <em>d<\/em>: I say that, as lustre<br \/>\nis every where and complete in each part, if you stand at the point<br \/>\n<em>d<\/em> the lustre will appear at <em>c<\/em>, and in proportion as the eye<br \/>\nmoves from <em>d<\/em> to <em>a<\/em>, the lustre will move from <em>c<\/em> to <em>n<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>134.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Heigh light or lustre on any object is not situated [necessarily] in<br \/>\nthe middle of an illuminated object, but moves as and where the eye<br \/>\nmoves in looking at it.<\/p>\n<p>135.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHT AND LUSTRE.<\/p>\n<p>What is the difference between light and the lustre which is seen on<br \/>\nthe polished surface of opaque bodies?<\/p>\n<p>The lights which are produced from the polished surface of opaque<br \/>\nbodies will be stationary on stationary objects even if the eye on<br \/>\nwhich they strike moves. But reflected lights will, on those same<br \/>\nobjects, appear in as many different places on the surface as<br \/>\ndifferent positions are taken by the eye.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT BODIES HAVE LIGHT UPON THEM WITHOUT LUSTRE?<\/p>\n<p>Opaque bodies which have a hard and rough surface never display any<br \/>\nlustre in any portion of the side on which the light falls.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT BODIES WILL DISPLAY LUSTRE BUT NOT LOOK ILLUMINATED?<\/p>\n<p>Those bodies which are opaque and hard with a hard surface reflect<br \/>\nlight [lustre] from every spot on the illuminated side which is in a<br \/>\nposition to receive light at the same angle of incidence as they<br \/>\noccupy with regard to the eye; but, as the surface mirrors all the<br \/>\nsurrounding objects, the illuminated [body] is not recognisable in<br \/>\nthese portions of the illuminated body.<\/p>\n<p>136.<\/p>\n<p>The relations of luminous to illuminated bodies.<\/p>\n<p>The middle of the light and shade on an object in light and shade is<br \/>\nopposite to the middle of the primary light. All light and shadow<br \/>\nexpresses itself in pyramidal lines. The middle of the shadow on any<br \/>\nobject must necessarily be opposite the middle of its light, with a<br \/>\ndirect line passing through the centre of the body. The middle of<br \/>\nthe light will be at <em>a<\/em>, that of the shadow at <em>b<\/em>. [Again, in<br \/>\nbodies shown in light and shade the middle of each must coincide<br \/>\nwith the centre of the body, and a straight line will pass through<br \/>\nboth and through that centre.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original MS., at the spot marked <em>a<\/em> of the first<br \/>\ndiagram Leonardo wrote <em>primitiuo<\/em>, and at the spot marked<br \/>\n<em>c<\/em>&#8212;<em>primitiva<\/em> (primary); at the spot marked <em>b<\/em> he wrote<br \/>\n<em>dirivatiuo<\/em> and at <em>d deriuatiua<\/em> (derived).]<\/p>\n<p>Experiments on the relation of light and shadow within a room<br \/>\n(137&#8211;140).<\/p>\n<p>137.<\/p>\n<p>SHOWS HOW LIGHT FROM ANY SIDE CONVERGES TO ONE POINT.<\/p>\n<p>Although the balls <em>a b c<\/em> are lighted from one window,<br \/>\nnevertheless, if you follow the lines of their shadows you will see<br \/>\nthey intersect at a point forming the angle <em>n<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this passage is slightly<br \/>\nsketched on Pl. XXXII; a square with three balls below it. The first<br \/>\nthree lines of the text belonging to it are written above the sketch<br \/>\nand the six others below it.]<\/p>\n<p>138.<\/p>\n<p>Every shadow cast by a body has a central line directed to a single<br \/>\npoint produced by the intersection of luminous lines in the middle<br \/>\nof the opening and thickness of the window. The proposition stated<br \/>\nabove, is plainly seen by experiment. Thus if you draw a place with<br \/>\na window looking northwards, and let this be <em>s f<\/em>, you will see a<br \/>\nline starting from the horizon to the east, which, touching the 2<br \/>\nangles of the window <em>o f<\/em>, reaches <em>d<\/em>; and from the horizon on the<br \/>\nwest another line, touching the other 2 angles <em>r s<\/em>, and ending at<br \/>\n<em>c<\/em>; and their intersection falls exactly in the middle of the<br \/>\nopening and thickness of the window. Again, you can still better<br \/>\nconfirm this proof by placing two sticks, as shown at <em>g h<\/em>; and you<br \/>\nwill see the line drawn from the centre of the shadow directed to<br \/>\nthe centre <em>m<\/em> and prolonged to the horizon <em>n f<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>B<\/em> here stands for <em>cerchio del&#8217; orizonte tramontano<\/em> on<br \/>\nthe original diagram (the circle of the horizon towards the North);<br \/>\n<em>A<\/em> for <em>levante<\/em> (East) and <em>C<\/em> for <em>ponete<\/em> (West).]<\/p>\n<p>139.<\/p>\n<p>Every shadow with all its variations, which becomes larger as its<br \/>\ndistance from the object is greater, has its external lines<br \/>\nintersecting in the middle, between the light and the object. This<br \/>\nproposition is very evident and is confirmed by experience. For, if<br \/>\n<em>a b<\/em> is a window without any object interposed, the luminous<br \/>\natmosphere to the right hand at <em>a<\/em> is seen to the left at <em>d<\/em>. And<br \/>\nthe atmosphere at the left illuminates on the right at <em>c<\/em>, and the<br \/>\nlines intersect at the point <em>m<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>A<\/em> here stands for <em>levante<\/em> (East), <em>B<\/em> for <em>ponente<\/em><br \/>\n(West).]<\/p>\n<p>140.<\/p>\n<p>Every body in light and shade is situated between 2 pyramids one<br \/>\ndark and the other luminous, one is visible the other is not. But<br \/>\nthis only happens when the light enters by a window. Supposing <em>a b<\/em><br \/>\nto be the window and <em>r<\/em> the body in light and shade, the light to<br \/>\nthe right hand <em>z<\/em> will pass the object to the left and go on to<br \/>\n<em>p<\/em>; the light to the left at <em>k<\/em> will pass to the right of the<br \/>\nobject at <em>i<\/em> and go on to <em>m<\/em> and the two lines will intersect at<br \/>\n<em>c<\/em> and form a pyramid. Then again <em>a<\/em> <em>b<\/em> falls on the shaded body<br \/>\nat <em>i<\/em> <em>g<\/em> and forms a pyramid <em>f<\/em> <em>i<\/em> <em>g<\/em>. <em>f<\/em> will be dark because<br \/>\nthe light <em>a<\/em> <em>b<\/em> can never fall there; <em>i<\/em> <em>g<\/em> <em>c<\/em> will be<br \/>\nilluminated because the light falls upon it.<\/p>\n<p>Light and shadow with regard to the position of the eye (141&#8211;145).<\/p>\n<p>141.<\/p>\n<p>Every shaded body that is larger than the pupil and that interposes<br \/>\nbetween the luminous body and the eye will be seen dark.<\/p>\n<p>When the eye is placed between the luminous body and the objects<br \/>\nilluminated by it, these objects will be seen without any shadow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram which in the original stands above line 1 is<br \/>\ngiven on Plate II, No 2. Then, after a blank space of about eight<br \/>\nlines, the diagram Plate II No 3 is placed in the original. There is<br \/>\nno explanation of it beyond the one line written under it.]<\/p>\n<p>142.<\/p>\n<p>Why the 2 lights one on each side of a body having two pyramidal<br \/>\nsides of an obtuse apex leave it devoid of shadow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketch illustrating this is on Plate XLI No 1.]<\/p>\n<p>143.<\/p>\n<p>A body in shadow situated between the light and the eye can never<br \/>\ndisplay its illuminated portion unless the eye can see the whole of<br \/>\nthe primary light.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>A<\/em> stands for <em>corpo<\/em> (body), <em>B<\/em> for <em>lume<\/em> (light).]<\/p>\n<p>144.<\/p>\n<p>The eye which looks (at a spot) half way between the shadow and the<br \/>\nlight which surrounds the body in shadow will see that the deepest<br \/>\nshadows on that body will meet the eye at equal angles, that is at<br \/>\nthe same angle as that of sight.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In both these diagrams <em>A<\/em> stands for <em>lume<\/em> (light) <em>B<\/em><br \/>\nfor <em>ombra<\/em> (shadow).]<\/p>\n<p>145.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DIFFERENT LIGHT AND SHADE IN VARIOUS ASPECTS AND OF OBJECTS<br \/>\nPLACED IN THEM.<\/p>\n<p>If the sun is in the East and you look towards the West you will see<br \/>\nevery thing in full light and totally without shadow because you see<br \/>\nthem from the same side as the sun: and if you look towards the<br \/>\nSouth or North you will see all objects in light and shade, because<br \/>\nyou see both the side towards the sun and the side away from it; and<br \/>\nif you look towards the coming of the sun all objects will show you<br \/>\ntheir shaded side, because on that side the sun cannot fall upon<br \/>\nthem.<\/p>\n<p>The law of the incidence of light.<\/p>\n<p>146.<\/p>\n<p>The edges of a window which are illuminated by 2 lights of equal<br \/>\ndegrees of brightness will not reflect light of equal brightness<br \/>\ninto the chamber within.<\/p>\n<p>If <em>b<\/em> is a candle and <em>a c<\/em> our hemisphere both will illuminate the<br \/>\nedges of the window <em>m<\/em> <em>n<\/em>, but light <em>b<\/em> will only illuminate <em>f<br \/>\ng<\/em> and the hemisphere <em>a<\/em> will light all of <em>d e<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>147.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>That part of a body which receives the luminous rays at equal angles<br \/>\nwill be in a higher light than any other part of it.<\/p>\n<p>And the part which the luminous rays strike between less equal<br \/>\nangles will be less strongly illuminated.<\/p>\n<p>SECOND BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>Gradations of strength in the shadows (148. 149).<\/p>\n<p>148.<\/p>\n<p>THAT PORTION OF A BODY IN LIGHT AND SHADE WILL BE LEAST LUMINOUS<br \/>\nWHICH IS SEEN UNDER THE LEAST AMOUNT OF LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>That part of the object which is marked <em>m<\/em> is in the highest light<br \/>\nbecause it faces the window <em>a d<\/em> by the line <em>a f<\/em>; <em>n<\/em> is in the<br \/>\nsecond grade because the light <em>b d<\/em> strikes it by the line <em>b e<\/em>;<br \/>\n<em>o<\/em> is in the third grade, as the light falls on it from <em>c d<\/em> by<br \/>\nthe line <em>c h<\/em>; <em>p<\/em> is the lowest light but one as <em>c d<\/em> falls on it<br \/>\nby the line <em>d v<\/em>; <em>q<\/em> is the deepest shadow for no light falls on<br \/>\nit from any part of the window.<\/p>\n<p>In proportion as <em>c d<\/em> goes into <em>a d<\/em> so will <em>n r s<\/em> be darker<br \/>\nthan <em>m<\/em>, and all the rest is space without shadow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this chapter is No. 1 on Plate<br \/>\nIII. The letters <em>a b e d<\/em> and <em>r<\/em> are not reproduced in facsimile<br \/>\nof the original, but have been replaced by ordinary type in the<br \/>\nmargin. 5-12. The original text of these lines is reproduced within<br \/>\nthe diagram.&#8211;Compare No 275.]<\/p>\n<p>149.<\/p>\n<p>The light which falls on a shaded body at the acutest angle receives<br \/>\nthe highest light, and the darkest portion is that which receives it<br \/>\nat an obtuse angle and both the light and the shadow form pyramids.<br \/>\nThe angle <em>c<\/em> receives the highest grade of light because it is<br \/>\ndirectly in front of the window <em>a b<\/em> and the whole horizon of the<br \/>\nsky <em>m x<\/em>. The angle <em>a<\/em> differs but little from <em>c<\/em> because the<br \/>\nangles which divide it are not so unequal as those below, and only<br \/>\nthat portion of the horizon is intercepted which lies between <em>y<\/em><br \/>\nand <em>x<\/em>. Although it gains as much on the other side its line is<br \/>\nnevertheless not very strong because one angle is smaller than its<br \/>\nfellow. The angles <em>e i<\/em> will have less light because they do not<br \/>\nsee much of the light <em>m s<\/em> and the light <em>v x<\/em> and their angles are<br \/>\nvery unequal. Yhe angle <em>k<\/em> and the angle <em>f<\/em> are each placed<br \/>\nbetween very unequal angles and therefore have but little light,<br \/>\nbecause at <em>k<\/em> it has only the light <em>p t<\/em>, and at <em>f<\/em> only <em>t q<\/em>;<br \/>\n<em>o g<\/em> is the lowest grade of light because this part has no light at<br \/>\nall from the sky; and thence come the lines which will reconstruct a<br \/>\npyramid that is the counterpart of the pyramid <em>c<\/em>; and this pyramid<br \/>\n<em>l<\/em> is in the first grade of shadow; for this too is placed between<br \/>\nequal angles directly opposite to each other on either side of a<br \/>\nstraight line which passes through the centre of the body and goes<br \/>\nto the centre of the light. The several luminous images cast within<br \/>\nthe frame of the window at the points <em>a<\/em> and <em>b<\/em> make a light which<br \/>\nsurrounds the derived shadow cast by the solid body at the points 4<br \/>\nand 6. The shaded images increase from <em>o g<\/em> and end at 7 and 8.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this chapter is No. 2 on Plate<br \/>\nIII. In the original it is placed between lines 3 and 4, and in the<br \/>\nreproduction these are shown in part. The semi circle above is<br \/>\nmarked <em>orizonte<\/em> (horizon). The number 6 at the left hand side,<br \/>\noutside the facsimile, is in the place of a figure which has become<br \/>\nindistinct in the original.]<\/p>\n<p>On the intensity of shadows as dependent on the distance from the<br \/>\nlight (150-152).<\/p>\n<p>150.<\/p>\n<p>The smaller the light that falls upon an object the more shadow it<br \/>\nwill display. And the light will illuminate a smaller portion of the<br \/>\nobject in proportion as it is nearer to it; and conversely, a larger<br \/>\nextent of it in proportion as it is farther off.<\/p>\n<p>A light which is smaller than the object on which it falls will<br \/>\nlight up a smaller extent of it in proportion as it is nearer to it,<br \/>\nand the converse, as it is farther from it. But when the light is<br \/>\nlarger than the object illuminated it will light a larger extent of<br \/>\nthe object in proportion as it is nearer and the converse when they<br \/>\nare farther apart.<\/p>\n<p>151.<\/p>\n<p>That portion of an illuminated object which is nearest to the source<br \/>\nof light will be the most strongly illuminated.<\/p>\n<p>152.<\/p>\n<p>That portion of the primary shadow will be least dark which is<br \/>\nfarthest from the edges.<\/p>\n<p>The derived shadow will be darker than the primary shadow where it<br \/>\nis contiguous with it.<\/p>\n<p>On the proportion of light and shade (153-157).<\/p>\n<p>153.<\/p>\n<p>That portion of an opaque body will be more in shade or more in<br \/>\nlight, which is nearer to the dark body, by which it is shaded, or<br \/>\nto the light that illuminates it.<\/p>\n<p>Objects seen in light and shade show in greater relief than those<br \/>\nwhich are wholly in light or in shadow.<\/p>\n<p>154.<\/p>\n<p>OF PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The shaded and illuminated sides of opaque objects will display the<br \/>\nsame proportion of light and darkness as their objects [Footnote 6:<br \/>\nThe meaning of <em>obbietti<\/em> (objects) is explained in no 153, lines<br \/>\n1-4.&#8211;Between the title-line and the next there is, in the<br \/>\noriginal, a small diagram representing a circle described round a<br \/>\nsquare.].<\/p>\n<p>155.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The outlines and form of any part of a body in light and shade are<br \/>\nindistinct in the shadows and in the high lights; but in the<br \/>\nportions between the light and the shadows they are highly<br \/>\nconspicuous.<\/p>\n<p>156.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Among objects in various degrees of shade, when the light proceeds<br \/>\nfrom a single source, there will be the same proportion in their<br \/>\nshadows as in the natural diminution of the light and the same must<br \/>\nbe understood of the degrees of light.<\/p>\n<p>157.<\/p>\n<p>A single and distinct luminous body causes stronger relief in the<br \/>\nobject than a diffused light; as may be seen by comparing one side<br \/>\nof a landscape illuminated by the sun, and one overshadowed by<br \/>\nclouds, and so illuminated only by the diffused light of the<br \/>\natmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>THIRD BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>Definition of derived shadow (158. 159).<\/p>\n<p>158.<\/p>\n<p>Derived shadow cannot exist without primary shadow. This is proved<br \/>\nby the first of this which says: Darkness is the total absence of<br \/>\nlight, and shadow is an alleviation of darkness and of light, and it<br \/>\nis more or less dark or light in proportion as the darkness is<br \/>\nmodified by the light.<\/p>\n<p>159.<\/p>\n<p>Shadow is diminution of light.<\/p>\n<p>Darkness is absence of light.<\/p>\n<p>Shadow is divided into two kinds, of which the first is called<br \/>\nprimary shadow, the second is derived shadow. The primary shadow is<br \/>\nalways the basis of the derived shadow.<\/p>\n<p>The edges of the derived shadow are straight lines.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The theory of the <em>ombra<\/em> dirivativa_&#8211;a technical<br \/>\nexpression for which there is no precise English equivalent is<br \/>\nelaborately treated by Leonardo. But both text and diagrams (as Pl.<br \/>\nIV, 1-3 and Pl. V) must at once convince the student that the<br \/>\ndistinction he makes between <em>ombra primitiva<\/em> and <em>ombra<br \/>\ndirivativa<\/em> is not merely justifiable but scientific. <em>Ombra<br \/>\ndirivativa<\/em> is by no means a mere abstract idea. This is easily<br \/>\nproved by repeating the experiment made by Leonardo, and by filling<br \/>\nwith smoke the room in which the existence of the <em>ombra dirivativa<\/em><br \/>\nis investigated, when the shadow becomes visible. Nor is it<br \/>\ndifficult to perceive how much of Leonardo&#8217;s teaching depended on<br \/>\nthis theory. The recognised, but extremely complicated science of<br \/>\ncast shadows&#8211;<em>percussione dell&#8217; ombre dirivative<\/em> as Leonardo<br \/>\ncalls them&#8211;is thus rendered more intelligible if not actually<br \/>\nsimpler, and we must assume this theory as our chief guide through<br \/>\nthe investigations which follow.]<\/p>\n<p>The darkness of the derived shadow diminishes in proportion as it is<br \/>\nremote from the primary shadow.<\/p>\n<p>Different sorts of derived shadows (160-162).<\/p>\n<p>160.<\/p>\n<p>SHADOW AND LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>The forms of shadows are three: inasmuch as if the solid body which<br \/>\ncasts the shadow is equal (in size) to the light, the shadow<br \/>\nresembles a column without any termination (in length). If the body<br \/>\nis larger than the light the shadow resembles a truncated and<br \/>\ninverted pyramid, and its length has also no defined termination.<br \/>\nBut if the body is smaller than the light, the shadow will resemble<br \/>\na pyramid and come to an end, as is seen in eclipses of the moon.<\/p>\n<p>161.<\/p>\n<p>OF SIMPLE DERIVED SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>The simple derived shadow is of two kinds: one kind which has its<br \/>\nlength defined, and two kinds which are undefined; and the defined<br \/>\nshadow is pyramidal. Of the two undefined, one is a column and the<br \/>\nother spreads out; and all three have rectilinear outlines. But the<br \/>\nconverging, that is the pyramidal, shadow proceeds from a body that<br \/>\nis smaller than the light, and the columnar from a body equal in<br \/>\nsize to the light, and the spreading shadow from a body larger than<br \/>\nthe light; &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>OF COMPOUND DERIVED SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>Compound derived shadows are of two kinds; that is columnar and<br \/>\nspreading.<\/p>\n<p>162.<\/p>\n<p>OF SHADOW.<\/p>\n<p>Derived shadows are of three kinds of which one is spreading, the<br \/>\nsecond columnar, the third converging to the point where the two<br \/>\nsides meet and intersect, and beyond this intersection the sides are<br \/>\ninfinitely prolonged or straight lines. And if you say, this shadow<br \/>\nmust terminate at the angle where the sides meet and extend no<br \/>\nfarther, I deny this, because above in the first on shadow I have<br \/>\nproved: that a thing is completely terminated when no portion of it<br \/>\ngoes beyond its terminating lines. Now here, in this shadow, we see<br \/>\nthe converse of this, in as much as where this derived shadow<br \/>\noriginates we obviously have the figures of two pyramids of shadow<br \/>\nwhich meet at their angles. Hence, if, as [my] opponent says, the<br \/>\nfirst pyramid of shadow terminates the derivative shadow at the<br \/>\nangle whence it starts, then the second pyramid of shadow&#8211;so says<br \/>\nthe adversary&#8211;must be caused by the angle and not from the body in<br \/>\nshadow; and this is disproved with the help of the 2nd of this which<br \/>\nsays: Shadow is a condition produced by a body casting a shadow, and<br \/>\ninterposed between this shadow and the luminous body. By this it is<br \/>\nmade clear that the shadow is not produced by the angle of the<br \/>\nderived shadow but only by the body casting the shadow; &amp;c. If a<br \/>\nspherical solid body is illuminated by a light of elongated form the<br \/>\nshadow produced by the longest portion of this light will have less<br \/>\ndefined outlines than that which is produced by the breadth of the<br \/>\nsame light. And this is proved by what was said before, which is:<br \/>\nThat a shadow will have less defined outlines in proportion as the<br \/>\nlight which causes it is larger, and conversely, the outlines are<br \/>\nclearer in proportion as it is smaller.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The two diagrams to this chapter are on Plate IV, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>On the relation of derived and primary shadow (163-165).<\/p>\n<p>163.<\/p>\n<p>The derived shadow can never resemble the body from which it<br \/>\nproceeds unless the light is of the same form and size as the body<br \/>\ncausing the shadow.<\/p>\n<p>The derived shadow cannot be of the same form as the primary shadow<br \/>\nunless it is intercepted by a plane parallel to it.<\/p>\n<p>164.<\/p>\n<p>HOW A CAST SHADOW CAN NEVER BE OF THE SAME SIZE AS THE BODY THAT<br \/>\nCASTS IT.<\/p>\n<p>If the rays of light proceed, as experience shows, from a single<br \/>\npoint and are diffused in a sphere round this point, radiating and<br \/>\ndispersed through the air, the farther they spread the wider they<br \/>\nmust spread; and an object placed between the light and a wall is<br \/>\nalways imaged larger in its shadow, because the rays that strike it<br \/>\n[Footnote: 7. The following lines are wanting to complete the<br \/>\nlogical connection.] would, by the time they have reached the wall,<br \/>\nhave become larger.<\/p>\n<p>165.<\/p>\n<p>Any shadow cast by a body in light and shade is of the same nature<br \/>\nand character as that which is inseparable from the body. The centre<br \/>\nof the length of a shadow always corresponds to that of the luminous<br \/>\nbody [Footnote 6: This second statement of the same idea as in the<br \/>\nformer sentence, but in different words, does not, in the original,<br \/>\ncome next to the foregoing; sections 172 and 127 are placed between<br \/>\nthem.]. It is inevitable that every shadow must have its centre in a<br \/>\nline with the centre of the light.<\/p>\n<p>On the shape of derived shadows (166-174).<\/p>\n<p>166.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE PYRAMIDAL SHADOW.<\/p>\n<p>The pyramidal shadow produced by a columnar body will be narrower<br \/>\nthan the body itself in proportion as the simple derived shadow is<br \/>\nintersected farther from the body which casts it.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 166: Compare the first diagram to No. 161. If we here<br \/>\nconceive of the outlines of the pyramid of shadow on the ground as<br \/>\nprolonged beyond its apex this gives rise to a second pyramid; this<br \/>\nis what is spoken of at the beginning of No. 166.]<\/p>\n<p>167.<\/p>\n<p>The cast shadow will be longest when the light is lowest.<\/p>\n<p>The cast shadow will be shortest when the light is highest.<\/p>\n<p>168.<\/p>\n<p>Both the primary and derived shadow will be larger when caused by<br \/>\nthe light of a candle than by diffused light. The difference between<br \/>\nthe larger and smaller shadows will be in inverse proportion to the<br \/>\nlarger and smaller lights causing them.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the diagrams <em>A<\/em> stands for <em>celo<\/em> (sky), <em>B<\/em> for<br \/>\n<em>cadela<\/em> (candle).]<\/p>\n<p>169.<\/p>\n<p>ALL BODIES, IN PROPORTION AS THEY ARE NEARER TO, OR FARTHER FROM THE<br \/>\nSOURCE OF LIGHT, WILL PRODUCE LONGER OR SHORTER DERIVED SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>Among bodies of equal size, that one which is illuminated by the<br \/>\nlargest light will have the shortest shadow. Experiment confirms<br \/>\nthis proposition. Thus the body <em>m<\/em> <em>n<\/em> is surrounded by a larger<br \/>\namount of light than the body <em>p q<\/em>, as is shown above. Let us say<br \/>\nthat <em>v c a b d x<\/em> is the sky, the source of light, and that <em>s t<\/em><br \/>\nis a window by which the luminous rays enter, and so <em>m n<\/em> and <em>p q<\/em><br \/>\nare bodies in light and shade as exposed to this light; <em>m n<\/em> will<br \/>\nhave a small derived shadow, because its original shadow will be<br \/>\nsmall; and the derivative light will be large, again, because the<br \/>\noriginal light <em>c d<\/em> will be large and <em>p q<\/em> will have more derived<br \/>\nshadow because its original shadow will be larger, and its derived<br \/>\nlight will be smaller than that of the body <em>m n<\/em> because that<br \/>\nportion of the hemisphere <em>a b<\/em> which illuminates it is smaller than<br \/>\nthe hemisphere <em>c d<\/em> which illuminates the body <em>m n<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram, given on Pl. IV, No. 2, stands in the<br \/>\noriginal between lines 2 and 7, while the text of lines 3 to 6 is<br \/>\nwritten on its left side. In the reproduction of this diagram the<br \/>\nletter <em>v<\/em> at the outer right-hand end has been omitted.]<\/p>\n<p>170.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow <em>m<\/em> bears the same proportion to the shadow <em>n<\/em> as the<br \/>\nline <em>b c<\/em> to the line <em>f c<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>171.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Of different shadows of equal strength that which is nearest the eye<br \/>\nwill seem the least strong.<\/p>\n<p>Why is the shadow <em>e a b<\/em> in the first grade of strength, <em>b c<\/em> in<br \/>\nthe second; <em>c d<\/em> in the third? The reason is that as from <em>e a b<\/em><br \/>\nthe sky is nowhere visible, it gets no light whatever from the sky,<br \/>\nand so has no direct [primary] light. <em>b c<\/em> faces the portion of the<br \/>\nsky <em>f g<\/em> and is illuminated by it. <em>c d<\/em> faces the sky at <em>h k<\/em>. <em>c<br \/>\nd<\/em>, being exposed to a larger extent of sky than <em>b c<\/em>, it is<br \/>\nreasonable that it should be more lighted. And thus, up to a certain<br \/>\ndistance, the wall <em>a d<\/em> will grow lighter for the reasons here<br \/>\ngiven, until the darkness of the room overpowers the light from the<br \/>\nwindow.<\/p>\n<p>172.<\/p>\n<p>When the light of the atmosphere is restricted [by an opening] and<br \/>\nilluminates bodies which cast shadows, these bodies being equally<br \/>\ndistant from the centre of the window, that which is most obliquely<br \/>\nplaced will cast the largest shadow beyond it.<\/p>\n<p>173.<\/p>\n<p>These bodies standing apart in a room lighted by a single window<br \/>\nwill have derivative shadows more or less short according as they<br \/>\nare more or less opposite to the window. Among the shadows cast by<br \/>\nbodies of equal mass but at unequal distances from the opening by<br \/>\nwhich they are illuminated, that shadow will be the longest of the<br \/>\nbody which is least in the light. And in proportion as one body is<br \/>\nbetter illuminated than another its shadow will be shorter than<br \/>\nanother. The proportion <em>n m<\/em> and <em>e v k<\/em> bear to <em>r t<\/em> and <em>v x<\/em><br \/>\ncorresponds with that of the shadow <em>x<\/em> to 4 and <em>y<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>The reason why those bodies which are placed most in front of the<br \/>\nmiddle of the window throw shorter shadows than those obliquely<br \/>\nsituated is:&#8211;That the window appears in its proper form and to the<br \/>\nobliquely placed ones it appears foreshortened; to those in the<br \/>\nmiddle, the window shows its full size, to the oblique ones it<br \/>\nappears smaller; the one in the middle faces the whole hemisphere<br \/>\nthat is <em>e f<\/em> and those on the side have only a strip; that is <em>q r<\/em><br \/>\nfaces <em>a b<\/em>; and <em>m n<\/em> faces <em>c d<\/em>; the body in the middle having a<br \/>\nlarger quantity of light than those at the sides is lighted from a<br \/>\npoint much below its centre, and thus the shadow is shorter. And the<br \/>\npyramid <em>g<\/em> 4 goes into <em>l y<\/em> exactly as often as <em>a b<\/em> goes into <em>e<br \/>\nf<\/em>. The axis of every derivative shadow passes through 6 1\/2<br \/>\n[Footnote 31: <em>passa per<\/em> 6 1\/2 (passes through 6 1\/2). The meaning<br \/>\nof these words is probably this: Each of the three axes of the<br \/>\nderived shadow intersects the centre (<em>mezzo<\/em>) of the primary shadow<br \/>\n(<em>ombra originale<\/em>) and, by prolongation upwards crosses six lines.<\/p>\n<p>This is self evident only in the middle diagram; but it is equally<br \/>\ntrue of the side figures if we conceive of the lines 4 <em>f<\/em>, <em>x n v<br \/>\nm<\/em>, <em>y l k v<\/em>, and 4 <em>e<\/em>, as prolonged beyond the semicircle of the<br \/>\nhorizon.] and is in a straight line with the centre of the primary<br \/>\nshadow, with the centre of the body casting it and of the derivative<br \/>\nlight and with the centre of the window and, finally, with the<br \/>\ncentre of that portion of the source of light which is the celestial<br \/>\nhemisphere, <em>y h<\/em> is the centre of the derived shade, <em>l h<\/em> of the<br \/>\nprimary shadow, <em>l<\/em> of the body throwing it, <em>l k<\/em> of the derived<br \/>\nlight, <em>v<\/em> is the centre of the window, <em>e<\/em> is the final centre of<br \/>\nthe original light afforded by that portion of the hemisphere of the<br \/>\nsky which illuminates the solid body.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare the diagram on Pl. IV, No. 3. In the original<br \/>\nthis drawing is placed between lines 3 and 22; the rest, from line 4<br \/>\nto line 21, is written on the left hand margin.]<\/p>\n<p>174.<\/p>\n<p>THE FARTHER THE DERIVED SHADOW IS PROLONGED THE LIGHTER IT BECOMES.<\/p>\n<p>You will find that the proportion of the diameter of the derived<br \/>\nshadow to that of the primary shadow will be the same as that<br \/>\nbetween the darkness of the primary shadow and that of the derived<br \/>\nshadow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 6: Compare No. 177.] Let <em>a b<\/em> be the diameter of the<br \/>\nprimary shadow and <em>c d<\/em> that of the derived shadow, I say that <em>a<br \/>\nb<\/em> going, as you see, three times into <em>d c<\/em>, the shadow <em>d c<\/em> will<br \/>\nbe three times as light as the shadow <em>a b<\/em>. [Footnote 8: Compare<br \/>\nNo. 177.]<\/p>\n<p>If the size of the illuminating body is larger than that of the<br \/>\nilluminated body an intersection of shadow will occur, beyond which<br \/>\nthe shadows will run off in two opposite directions as if they were<br \/>\ncaused by two separate lights.<\/p>\n<p>On the relative intensity of derived shadows (175-179).<\/p>\n<p>175.<\/p>\n<p>ON PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The derived shadow is stronger in proportion as it is nearer to its<br \/>\nplace of origin.<\/p>\n<p>176.<\/p>\n<p>HOW SHADOWS FADE AWAY AT LONG DISTANCES.<\/p>\n<p>Shadows fade and are lost at long distances because the larger<br \/>\nquantity of illuminated air which lies between the eye and the<br \/>\nobject seen tints the shadow with its own colour.<\/p>\n<p>177.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b<\/em> will be darker than <em>c d<\/em> in proportion as <em>c d<\/em> is broader<br \/>\nthan <em>a b<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original MS. the word <em>lume<\/em> (light) is written at<br \/>\nthe apex of the pyramid.]<\/p>\n<p>178.<\/p>\n<p>It can be proved why the shadow <em>o p c h<\/em> is darker in proportion as<br \/>\nit is nearer to the line <em>p h<\/em> and is lighter in proportion as it is<br \/>\nnearer to the line <em>o c<\/em>. Let the light <em>a b<\/em>, be a window, and let<br \/>\nthe dark wall in which this window is, be <em>b s<\/em>, that is, one of the<br \/>\nsides of the wall.<\/p>\n<p>Then we may say that the line <em>p h<\/em> is darker than any other part of<br \/>\nthe space <em>o p c h<\/em>, because this line faces the whole surface in<br \/>\nshadow of [Footnote: In the original the diagram is placed between<br \/>\nlines 27 and 28.] the wall <em>b s<\/em>. The line <em>o c<\/em> is lighter than the<br \/>\nother part of this space <em>o p c h<\/em>, because this line faces the<br \/>\nluminous space <em>a b<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Where the shadow is larger, or smaller, or equal the body which<br \/>\ncasts it.<\/p>\n<p>[First of the character of divided lights. [Footnote 14: <em>lumi<br \/>\ndivisi<\/em>. The text here breaks off abruptly.]<\/p>\n<p>OF THE COMPOUND SHADOW <em>F, R, C, H<\/em> CAUSED BY A SINGLE LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow <em>f r c h<\/em> is under such conditions as that where it is<br \/>\nfarthest from its inner side it loses depth in proportion. To prove<br \/>\nthis:<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>d a<\/em>, be the light and <em>f n<\/em> the solid body, and let <em>a e<\/em> be<br \/>\none of the side walls of the window that is <em>d a<\/em>. Then I<br \/>\nsay&#8211;according to the 2nd [proposition]: that the surface of any<br \/>\nbody is affected by the tone of the objects surrounding it,&#8211;that<br \/>\nthe side <em>r c<\/em>, which faces the dark wall <em>a e<\/em> must participate of<br \/>\nits darkness and, in the same way that the outer surface which faces<br \/>\nthe light <em>d a<\/em> participates of the light; thus we get the outlines<br \/>\nof the extremes on each side of the centre included between them.]<\/p>\n<p>This is divided into four parts. The first the extremes, which<br \/>\ninclude the compound shadow, secondly the compound shadow between<br \/>\nthese extremes.<\/p>\n<p>179.<\/p>\n<p>THE ACTION OF THE LIGHT AS FROM ITS CENTRE.<\/p>\n<p>If it were the whole of the light that caused the shadows beyond the<br \/>\nbodies placed in front of it, it would follow that any body much<br \/>\nsmaller than the light would cast a pyramidal shadow; but experience<br \/>\nnot showing this, it must be the centre of the light that produces<br \/>\nthis effect.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this passage is between lines 4<br \/>\nand 5 in the original. Comp. the reproduction Pl. IV, No. 4. The<br \/>\ntext and drawing of this chapter have already been published with<br \/>\ntolerable accuracy. See M. JORDAN: &#8220;<em>Das Malerbuch des Leonardo da<br \/>\nVinci<\/em>&#8220;. Leipzig 1873, P. 90.]<\/p>\n<p>PROOF.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>a b<\/em> be the width of the light from a window, which falls on a<br \/>\nstick set up at one foot from <em>a c<\/em> [Footnote 6: <em>bastone<\/em> (stick).<br \/>\nThe diagram has a sphere in place of a stick.]. And let <em>a d<\/em> be the<br \/>\nspace where all the light from the window is visible. At <em>c e<\/em> that<br \/>\npart of the window which is between <em>l b<\/em> cannot be seen. In the<br \/>\nsame way <em>a m<\/em> cannot be seen from <em>d f<\/em> and therefore in these two<br \/>\nportions the light begins to fail.<\/p>\n<p>Shadow as produced by two lights of different size (180. 181).<\/p>\n<p>180.<\/p>\n<p>A body in light and shade placed between two equal lights side by<br \/>\nside will cast shadows in proportion to the [amount of] light. And<br \/>\nthe shadows will be one darker than the other in proportion as one<br \/>\nlight is nearer to the said body than the other on the opposite<br \/>\nside.<\/p>\n<p>A body placed at an equal distance between two lights will cast two<br \/>\nshadows, one deeper than the other in proportion, as the light which<br \/>\ncauses it is brighter than the other.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the MS. the larger diagram is placed above the first<br \/>\nline; the smaller one between l. 4 &amp; 5.]<\/p>\n<p>181.<\/p>\n<p>A light which is smaller than the body it illuminates produces<br \/>\nshadows of which the outlines end within [the surface of] the body,<br \/>\nand not much compound shadow; and falls on less than half of it. A<br \/>\nlight which is larger than the body it illuminates, falls on more<br \/>\nthan half of it, and produces much compound shadow.<\/p>\n<p>The effect of light at different distances.<\/p>\n<p>182.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SHADOW CAST BY A BODY PLACED BETWEEN 2 EQUAL LIGHTS.<\/p>\n<p>A body placed between 2 equal lights will cast 2 shadows of itself<br \/>\nin the direction of the lines of the 2 lights; and if you move this<br \/>\nbody placing it nearer to one of the lights the shadow cast towards<br \/>\nthe nearer light will be less deep than that which falls towards the<br \/>\nmore distant one.<\/p>\n<p>Further complications in the derived shadows (183-187).<\/p>\n<p>183.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest depth of shadow is in the simple derived shadow because<br \/>\nit is not lighted by either of the two lights <em>a b, c d<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>The next less deep shadow is the derived shadow <em>e f n<\/em>; and in this<br \/>\nthe shadow is less by half, because it is illuminated by a single<br \/>\nlight, that is <em>c d<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>This is uniform in natural tone because it is lighted throughout by<br \/>\none only of the two luminous bodies [10]. But it varies with the<br \/>\nconditions of shadow, inasmuch as the farther it is away from the<br \/>\nlight the less it is illuminated by it [13].<\/p>\n<p>The third degree of depth is the middle shadow [Footnote 15: We<br \/>\ngather from what follows that <em>q g r<\/em> here means <em>ombra media<\/em> (the<br \/>\nmiddle shadow).]. But this is not uniform in natural tone; because<br \/>\nthe nearer it gets to the simple derived shadow the deeper it is<br \/>\n[Footnote 18: Compare lines 10-13], and it is the uniformly gradual<br \/>\ndiminution by increase of distance which is what modifies it<br \/>\n[Footnote 20: See Footnote 18]: that is to say the depth of a shadow<br \/>\nincreases in proportion to the distance from the two lights.<\/p>\n<p>The fourth is the shadow <em>k r s<\/em> and this is all the darker in<br \/>\nnatural tone in proportion as it is nearer to <em>k s<\/em>, because it gets<br \/>\nless of the light <em>a o<\/em>, but by the accident [of distance] it is<br \/>\nrendered less deep, because it is nearer to the light <em>c d<\/em>, and<br \/>\nthus is always exposed to both lights.<\/p>\n<p>The fifth is less deep in shadow than either of the others because<br \/>\nit is always entirely exposed to one of the lights and to the whole<br \/>\nor part of the other; and it is less deep in proportion as it is<br \/>\nnearer to the two lights, and in proportion as it is turned towards<br \/>\nthe outer side <em>x t<\/em>; because it is more exposed to the second light<br \/>\n<em>a b<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram to this section is given on Pl. V. To the<br \/>\nleft is the facsimile of the beginning of the text belonging to it.]<\/p>\n<p>184.<\/p>\n<p>OF SIMPLE SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>Why, at the intersections <em>a<\/em>, <em>b<\/em> of the two compound shadows <em>e f<\/em><br \/>\nand <em>m e<\/em>, is a simple shadow pfoduced as at <em>e h<\/em> and <em>m g<\/em>, while<br \/>\nno such simple shadow is produced at the other two intersections <em>c<br \/>\nd<\/em> made by the very same compound shadows?<\/p>\n<p>ANSWER.<\/p>\n<p>Compound shadow are a mixture of light and shade and simple shadows<br \/>\nare simply darkness. Hence, of the two lights <em>n<\/em> and <em>o<\/em>, one falls<br \/>\non the compound shadow from one side, and the other on the compound<br \/>\nshadow from the other side, but where they intersect no light falls,<br \/>\nas at <em>a b<\/em>; therefore it is a simple shadow. Where there is a<br \/>\ncompound shadow one light or the other falls; and here a difficulty<br \/>\narises for my adversary since he says that, where the compound<br \/>\nshadows intersect, both the lights which produce the shadows must of<br \/>\nnecessity fall and therefore these shadows ought to be neutralised;<br \/>\ninasmuch as the two lights do not fall there, we say that the shadow<br \/>\nis a simple one and where only one of the two lights falls, we say<br \/>\nthe shadow is compound, and where both the lights fall the shadow is<br \/>\nneutralised; for where both lights fall, no shadow of any kind is<br \/>\nproduced, but only a light background limiting the shadow. Here I<br \/>\nshall say that what my adversary said was true: but he only mentions<br \/>\nsuch truths as are in his favour; and if we go on to the rest he<br \/>\nmust conclude that my proposition is true. And that is: That if both<br \/>\nlights fell on the point of intersection, the shadows would be<br \/>\nneutralised. This I confess to be true if [neither of] the two<br \/>\nshadows fell in the same spot; because, where a shadow and a light<br \/>\nfall, a compound shadow is produced, and wherever two shadows or two<br \/>\nequal lights fall, the shadow cannot vary in any part of it, the<br \/>\nshadows and the lights both being equal. And this is proved in the<br \/>\neighth [proposition] on proportion where it is said that if a given<br \/>\nquantity has a single unit of force and resistance, a double<br \/>\nquantity will have double force and double resistance.<\/p>\n<p>DEFINITION.<\/p>\n<p>The intersection <em>n<\/em> is produced by the shadows caused by the light<br \/>\n<em>b<\/em>, because this light <em>b<\/em> produces the shadow <em>x b<\/em>, and the<br \/>\nshadow <em>s b<\/em>, but the intersection <em>m<\/em> is produced by the light <em>a<\/em><br \/>\nwhich causes the shadow <em>s a<\/em>, and the shadow <em>x a<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>But if you uncover both the lights <em>a b<\/em>, then you get the two<br \/>\nshadows <em>n m<\/em> both at once, and besides these, two other, simple<br \/>\nshadows are produced at <em>r o<\/em> where neither of the two lights falls<br \/>\nat all. The grades of depth in compound shadows are fewer in<br \/>\nproportion as the lights falling on, and crossing them are less<br \/>\nnumerous.<\/p>\n<p>186.<\/p>\n<p>Why the intersections at <em>n<\/em> being composed of two compound derived<br \/>\nshadows, forms a compound shadow and not a simple one, as happens<br \/>\nwith other intersections of compound shadows. This occurs, according<br \/>\nto the 2nd [diagram] of this [prop.] which says:&#8211;The intersection<br \/>\nof derived shadows when produced by the intersection of columnar<br \/>\nshadows caused by a single light does not produce a simple shadow.<br \/>\nAnd this is the corollary of the 1st [prop.] which says:&#8211;The<br \/>\nintersection of simple derived shadows never results in a deeper<br \/>\nshadow, because the deepest shadows all added together cannot be<br \/>\ndarker than one by itself. Since, if many deepest shadows increased<br \/>\nin depth by their duplication, they could not be called the<br \/>\n<em>deepest<\/em> shadows, but only part-shadows. But if such intersections<br \/>\nare illuminated by a second light placed between the eye and the<br \/>\nintersecting bodies, then those shadows would become compound<br \/>\nshadows and be uniformly dark just as much at the intersection as<br \/>\nthroughout the rest. In the 1st and 2nd above, the intersections <em>i<br \/>\nk<\/em> will not be doubled in depth as it is doubled in quantity. But in<br \/>\nthis 3rd, at the intersections <em>g n<\/em> they will be double in depth<br \/>\nand in quantity.<\/p>\n<p>187.<\/p>\n<p>HOW AND WHEN THE SURROUNDINGS IN SHADOW MINGLE THEIR DERIVED SHADOW<br \/>\nWITH THE LIGHT DERIVED FROM THE LUMINOUS BODY.<\/p>\n<p>The derived shadow of the dark walls on each side of the bright<br \/>\nlight of the window are what mingle their various degrees of shade<br \/>\nwith the light derived from the window; and these various depths of<br \/>\nshade modify every portion of the light, except where it is<br \/>\nstrongest, at <em>c<\/em>. To prove this let <em>d a<\/em> be the primary shadow<br \/>\nwhich is turned towards the point <em>e<\/em>, and darkens it by its derived<br \/>\nshadow; as may be seen by the triangle <em>a e d<\/em>, in which the<br \/>\nangle <em>e<\/em> faces the darkened base <em>d a e<\/em>; the point <em>v<\/em> faces the<br \/>\ndark shadow <em>a s<\/em> which is part of <em>a d<\/em>, and as the whole is<br \/>\ngreater than a part, <em>e<\/em> which faces the whole base [of the<br \/>\ntriangle], will be in deeper shadow than <em>v<\/em> which only faces part<br \/>\nof it. In consequence of the conclusion [shown] in the above<br \/>\ndiagram, <em>t<\/em> will be less darkened than <em>v<\/em>, because the base of the<br \/>\n<em>t<\/em> is part of the base of the <em>v<\/em>; and in the same way it follows<br \/>\nthat <em>p<\/em> is less in shadow than <em>t<\/em>, because the base of the <em>p<\/em> is<br \/>\npart of the base of the <em>t<\/em>. And <em>c<\/em> is the terminal point of the<br \/>\nderived shadow and the chief beginning of the highest light.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram on Pl. IV, No. 5 belongs to this passage; but<br \/>\nit must be noted that the text explains only the figure on the<br \/>\nright-hand side.]<\/p>\n<p>FOURTH BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>On the shape of the cast shadows (188-191).<\/p>\n<p>188.<\/p>\n<p>The form of the shadow cast by any body of uniform density can never<br \/>\nbe the same as that of the body producing it. [Footnote: Comp. the<br \/>\ndrawing on PI. XXVIII, No. 5.]<\/p>\n<p>189.<\/p>\n<p>No cast shadow can produce the true image of the body which casts it<br \/>\non a vertical plane unless the centre of the light is equally<br \/>\ndistant from all the edges of that body.<\/p>\n<p>190.<\/p>\n<p>If a window <em>a b<\/em> admits the sunlight into a room, the sunlight will<br \/>\nmagnify the size of the window and diminish the shadow of a man in<br \/>\nsuch a way as that when the man makes that dim shadow of himself,<br \/>\napproach to that which defines the real size of the window, he will<br \/>\nsee the shadows where they come into contact, dim and confused from<br \/>\nthe strength of the light, shutting off and not allowing the solar<br \/>\nrays to pass; the effect of the shadow of the man cast by this<br \/>\ncontact will be exactly that figured above.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: It is scarcely possible to render the meaning of this<br \/>\nsentence with strict accuracy; mainly because the grammatical<br \/>\nconstruction is defective in the most important part&#8211;line 4. In the<br \/>\nvery slight original sketch the shadow touches the upper arch of the<br \/>\nwindow and the correction, here given is perhaps not justified.]<\/p>\n<p>191.<\/p>\n<p>A shadow is never seen as of uniform depth on the surface which<br \/>\nintercepts it unless every portion of that surface is equidistant<br \/>\nfrom the luminous body. This is proved by the 7th which says:&#8211;The<br \/>\nshadow will appear lighter or stronger as it is surrounded by a<br \/>\ndarker or a lighter background. And by the 8th of this:&#8211;The<br \/>\nbackground will be in parts darker or lighter, in proportion as it<br \/>\nis farther from or nearer to the luminous body. And:&#8211;Of various<br \/>\nspots equally distant from the luminous body those will always be in<br \/>\nthe highest light on which the rays fall at the smallest angles: The<br \/>\noutline of the shadow as it falls on inequalities in the surface<br \/>\nwill be seen with all the contours similar to those of the body that<br \/>\ncasts it, if the eye is placed just where the centre of the light<br \/>\nwas.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow will look darkest where it is farthest from the body that<br \/>\ncasts it. The shadow <em>c d<\/em>, cast by the body in shadow <em>a b<\/em> which<br \/>\nis equally distant in all parts, is not of equal depth because it is<br \/>\nseen on a back ground of varying brightness. [Footnote: Compare the<br \/>\nthree diagrams on Pl. VI, no 1 which, in the original accompany this<br \/>\nsection.]<\/p>\n<p>On the outlines of cast shadows (192-195).<\/p>\n<p>192.<\/p>\n<p>The edges of a derived shadow will be most distinct where it is cast<br \/>\nnearest to the primary shadow.<\/p>\n<p>193.<\/p>\n<p>As the derived shadow gets more distant from the primary shadow, the<br \/>\nmore the cast shadow differs from the primary shadow.<\/p>\n<p>194.<\/p>\n<p>OF SHADOWS WHICH NEVER COME TO AN END.<\/p>\n<p>The greater the difference between a light and the body lighted by<br \/>\nit, the light being the larger, the more vague will be the outlines<br \/>\nof the shadow of that object.<\/p>\n<p>The derived shadow will be most confused towards the edges of its<br \/>\ninterception by a plane, where it is remotest from the body casting<br \/>\nit.<\/p>\n<p>195.<\/p>\n<p>What is the cause which makes the outlines of the shadow vague and<br \/>\nconfused?<\/p>\n<p>Whether it is possible to give clear and definite outlines to the<br \/>\nedges of shadows.<\/p>\n<p>On the relative size of shadows (196. 197).<\/p>\n<p>196.<\/p>\n<p>THE BODY WHICH IS NEAREST TO THE LIGHT CASTS THE LARGEST SHADOW, AND<br \/>\nWHY?<\/p>\n<p>If an object placed in front of a single light is very close to it<br \/>\nyou will see that it casts a very large shadow on the opposite wall,<br \/>\nand the farther you remove the object from the light the smaller<br \/>\nwill the image of the shadow become.<\/p>\n<p>WHY A SHADOW LARGER THAN THE BODY THAT PRODUCES IT BECOMES OUT OF<br \/>\nPROPORTION.<\/p>\n<p>The disproportion of a shadow which is larger than the body<br \/>\nproducing it, results from the light being smaller than the body, so<br \/>\nthat it cannot be at an equal distance from the edges of the body<br \/>\n[Footnote 11: H. LUDWIG in his edition of the old copies, in the<br \/>\nVatican library&#8211;in which this chapter is included under Nos. 612,<br \/>\n613 and 614 alters this passage as follows: <em>quella parte ch&#8217;e piu<br \/>\npropinqua piu cresce che le distanti<\/em>, although the Vatican copy<br \/>\nagrees with the original MS. in having <em>distante<\/em> in the former and<br \/>\n<em>propinque<\/em> in the latter place. This supposed amendment seems to me<br \/>\nto invert the facts. Supposing for instance, that on Pl. XXXI No. 3.<br \/>\n<em>f<\/em> is the spot where the light is that illuminates the figure there<br \/>\nrepresented, and that the line behind the figure represents a wall<br \/>\non which the shadow of the figure is thrown. It is evident, that in<br \/>\nthat case the nearest portion, in this case the under part of the<br \/>\nthigh, is very little magnified in the shadow, and the remoter<br \/>\nparts, for instance the head, are more magnified.]; and the portions<br \/>\nwhich are most remote are made larger than the nearer portions for<br \/>\nthis reason [Footnote 12: See Footnote 11].<\/p>\n<p>WHY A SHADOW WHICH IS LARGER THAN THE BODY CAUSING IT HAS<br \/>\nILL-DEFINED OUTLINES.<\/p>\n<p>The atmosphere which surrounds a light is almost like light itself<br \/>\nfor brightness and colour; but the farther off it is the more it<br \/>\nloses this resemblance. An object which casts a large shadow and is<br \/>\nnear to the light, is illuminated both by that light by the luminous<br \/>\natmosphere; hence this diffused light gives the shadow ill-defined<br \/>\nedges.<\/p>\n<p>197.<\/p>\n<p>A luminous body which is long and narrow in shape gives more<br \/>\nconfused outlines to the derived shadow than a spherical light, and<br \/>\nthis contradicts the proposition next following: A shadow will have<br \/>\nits outlines more clearly defined in proportion as it is nearer to<br \/>\nthe primary shadow or, I should say, the body casting the shadow;<br \/>\n[Footnote 14: The lettering refers to the lower diagram, Pl. XLI,<br \/>\nNo. 5.] the cause of this is the elongated form of the luminous body<br \/>\n<em>a c<\/em>, &amp;c. [Footnote 16: See Footnote 14].<\/p>\n<p>Effects on cast shadows by the tone of the back ground.<\/p>\n<p>198.<\/p>\n<p>OF MODIFIED SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>Modified shadows are those which are cast on light walls or other<br \/>\nilluminated objects.<\/p>\n<p>A shadow looks darkest against a light background. The outlines of a<br \/>\nderived shadow will be clearer as they are nearer to the primary<br \/>\nshadow. A derived shadow will be most defined in shape where it is<br \/>\nintercepted, where the plane intercepts it at the most equal angle.<\/p>\n<p>Those parts of a shadow will appear darkest which have darker<br \/>\nobjects opposite to them. And they will appear less dark when they<br \/>\nface lighter objects. And the larger the light object opposite, the<br \/>\nmore the shadow will be lightened.<\/p>\n<p>And the larger the surface of the dark object the more it will<br \/>\ndarken the derived shadow where it is intercepted.<\/p>\n<p>A disputed proposition.<\/p>\n<p>199.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE OPINION OF SOME THAT A TRIANGLE CASTS NO SHADOW ON A PLANE<br \/>\nSURFACE.<\/p>\n<p>Certain mathematicians have maintained that a triangle, of which the<br \/>\nbase is turned to the light, casts no shadow on a plane; and this<br \/>\nthey prove by saying [5] that no spherical body smaller than the<br \/>\nlight can reach the middle with the shadow. The lines of radiant<br \/>\nlight are straight lines [6]; therefore, suppose the light to be <em>g<br \/>\nh<\/em> and the triangle <em>l m n<\/em>, and let the plane be <em>i k<\/em>; they say<br \/>\nthe light <em>g<\/em> falls on the side of the triangle <em>l n<\/em>, and the<br \/>\nportion of the plane <em>i q<\/em>. Thus again <em>h<\/em> like <em>g<\/em> falls on the<br \/>\nside <em>l m<\/em>, and then on <em>m n<\/em> and the plane <em>p k<\/em>; and if the whole<br \/>\nplane thus faces the lights <em>g h<\/em>, it is evident that the triangle<br \/>\nhas no shadow; and that which has no shadow can cast none. This, in<br \/>\nthis case appears credible. But if the triangle <em>n p g<\/em> were not<br \/>\nilluminated by the two lights <em>g<\/em> and <em>h<\/em>, but by <em>i p<\/em> and <em>g<\/em> and<br \/>\n<em>k<\/em> neither side is lighted by more than one single light: that is<br \/>\n<em>i p<\/em> is invisible to <em>h g<\/em> and <em>k<\/em> will never be lighted by <em>g<\/em>;<br \/>\nhence <em>p q<\/em> will be twice as light as the two visible portions that<br \/>\nare in shadow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 5&#8211;6. This passage is so obscure that it would be rash to<br \/>\noffer an explanation. Several words seem to have been omitted.]<\/p>\n<p>On the relative depth of cast shadows (200-202).<\/p>\n<p>200.<\/p>\n<p>A spot is most in the shade when a large number of darkened rays<br \/>\nfall upon it. The spot which receives the rays at the widest angle<br \/>\nand by darkened rays will be most in the dark; a will be twice as<br \/>\ndark as b, because it originates from twice as large a base at an<br \/>\nequal distance. A spot is most illuminated when a large number of<br \/>\nluminous rays fall upon it. d is the beginning of the shadow <em>d f<\/em>,<br \/>\nand tinges <em>c<\/em> but <em>a<\/em> little; <em>d e<\/em> is half of the shadow <em>d f<\/em> and<br \/>\ngives a deeper tone where it is cast at <em>b<\/em> than at <em>f<\/em>. And the<br \/>\nwhole shaded space <em>e<\/em> gives its tone to the spot <em>a<\/em>. [Footnote:<br \/>\nThe diagram here referred to is on Pl. XLI, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>201.<\/p>\n<p><em>A n<\/em> will be darker than <em>c r<\/em> in proportion to the number of times<br \/>\nthat <em>a b<\/em> goes into <em>c d<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>202.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow cast by an object on a plane will be smaller in<br \/>\nproportion as that object is lighted by feebler rays. Let <em>d e<\/em> be<br \/>\nthe object and <em>d c<\/em> the plane surface; the number of times that <em>d<br \/>\ne<\/em> will go into <em>f g<\/em> gives the proportion of light at <em>f h<\/em> to <em>d<br \/>\nc<\/em>. The ray of light will be weaker in proportion to its distance<br \/>\nfrom the hole through which it falls.<\/p>\n<p>FIFTH BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>Principles of reflection (203. 204).<\/p>\n<p>203.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE WAY IN WHICH THE SHADOWS CAST BY OBJECTS OUGHT TO BE DEFINED.<\/p>\n<p>If the object is the mountain here figured, and the light is at the<br \/>\npoint <em>a<\/em>, I say that from <em>b d<\/em> and also from <em>c f<\/em> there will be<br \/>\nno light but from reflected rays. And this results from the fact<br \/>\nthat rays of light can only act in straight lines; and the same is<br \/>\nthe case with the secondary or reflected rays.<\/p>\n<p>204.<\/p>\n<p>The edges of the derived shadow are defined by the hues of the<br \/>\nilluminated objects surrounding the luminous body which produces the<br \/>\nshadow.<\/p>\n<p>On reverberation.<\/p>\n<p>205.<\/p>\n<p>OF REVERBERATION.<\/p>\n<p>Reverberation is caused by bodies of a bright nature with a flat and<br \/>\nsemi opaque surface which, when the light strikes upon them, throw<br \/>\nit back again, like the rebound of a ball, to the former object.<\/p>\n<p>WHERE THERE CAN BE NO REFLECTED LIGHTS.<\/p>\n<p>All dense bodies have their surfaces occupied by various degrees of<br \/>\nlight and shade. The lights are of two kinds, one called original,<br \/>\nthe other borrowed. Original light is that which is inherent in the<br \/>\nflame of fire or the light of the sun or of the atmosphere. Borrowed<br \/>\nlight will be reflected light; but to return to the promised<br \/>\ndefinition: I say that this luminous reverberation is not produced<br \/>\nby those portions of a body which are turned towards darkened<br \/>\nobjects, such as shaded spots, fields with grass of various height,<br \/>\nwoods whether green or bare; in which, though that side of each<br \/>\nbranch which is turned towards the original light has a share of<br \/>\nthat light, nevertheless the shadows cast by each branch separately<br \/>\nare so numerous, as well as those cast by one branch on the others,<br \/>\nthat finally so much shadow is the result that the light counts for<br \/>\nnothing. Hence objects of this kind cannot throw any reflected light<br \/>\non opposite objects.<\/p>\n<p>Reflection on water (206. 207).<\/p>\n<p>206.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow or object mirrored in water in motion, that is to say in<br \/>\nsmall wavelets, will always be larger than the external object<br \/>\nproducing it.<\/p>\n<p>207.<\/p>\n<p>It is impossible that an object mirrored on water should correspond<br \/>\nin form to the object mirrored, since the centre of the eye is above<br \/>\nthe surface of the water.<\/p>\n<p>This is made plain in the figure here given, which demonstrates that<br \/>\nthe eye sees the surface <em>a b<\/em>, and cannot see it at <em>l f<\/em>, and at<br \/>\n<em>r t<\/em>; it sees the surface of the image at <em>r t<\/em>, and does not see<br \/>\nit in the real object <em>c d<\/em>. Hence it is impossible to see it, as<br \/>\nhas been said above unless the eye itself is situated on the surface<br \/>\nof the water as is shown below [13].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>A<\/em> stands for <em>ochio<\/em> [eye], <em>B<\/em> for <em>aria<\/em> [air], <em>C<\/em><br \/>\nfor <em>acqua<\/em> [water], <em>D<\/em> for <em>cateto<\/em> [cathetus].&#8211;In the original<br \/>\nMS. the second diagram is placed below line 13.]<\/p>\n<p>Experiments with the mirror (208-210).<\/p>\n<p>208.<\/p>\n<p>THE MIRROR.<\/p>\n<p>If the illuminated object is of the same size as the luminous body<br \/>\nand as that in which the light is reflected, the amount of the<br \/>\nreflected light will bear the same proportion to the intermediate<br \/>\nlight as this second light will bear to the first, if both bodies<br \/>\nare smooth and white.<\/p>\n<p>209.<\/p>\n<p>Describe how it is that no object has its limitation in the mirror<br \/>\nbut in the eye which sees it in the mirror. For if you look at your<br \/>\nface in the mirror, the part resembles the whole in as much as the<br \/>\npart is everywhere in the mirror, and the whole is in every part of<br \/>\nthe same mirror; and the same is true of the whole image of any<br \/>\nobject placed opposite to this mirror, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>210.<\/p>\n<p>No man can see the image of another man in a mirror in its proper<br \/>\nplace with regard to the objects; because every object falls on [the<br \/>\nsurface of] the mirror at equal angles. And if the one man, who sees<br \/>\nthe other in the mirror, is not in a direct line with the image he<br \/>\nwill not see it in the place where it really falls; and if he gets<br \/>\ninto the line, he covers the other man and puts himself in the place<br \/>\noccupied by his image. Let <em>n o<\/em> be the mirror, <em>b<\/em> the eye of your<br \/>\nfriend and <em>d<\/em> your own eye. Your friend&#8217;s eye will appear to you at<br \/>\n<em>a<\/em>, and to him it will seem that yours is at <em>c<\/em>, and the<br \/>\nintersection of the visual rays will occur at <em>m<\/em>, so that either of<br \/>\nyou touching <em>m<\/em> will touch the eye of the other man which shall be<br \/>\nopen. And if you touch the eye of the other man in the mirror it<br \/>\nwill seem to him that you are touching your own.<\/p>\n<p>Appendix:&#8211;On shadows in movement (211. 212).<\/p>\n<p>211.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SHADOW AND ITS MOTION.<\/p>\n<p>When two bodies casting shadows, and one in front of the other, are<br \/>\nbetween a window and the wall with some space between them, the<br \/>\nshadow of the body which is nearest to the plane of the wall will<br \/>\nmove if the body nearest to the window is put in transverse motion<br \/>\nacross the window. To prove this let <em>a<\/em> and <em>b<\/em> be two bodies<br \/>\nplaced between the window <em>n m<\/em> and the plane surface <em>o p<\/em> with<br \/>\nsufficient space between them as shown by the space <em>a b<\/em>. I say<br \/>\nthat if the body <em>a<\/em> is moved towards <em>s<\/em> the shadow of the body <em>b<\/em><br \/>\nwhich is at <em>c<\/em> will move towards <em>d<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>212.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOTION OF SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>The motion of a shadow is always more rapid than that of the body<br \/>\nwhich produces it if the light is stationary. To prove this let <em>a<\/em><br \/>\nbe the luminous body, and <em>b<\/em> the body casting the shadow, and <em>d<\/em><br \/>\nthe shadow. Then I say that in the time while the solid body moves<br \/>\nfrom <em>b<\/em> to <em>c<\/em>, the shadow <em>d<\/em> will move to <em>e<\/em>; and this<br \/>\nproportion in the rapidity of the movements made in the same space<br \/>\nof time, is equal to that in the length of the space moved over.<br \/>\nThus, given the proportion of the space moved over by the body <em>b<\/em><br \/>\nto <em>c<\/em>, to that moved over by the shadow <em>d<\/em> to <em>e<\/em>, the proportion<br \/>\nin the rapidity of their movements will be the same.<\/p>\n<p>But if the luminous body is also in movement with a velocity equal<br \/>\nto that of the solid body, then the shadow and the body that casts<br \/>\nit will move with equal speed. And if the luminous body moves more<br \/>\nrapidly than the solid body, the motion of the shadow will be slower<br \/>\nthan that of the body casting it.<\/p>\n<p>But if the luminous body moves more slowly than the solid body, then<br \/>\nthe shadow will move more rapidly than that body.<\/p>\n<p>SIXTH BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>The effect of rays passing through holes (213. 214).<\/p>\n<p>213.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>If you transmit the rays of the sun through a hole in the shape of a<br \/>\nstar you will see a beautiful effect of perspective in the spot<br \/>\nwhere the sun&#8217;s rays fall.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In this and the following chapters of MS. C the order of<br \/>\nthe original paging has been adhered to, and is shown in<br \/>\nparenthesis. Leonardo himself has but rarely worked out the subject<br \/>\nof these propositions. The space left for the purpose has<br \/>\noccasionally been made use of for quite different matter. Even the<br \/>\nnumerous diagrams, most of them very delicately sketched, lettered<br \/>\nand numbered, which occur on these pages, are hardly ever explained,<br \/>\nwith the exception of those few which are here given.]<\/p>\n<p>214.<\/p>\n<p>No small hole can so modify the convergence of rays of light as to<br \/>\nprevent, at a long distance, the transmission of the true form of<br \/>\nthe luminous body causing them. It is impossible that rays of light<br \/>\npassing through a parallel [slit], should not display the form of<br \/>\nthe body causing them, since all the effects produced by a luminous<br \/>\nbody are [in fact] the reflection of that body: The moon, shaped<br \/>\nlike a boat, if transmitted through a hole is figured in the surface<br \/>\n[it falls on] as a boatshaped object. [Footnote 8: In the MS. a<br \/>\nblank space is left after this question.] Why the eye sees bodies at<br \/>\na distance, larger than they measure on the vertical plane?.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This chapter, taken from another MS. may, as an<br \/>\nexception, be placed here, as it refers to the same subject as the<br \/>\npreceding section.]<\/p>\n<p>On gradation of shadows (215. 216).<\/p>\n<p>215.<\/p>\n<p>Although the breadth and length of lights and shadow will be<br \/>\nnarrower and shorter in foreshortening, the quality and quantity of<br \/>\nthe light and shade is not increased nor diminished.<\/p>\n<p>[3]The function of shade and light when diminished by<br \/>\nforeshortening, will be to give shadow and to illuminate an object<br \/>\nopposite, according to the quality and quantity in which they fall<br \/>\non the body.<\/p>\n<p>[5]In proportion as a derived shadow is nearer to its penultimate<br \/>\nextremities the deeper it will appear, <em>g z<\/em> beyond the intersection<br \/>\nfaces only the part of the shadow [marked] <em>y z<\/em>; this by<br \/>\nintersection takes the shadow from <em>m n<\/em> but by direct line it takes<br \/>\nthe shadow <em>a m<\/em> hence it is twice as deep as <em>g z<\/em>. <em>Y x<\/em>, by<br \/>\nintersection takes the shadow <em>n o<\/em>, but by direct line the shadow<br \/>\n<em>n m a<\/em>, therefore <em>x y<\/em> is three times as dark as <em>z g<\/em>; <em>x f<\/em>, by<br \/>\nintersection faces <em>o b<\/em> and by direct line <em>o n m a<\/em>, therefore we<br \/>\nmust say that the shadow between <em>f x<\/em> will be four times as dark as<br \/>\nthe shadow <em>z g<\/em>, because it faces four times as much shadow.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>a b<\/em> be the side where the primary shadow is, and <em>b c<\/em> the<br \/>\nprimary light, <em>d<\/em> will be the spot where it is intercepted,<em>f g<\/em><br \/>\nthe derived shadow and <em>f e<\/em> the derived light.<\/p>\n<p>And this must be at the beginning of the explanation.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original MS. the text of No. 252 precedes the one<br \/>\ngiven here. In the text of No. 215 there is a blank space of about<br \/>\nfour lines between the lines 2 and 3. The diagram given on Pl. VI,<br \/>\nNo. 2 is placed between lines 4 and 5. Between lines 5 and 6 there<br \/>\nis another space of about three lines and one line left blank<br \/>\nbetween lines 8 and 9. The reader will find the meaning of the whole<br \/>\npassage much clearer if he first reads the final lines 11&#8211;13.<br \/>\nCompare also line 4 of No. 270.]<\/p>\n<p>On relative proportion of light and shadows (216&#8211;221).<\/p>\n<p>216.<\/p>\n<p>That part of the surface of a body on which the images [reflection]<br \/>\nfrom other bodies placed opposite fall at the largest angle will<br \/>\nassume their hue most strongly. In the diagram below, 8 is a larger<br \/>\nangle than 4, since its base <em>a n<\/em> is larger than <em>e n<\/em> the base of<br \/>\n4. This diagram below should end at <em>a n<\/em> 4 8. [4]That portion of<br \/>\nthe illuminated surface on which a shadow is cast will be brightest<br \/>\nwhich lies contiguous to the cast shadow. Just as an object which is<br \/>\nlighted up by a greater quantity of luminous rays becomes brighter,<br \/>\nso one on which a greater quantity of shadow falls, will be darker.<\/p>\n<p>Let 4 be the side of an illuminated surface 4 8, surrounding the<br \/>\ncast shadow <em>g e<\/em> 4. And this spot 4 will be lighter than 8, because<br \/>\nless shadow falls on it than on 8. Since 4 faces only the shadow <em>i<br \/>\nn<\/em>; and 8 faces and receives the shadow <em>a e<\/em> as well as <em>i n<\/em> which<br \/>\nmakes it twice as dark. And the same thing happens when you put the<br \/>\natmosphere and the sun in the place of shade and light.<\/p>\n<p>[12] The distribution of shadow, originating in, and limited by,<br \/>\nplane surfaces placed near to each other, equal in tone and directly<br \/>\nopposite, will be darker at the ends than at the beginning, which<br \/>\nwill be determined by the incidence of the luminous rays. You will<br \/>\nfind the same proportion in the depth of the derived shadows <em>a n<\/em><br \/>\nas in the nearness of the luminous bodies <em>m b<\/em>, which cause them;<br \/>\nand if the luminous bodies were of equal size you would still<br \/>\nfarther find the same proportion in the light cast by the luminous<br \/>\ncircles and their shadows as in the distance of the said luminous<br \/>\nbodies.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram originally placed between lines 3 and 4 is on<br \/>\nPl. VI, No. 3. In the diagram given above line 14 of the original,<br \/>\nand here printed in the text, the words <em>corpo luminoso<\/em> [luminous<br \/>\nbody] are written in the circle <em>m<\/em>, <em>luminoso<\/em> in the circle <em>b<\/em><br \/>\nand <em>ombroso<\/em> [body in shadow] in the circle <em>o<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>217.<\/p>\n<p>THAT PART OF THE REFLECTION WILL BE BRIGHTEST WHERE THE REFLECTED<br \/>\nRAYS ARE SHORTEST.<\/p>\n<p>[2] The darkness occasioned by the casting of combined shadows will<br \/>\nbe in conformity with its cause, which will originate and terminate<br \/>\nbetween two plane surfaces near together, alike in tone and directly<br \/>\nopposite each other.<\/p>\n<p>[4] In proportion as the source of light is larger, the luminous and<br \/>\nshadow rays will be more mixed together. This result is produced<br \/>\nbecause wherever there is a larger quantity of luminous rays, there<br \/>\nis most light, but where there are fewer there is least light,<br \/>\nconsequently the shadow rays come in and mingle with them.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Diagrams are inserted before lines 2 and 4.]<\/p>\n<p>218.<\/p>\n<p>In all the proportions I lay down it must be understood that the<br \/>\nmedium between the bodies is always the same. [2] The smaller the<br \/>\nluminous body the more distinct will the transmission of the shadows<br \/>\nbe.<\/p>\n<p>[3] When of two opposite shadows, produced by the same body, one is<br \/>\ntwice as dark as the other though similar in form, one of the two<br \/>\nlights causing them must have twice the diameter that the other has<br \/>\nand be at twice the distance from the opaque body. If the object is<br \/>\nlowly moved across the luminous body, and the shadow is intercepted<br \/>\nat some distance from the object, there will be the same relative<br \/>\nproportion between the motion of the derived shadow and the motion<br \/>\nof the primary shadow, as between the distance from the object to<br \/>\nthe light, and that from the object to the spot where the shadow is<br \/>\nintercepted; so that though the object is moved slowly the shadow<br \/>\nmoves fast.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: There are diagrams inserted before lines 2 and 3 but they<br \/>\nare not reproduced here. The diagram above line 6 is written upon as<br \/>\nfollows: at <em>A lume<\/em> (light), at <em>B obbietto<\/em> (body), at <em>C ombra<br \/>\nd&#8217;obbietto<\/em> (shadow of the object).]<\/p>\n<p>219.<\/p>\n<p>A luminous body will appear less brilliant when surrounded by a<br \/>\nbright background.<\/p>\n<p>[2] I have found that the stars which are nearest to the horizon<br \/>\nlook larger than the others because light falls upon them from a<br \/>\nlarger proportion of the solar body than when they are above us; and<br \/>\nhaving more light from the sun they give more light, and the bodies<br \/>\nwhich are most luminous appear the largest. As may be seen by the<br \/>\nsun through a mist, and overhead; it appears larger where there is<br \/>\nno mist and diminished through mist. No portion of the luminous body<br \/>\nis ever visible from any spot within the pyramid of pure derived<br \/>\nshadow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Between lines 1 and 2 there is in the original a large<br \/>\ndiagram which does not refer to this text. ]<\/p>\n<p>220.<\/p>\n<p>A body on which the solar rays fall between the thin branches of<br \/>\ntrees far apart will cast but a single shadow.<\/p>\n<p>[2] If an opaque body and a luminous one are (both) spherical the<br \/>\nbase of the pyramid of rays will bear the same proportion to the<br \/>\nluminous body as the base of the pyramid of shade to the opaque<br \/>\nbody.<\/p>\n<p>[4] When the transmitted shadow is intercepted by a plane surface<br \/>\nplaced opposite to it and farther away from the luminous body than<br \/>\nfrom the object [which casts it] it will appear proportionately<br \/>\ndarker and the edges more distinct.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram which, in the original, is placed above line<br \/>\n2, is similar to the one, here given on page 73 (section 120).&#8211;The<br \/>\ndiagram here given in the margin stands, in the original, between<br \/>\nlines 3 and 4.]<\/p>\n<p>221.<\/p>\n<p>A body illuminated by the solar rays passing between the thick<br \/>\nbranches of trees will produce as many shadows as there are branches<br \/>\nbetween the sun and itself.<\/p>\n<p>Where the shadow-rays from an opaque pyramidal body are intercepted<br \/>\nthey will cast a shadow of bifurcate outline and various depth at<br \/>\nthe points. A light which is broader than the apex but narrower than<br \/>\nthe base of an opaque pyramidal body placed in front of it, will<br \/>\ncause that pyramid to cast a shadow of bifurcate form and various<br \/>\ndegrees of depth.<\/p>\n<p>If an opaque body, smaller than the light, casts two shadows and if<br \/>\nit is the same size or larger, casts but one, it follows that a<br \/>\npyramidal body, of which part is smaller, part equal to, and part<br \/>\nlarger than, the luminous body, will cast a bifurcate shadow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Between lines 2 and 3 there are in the original two large<br \/>\ndiagrams.]<\/p>\n<p><em>IV.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Perspective of Disappearance.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The theory of the<\/em> &#8220;Prospettiva de&#8217; perdimenti&#8221; <em>would, in many<br \/>\nimportant details, be quite unintelligible if it had not been led up<br \/>\nby the principles of light and shade on which it is based. The word<\/em><br \/>\n&#8220;Prospettiva&#8221; <em>in the language of the time included the principles<br \/>\nof optics; what Leonardo understood by<\/em> &#8220;Perdimenti&#8221; <em>will be<br \/>\nclearly seen in the early chapters, Nos.<\/em> 222&#8211;224. <em>It is in the<br \/>\nvery nature of the case that the farther explanations given in the<br \/>\nsubsequent chapters must be limited to general rules. The sections<br \/>\ngiven as<\/em> 227&#8211;231 <em>&#8220;On indistinctness at short distances&#8221; have, it<br \/>\nis true, only an indirect bearing on the subject; but on the other<br \/>\nhand, the following chapters,<\/em> 232&#8211;234, <em>&#8220;On indistinctness at<br \/>\ngreat distances,&#8221; go fully into the matter, and in chapters<\/em><br \/>\n235&#8211;239, <em>which treat &#8220;Of the importance of light and shade in the<br \/>\nPerspective of Disappearance&#8221;, the practical issues are distinctly<br \/>\ninsisted on in their relation to the theory. This is naturally<br \/>\nfollowed by the statements as to &#8220;the effect of light or dark<br \/>\nbackgrounds on the apparent size of bodies&#8221;<\/em> (<em>Nos.<\/em> 240&#8211;250). <em>At<br \/>\nthe end I have placed, in the order of the original, those sections<br \/>\nfrom the MS.<\/em> C <em>which treat of the &#8220;Perspective of Disappearance&#8221;<br \/>\nand serve to some extent to complete the treatment of the subject<\/em><br \/>\n(251&#8211;262).<\/p>\n<p>Definition (222. 223).<\/p>\n<p>222.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DIMINISHED DISTINCTNESS OF THE OUTLINES OF OPAQUE BODIES.<\/p>\n<p>If the real outlines of opaque bodies are indistinguishable at even<br \/>\na very short distance, they will be more so at long distances; and,<br \/>\nsince it is by its outlines that we are able to know the real form<br \/>\nof any opaque body, when by its remoteness we fail to discern it as<br \/>\na whole, much more must we fail to discern its parts and outlines.<\/p>\n<p>223.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DIMINUTION IN PERSPECTIVE OF OPAQUE OBJECTS.<\/p>\n<p>Among opaque objects of equal size the apparent diminution of size<br \/>\nwill be in proportion to their distance from the eye of the<br \/>\nspectator; but it is an inverse proportion, since, where the<br \/>\ndistance is greater, the opaque body will appear smaller, and the<br \/>\nless the distance the larger will the object appear. And this is the<br \/>\nfundamental principle of linear perspective and it<br \/>\nfollows:&#8211;[11]every object as it becomes more remote loses first<br \/>\nthose parts which are smallest. Thus of a horse, we should lose the<br \/>\nlegs before the head, because the legs are thinner than the head;<br \/>\nand the neck before the body for the same reason. Hence it follows<br \/>\nthat the last part of the horse which would be discernible by the<br \/>\neye would be the mass of the body in an oval form, or rather in a<br \/>\ncylindrical form and this would lose its apparent thickness before<br \/>\nits length&#8211;according to the 2nd rule given above, &amp;c. [Footnote 23:<br \/>\nCompare line 11.].<\/p>\n<p>If the eye remains stationary the perspective terminates in the<br \/>\ndistance in a point. But if the eye moves in a straight [horizontal]<br \/>\nline the perspective terminates in a line and the reason is that<br \/>\nthis line is generated by the motion of the point and our sight;<br \/>\ntherefore it follows that as we move our sight [eye], the point<br \/>\nmoves, and as we move the point, the line is generated, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>An illustration by experiment.<\/p>\n<p>224.<\/p>\n<p>Every visible body, in so far as it affects the eye, includes three<br \/>\nattributes; that is to say: mass, form and colour; and the mass is<br \/>\nrecognisable at a greater distance from the place of its actual<br \/>\nexistence than either colour or form. Again, colour is discernible<br \/>\nat a greater distance than form, but this law does not apply to<br \/>\nluminous bodies.<\/p>\n<p>The above proposition is plainly shown and proved by experiment;<br \/>\nbecause: if you see a man close to you, you discern the exact<br \/>\nappearance of the mass and of the form and also of the colouring; if<br \/>\nhe goes to some distance you will not recognise who he is, because<br \/>\nthe character of the details will disappear, if he goes still<br \/>\nfarther you will not be able to distinguish his colouring, but he<br \/>\nwill appear as a dark object, and still farther he will appear as a<br \/>\nvery small dark rounded object. It appears rounded because distance<br \/>\nso greatly diminishes the various details that nothing remains<br \/>\nvisible but the larger mass. And the reason is this: We know very<br \/>\nwell that all the images of objects reach the senses by a small<br \/>\naperture in the eye; hence, if the whole horizon <em>a d<\/em> is admitted<br \/>\nthrough such an aperture, the object <em>b c<\/em> being but a very small<br \/>\nfraction of this horizon what space can it fill in that minute image<br \/>\nof so vast a hemisphere? And because luminous bodies have more power<br \/>\nin darkness than any others, it is evident that, as the chamber of<br \/>\nthe eye is very dark, as is the nature of all colored cavities, the<br \/>\nimages of distant objects are confused and lost in the great light<br \/>\nof the sky; and if they are visible at all, appear dark and black,<br \/>\nas every small body must when seen in the diffused light of the<br \/>\natmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this passage is placed between<br \/>\nlines 5 and 6; it is No. 4 on Pl. VI. ]<\/p>\n<p>A guiding rule.<\/p>\n<p>225.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE ATMOSPHERE THAT INTERPOSES BETWEEN THE EYE AND VISIBLE<br \/>\nOBJECTS.<\/p>\n<p>An object will appear more or less distinct at the same distance, in<br \/>\nproportion as the atmosphere existing between the eye and that<br \/>\nobject is more or less clear. Hence, as I know that the greater or<br \/>\nless quantity of the air that lies between the eye and the object<br \/>\nmakes the outlines of that object more or less indistinct, you must<br \/>\ndiminish the definiteness of outline of those objects in proportion<br \/>\nto their increasing distance from the eye of the spectator.<\/p>\n<p>An experiment.<\/p>\n<p>226.<\/p>\n<p>When I was once in a place on the sea, at an equal distance from the<br \/>\nshore and the mountains, the distance from the shore looked much<br \/>\ngreater than that from the mountains.<\/p>\n<p>On indistinctness at short distances (227-231).<\/p>\n<p>227.<\/p>\n<p>If you place an opaque object in front of your eye at a distance of<br \/>\nfour fingers&#8217; breadth, if it is smaller than the space between the<br \/>\ntwo eyes it will not interfere with your seeing any thing that may<br \/>\nbe beyond it. No object situated beyond another object seen by the<br \/>\neye can be concealed by this [nearer] object if it is smaller than<br \/>\nthe space from eye to eye.<\/p>\n<p>228.<\/p>\n<p>The eye cannot take in a luminous angle which is too close to it.<\/p>\n<p>229.<\/p>\n<p>That part of a surface will be better lighted on which the light<br \/>\nfalls at the greater angle. And that part, on which the shadow falls<br \/>\nat the greatest angle, will receive from those rays least of the<br \/>\nbenefit of the light.<\/p>\n<p>230.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>The edges of an object placed in front of the pupil of the eye will<br \/>\nbe less distinct in proportion as they are closer to the eye. This<br \/>\nis shown by the edge of the object <em>n<\/em> placed in front of the pupil<br \/>\n<em>d<\/em>; in looking at this edge the pupil also sees all the space <em>a c<\/em><br \/>\nwhich is beyond the edge; and the images the eye receives from that<br \/>\nspace are mingled with the images of the edge, so that one image<br \/>\nconfuses the other, and this confusion hinders the pupil from<br \/>\ndistinguishing the edge.<\/p>\n<p>231.<\/p>\n<p>The outlines of objects will be least clear when they are nearest to<br \/>\nthe eye, and therefore remoter outlines will be clearer. Among<br \/>\nobjects which are smaller than the pupil of the eye those will be<br \/>\nless distinct which are nearer to the eye.<\/p>\n<p>On indistinctness at great distances (232-234).<\/p>\n<p>232.<\/p>\n<p>Objects near to the eye will appear larger than those at a distance.<\/p>\n<p>Objects seen with two eyes will appear rounder than if they are seen<br \/>\nwith only one.<\/p>\n<p>Objects seen between light and shadow will show the most relief.<\/p>\n<p>233.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Our true perception of an object diminishes in proportion as its<br \/>\nsize is diminished by distance.<\/p>\n<p>234.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Why objects seen at a distance appear large to the eye and in the<br \/>\nimage on the vertical plane they appear small.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>I ask how far away the eye can discern a non-luminous body, as, for<br \/>\ninstance, a mountain. It will be very plainly visible if the sun is<br \/>\nbehind it; and could be seen at a greater or less distance according<br \/>\nto the sun&#8217;s place in the sky.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The clue to the solution of this problem (lines 1-3) is<br \/>\ngiven in lines 4-6, No. 232. Objects seen with both eyes appear<br \/>\nsolid since they are seen from two distinct points of sight<br \/>\nseparated by the distance between the eyes, but this solidity cannot<br \/>\nbe represented in a flat drawing. Compare No. 535.]<\/p>\n<p>The importance of light and shade in the perspective of<br \/>\ndisappearance (235-239).<\/p>\n<p>235.<\/p>\n<p>An opaque body seen in a line in which the light falls will reveal<br \/>\nno prominences to the eye. For instance, let <em>a<\/em> be the solid body<br \/>\nand <em>c<\/em> the light; <em>c m<\/em> and <em>c n<\/em> will be the lines of incidence of<br \/>\nthe light, that is to say the lines which transmit the light to the<br \/>\nobject <em>a<\/em>. The eye being at the point <em>b<\/em>, I say that since the<br \/>\nlight <em>c<\/em> falls on the whole part <em>m n<\/em> the portions in relief on<br \/>\nthat side will all be illuminated. Hence the eye placed at <em>c<\/em><br \/>\ncannot see any light and shade and, not seeing it, every portion<br \/>\nwill appear of the same tone, therefore the relief in the prominent<br \/>\nor rounded parts will not be visible.<\/p>\n<p>236.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>When you represent in your work shadows which you can only discern<br \/>\nwith difficulty, and of which you cannot distinguish the edges so<br \/>\nthat you apprehend them confusedly, you must not make them sharp or<br \/>\ndefinite lest your work should have a wooden effect.<\/p>\n<p>237.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>You will observe in drawing that among the shadows some are of<br \/>\nundistinguishable gradation and form, as is shown in the 3rd<br \/>\n[proposition] which says: Rounded surfaces display as many degrees<br \/>\nof light and shade as there are varieties of brightness and darkness<br \/>\nreflected from the surrounding objects.<\/p>\n<p>238.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>You who draw from nature, look (carefully) at the extent, the<br \/>\ndegree, and the form of the lights and shadows on each muscle; and<br \/>\nin their position lengthwise observe towards which muscle the axis<br \/>\nof the central line is directed.<\/p>\n<p>239.<\/p>\n<p>An object which is [so brilliantly illuminated as to be] almost as<br \/>\nbright as light will be visible at a greater distance, and of larger<br \/>\napparent size than is natural to objects so remote.<\/p>\n<p>The effect of light or dark backgrounds on the apparent size of<br \/>\nobjects (240-250).<\/p>\n<p>240.<\/p>\n<p>A shadow will appear dark in proportion to the brilliancy of the<br \/>\nlight surrounding it and conversely it will be less conspicuous<br \/>\nwhere it is seen against a darker background.<\/p>\n<p>241.<\/p>\n<p>OF ORDINARY PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>An object of equal breadth and colour throughout, seen against a<br \/>\nbackground of various colours will appear unequal in breadth.<\/p>\n<p>And if an object of equal breadth throughout, but of various<br \/>\ncolours, is seen against a background of uniform colour, that object<br \/>\nwill appear of various breadth. And the more the colours of the<br \/>\nbackground or of the object seen against the ground vary, the<br \/>\ngreater will the apparent variations in the breadth be though the<br \/>\nobjects seen against the ground be of equal breadth [throughout].<\/p>\n<p>242.<\/p>\n<p>A dark object seen against a bright background will appear smaller<br \/>\nthan it is.<\/p>\n<p>A light object will look larger when it is seen against a background<br \/>\ndarker than itself.<\/p>\n<p>243.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>A luminous body when obscured by a dense atmosphere will appear<br \/>\nsmaller; as may be seen by the moon or sun veiled by mists.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>Of several luminous bodies of equal size and brilliancy and at an<br \/>\nequal distance, that will look the largest which is surrounded by<br \/>\nthe darkest background.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>I find that any luminous body when seen through a dense and thick<br \/>\nmist diminishes in proportion to its distance from the eye. Thus it<br \/>\nis with the sun by day, as well as the moon and the other eternal<br \/>\nlights by night. And when the air is clear, these luminaries appear<br \/>\nlarger in proportion as they are farther from the eye.<\/p>\n<p>244.<\/p>\n<p>That portion of a body of uniform breadth which is against a lighter<br \/>\nbackground will look narrower [than the rest].<\/p>\n<p>[4] <em>e<\/em> is a given object, itself dark and of uniform breadth; <em>a b<\/em><br \/>\nand <em>c d<\/em> are two backgrounds one darker than the other; <em>b c<\/em> is a<br \/>\nbright background, as it might be a spot lighted by the sun through<br \/>\nan aperture in a dark room. Then I say that the object <em>e g<\/em> will<br \/>\nappear larger at <em>e f<\/em> than at <em>g h<\/em>; because <em>e f<\/em> has a darker<br \/>\nbackground than <em>g h<\/em>; and again at <em>f g<\/em> it will look narrower from<br \/>\nbeing seen by the eye <em>o<\/em>, on the light background <em>b c<\/em>. [Footnote<br \/>\n12: The diagram to which the text, lines 1-11, refers, is placed in<br \/>\nthe original between lines 3 and 4, and is given on Pl. XLI, No. 3.<br \/>\nLines 12 to 14 are explained by the lower of the two diagrams on Pl.<br \/>\nXLI, No. 4. In the original these are placed after line 14.] That<br \/>\npart of a luminous body, of equal breadth and brilliancy throughout,<br \/>\nwill look largest which is seen against the darkest background; and<br \/>\nthe luminous body will seem on fire.<\/p>\n<p>245.<\/p>\n<p>WHY BODIES IN LIGHT AND SHADE HAVE THEIR OUTLINES ALTERED BY THE<br \/>\nCOLOUR AND BRIGHTNESS OF THE OBJECTS SERVING AS A BACKGROUND TO<br \/>\nTHEM.<\/p>\n<p>If you look at a body of which the illuminated portion lies and ends<br \/>\nagainst a dark background, that part of the light which will look<br \/>\nbrightest will be that which lies against the dark [background] at<br \/>\n<em>d<\/em>. But if this brighter part lies against a light background, the<br \/>\nedge of the object, which is itself light, will be less distinct<br \/>\nthan before, and the highest light will appear to be between the<br \/>\nlimit of the background <em>m f<\/em> and the shadow. The same thing is seen<br \/>\nwith regard to the dark [side], inasmuch as that edge of the shaded<br \/>\nportion of the object which lies against a light background, as at<br \/>\n<em>l<\/em>, it looks much darker than the rest. But if this shadow lies<br \/>\nagainst a dark background, the edge of the shaded part will appear<br \/>\nlighter than before, and the deepest shade will appear between the<br \/>\nedge and the light at the point <em>o<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original diagram <em>o<\/em> is inside the shaded surface<br \/>\nat the level of <em>d<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>246.<\/p>\n<p>An opaque body will appear smaller when it is surrounded by a highly<br \/>\nluminous background, and a light body will appear larger when it is<br \/>\nseen against a darker background. This may be seen in the height of<br \/>\nbuildings at night, when lightning flashes behind them; it suddenly<br \/>\nseems, when it lightens, as though the height of the building were<br \/>\ndiminished. For the same reason such buildings look larger in a<br \/>\nmist, or by night than when the atmosphere is clear and light.<\/p>\n<p>247.<\/p>\n<p>ON LIGHT BETWEEN SHADOWS<\/p>\n<p>When you are drawing any object, remember, in comparing the grades<br \/>\nof light in the illuminated portions, that the eye is often deceived<br \/>\nby seeing things lighter than they are. And the reason lies in our<br \/>\ncomparing those parts with the contiguous parts. Since if two<br \/>\n[separate] parts are in different grades of light and if the less<br \/>\nbright is conterminous with a dark portion and the brighter is<br \/>\nconterminous with a light background&#8211;as the sky or something<br \/>\nequally bright&#8211;, then that which is less light, or I should say<br \/>\nless radiant, will look the brighter and the brighter will seem the<br \/>\ndarker.<\/p>\n<p>248.<\/p>\n<p>Of objects equally dark in themselves and situated at a considerable<br \/>\nand equal distance, that will look the darkest which is farthest<br \/>\nabove the earth.<\/p>\n<p>249.<\/p>\n<p>TO PROVE HOW IT IS THAT LUMINOUS BODIES APPEAR LARGER, AT A<br \/>\nDISTANCE, THAN THEY ARE.<\/p>\n<p>If you place two lighted candles side by side half a braccio apart,<br \/>\nand go from them to a distance 200 braccia you will see that by the<br \/>\nincreased size of each they will appear as a single luminous body<br \/>\nwith the light of the two flames, one braccio wide.<\/p>\n<p>TO PROVE HOW YOU MAY SEE THE REAL SIZE OF LUMINOUS BODIES.<\/p>\n<p>If you wish to see the real size of these luminous bodies, take a<br \/>\nvery thin board and make in it a hole no bigger than the tag of a<br \/>\nlace and place it as close to your eye as possible, so that when you<br \/>\nlook through this hole, at the said light, you can see a large space<br \/>\nof air round it. Then by rapidly moving this board backwards and<br \/>\nforwards before your eye you will see the light increase [and<br \/>\ndiminish].<\/p>\n<p>Propositions on perspective of disappearance from MS. C. (250-262).<\/p>\n<p>250.<\/p>\n<p>Of several bodies of equal size and equally distant from the eye,<br \/>\nthose will look the smallest which are against the lightest<br \/>\nbackground.<\/p>\n<p>Every visible object must be surrounded by light and shade. A<br \/>\nperfectly spherical body surrounded by light and shade will appear<br \/>\nto have one side larger than the other in proportion as one is more<br \/>\nhighly lighted than the other.<\/p>\n<p>251.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>No visible object can be well understood and comprehended by the<br \/>\nhuman eye excepting from the difference of the background against<br \/>\nwhich the edges of the object terminate and by which they are<br \/>\nbounded, and no object will appear [to stand out] separate from that<br \/>\nbackground so far as the outlines of its borders are concerned. The<br \/>\nmoon, though it is at a great distance from the sun, when, in an<br \/>\neclipse, it comes between our eyes and the sun, appears to the eyes<br \/>\nof men to be close to the sun and affixed to it, because the sun is<br \/>\nthen the background to the moon.<\/p>\n<p>252.<\/p>\n<p>A luminous body will appear more brilliant in proportion as it is<br \/>\nsurrounded by deeper shadow. [Footnote: The diagram which, in the<br \/>\noriginal, is placed after this text, has no connection with it.]<\/p>\n<p>253.<\/p>\n<p>The straight edges of a body will appear broken when they are<br \/>\nconterminous with a dark space streaked with rays of light.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Here again the diagrams in the original have no<br \/>\nconnection with the text.]<\/p>\n<p>254.<\/p>\n<p>Of several bodies, all equally large and equally distant, that which<br \/>\nis most brightly illuminated will appear to the eye nearest and<br \/>\nlargest. [Footnote: Here again the diagrams in the original have no<br \/>\nconnection with the text.]<\/p>\n<p>255.<\/p>\n<p>If several luminous bodies are seen from a great distance although<br \/>\nthey are really separate they will appear united as one body.<\/p>\n<p>256.<\/p>\n<p>If several objects in shadow, standing very close together, are seen<br \/>\nagainst a bright background they will appear separated by wide<br \/>\nintervals.<\/p>\n<p>257.<\/p>\n<p>Of several bodies of equal size and tone, that which is farthest<br \/>\nwill appear the lightest and smallest.<\/p>\n<p>258.<\/p>\n<p>Of several objects equal in size, brightness of background and<br \/>\nlength that which has the flattest surface will look the largest. A<br \/>\nbar of iron equally thick throughout and of which half is red hot,<br \/>\naffords an example, for the red hot part looks thicker than the<br \/>\nrest.<\/p>\n<p>259.<\/p>\n<p>Of several bodies of equal size and length, and alike in form and in<br \/>\ndepth of shade, that will appear smallest which is surrounded by the<br \/>\nmost luminous background.<\/p>\n<p>260.<\/p>\n<p>DIFFERENT PORTIONS OF A WALL SURFACE WILL BE DARKER OR BRIGHTER IN<br \/>\nPROPORTION AS THE LIGHT OR SHADOW FALLS ON THEM AT A LARGER ANGLE.<\/p>\n<p>The foregoing proposition can be clearly proved in this way. Let us<br \/>\nsay that <em>m q<\/em> is the luminous body, then <em>f g<\/em> will be the opaque<br \/>\nbody; and let <em>a e<\/em> be the above-mentioned plane on which the said<br \/>\nangles fall, showing [plainly] the nature and character of their<br \/>\nbases. Then: <em>a<\/em> will be more luminous than <em>b<\/em>; the base of the<br \/>\nangle <em>a<\/em> is larger than that of <em>b<\/em> and it therefore makes a<br \/>\ngreater angle which will be <em>a m q<\/em>; and the pyramid <em>b p m<\/em> will be<br \/>\nnarrower and <em>m o c<\/em> will be still finer, and so on by degrees, in<br \/>\nproportion as they are nearer to <em>e<\/em>, the pyramids will become<br \/>\nnarrower and darker. That portion of the wall will be the darkest<br \/>\nwhere the breadth of the pyramid of shadow is greater than the<br \/>\nbreadth of the pyramid of light.<\/p>\n<p>At the point <em>a<\/em> the pyramid of light is equal in strength to the<br \/>\npyramid of shadow, because the base <em>f g<\/em> is equal to the base <em>r<br \/>\nf<\/em>. At the point <em>d<\/em> the pyramid of light is narrower than the<br \/>\npyramid of shadow by so much as the base <em>s f<\/em> is less than the base<br \/>\n<em>f g<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Divide the foregoing proposition into two diagrams, one with the<br \/>\npyramids of light and shadow, the other with the pyramids of light<br \/>\n[only].<\/p>\n<p>261.<\/p>\n<p>Among shadows of equal depth those which are nearest to the eye will<br \/>\nlook least deep.<\/p>\n<p>262.<\/p>\n<p>The more brilliant the light given by a luminous body, the deeper<br \/>\nwill the shadows be cast by the objects it illuminates.<\/p>\n<p><em>V.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Theory of colours.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo&#8217;s theory of colours is even more intimately connected with<br \/>\nhis principles of light and shade than his Perspective of<br \/>\nDisappearance and is in fact merely an appendix or supplement to<br \/>\nthose principles, as we gather from the titles to sections<\/em> 264,<br \/>\n267_, and <em>276<\/em>, while others again_ (<em>Nos.<\/em> 281, 282_) are headed_<br \/>\nProspettiva.<\/p>\n<p><em>A very few of these chapters are to be found in the oldest copies<br \/>\nand editions of the Treatise on Painting, and although the material<br \/>\nthey afford is but meager and the connection between them but<br \/>\nslight, we must still attribute to them a special theoretical value<br \/>\nas well as practical utility&#8211;all the more so because our knowledge<br \/>\nof the theory and use of colours at the time of the Renaissance is<br \/>\nstill extremely limited.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The reciprocal effects of colours on objects placed opposite each<br \/>\nother (263-272).<\/p>\n<p>263.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The hue of an illuminated object is affected by that of the luminous<br \/>\nbody.<\/p>\n<p>264.<\/p>\n<p>OF SHADOW.<\/p>\n<p>The surface of any opaque body is affected by the colour of<br \/>\nsurrounding objects.<\/p>\n<p>265.<\/p>\n<p>A shadow is always affected by the colour of the surface on which it<br \/>\nis cast.<\/p>\n<p>266.<\/p>\n<p>An image produced in a mirror is affected by the colour of the<br \/>\nmirror.<\/p>\n<p>267.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>Every portion of the surface of a body is varied [in hue] by the<br \/>\n[reflected] colour of the object that may be opposite to it.<\/p>\n<p>EXAMPLE.<\/p>\n<p>If you place a spherical body between various objects that is to say<br \/>\nwith [direct] sunlight on one side of it, and on the other a wall<br \/>\nilluminated by the sun, which wall may be green or of any other<br \/>\ncolour, while the surface on which it is placed may be red, and the<br \/>\ntwo lateral sides are in shadow, you will see that the natural<br \/>\ncolour of that body will assume something of the hue reflected from<br \/>\nthose objects. The strongest will be [given by] the luminous body;<br \/>\nthe second by the illuminated wall, the third by the shadows. There<br \/>\nwill still be a portion which will take a tint from the colour of<br \/>\nthe edges.<\/p>\n<p>268.<\/p>\n<p>The surface of every opaque body is affected by the colour of the<br \/>\nobjects surrounding it. But this effect will be strong or weak in<br \/>\nproportion as those objects are more or less remote and more or less<br \/>\nstrongly [coloured].<\/p>\n<p>269.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The surface of every opaque body assumes the hues reflected from<br \/>\nsurrounding objects.<\/p>\n<p>The surface of an opaque body assumes the hues of surrounding<br \/>\nobjects more strongly in proportion as the rays that form the images<br \/>\nof those objects strike the surface at more equal angles.<\/p>\n<p>And the surface of an opaque body assumes a stronger hue from the<br \/>\nsurrounding objects in proportion as that surface is whiter and the<br \/>\ncolour of the object brighter or more highly illuminated.<\/p>\n<p>270.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE RAYS WHICH CONVEY THROUGH THE AIR THE IMAGES OF OBJECTS.<\/p>\n<p>All the minutest parts of the image intersect each other without<br \/>\ninterfering with each other. To prove this let <em>r<\/em> be one of the<br \/>\nsides of the hole, opposite to which let <em>s<\/em> be the eye which sees<br \/>\nthe lower end <em>o<\/em> of the line <em>n o<\/em>. The other extremity cannot<br \/>\ntransmit its image to the eye <em>s<\/em> as it has to strike the end <em>r<\/em><br \/>\nand it is the same with regard to <em>m<\/em> at the middle of the line. The<br \/>\ncase is the same with the upper extremity <em>n<\/em> and the eye <em>u<\/em>. And<br \/>\nif the end <em>n<\/em> is red the eye <em>u<\/em> on that side of the holes will not<br \/>\nsee the green colour of <em>o<\/em>, but only the red of <em>n<\/em> according to<br \/>\nthe 7th of this where it is said: Every form projects images from<br \/>\nitself by the shortest line, which necessarily is a straight line,<br \/>\n&amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 13. This probably refers to the diagram given under No.<br \/>\n66.]<\/p>\n<p>271.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The surface of a body assumes in some degree the hue of those around<br \/>\nit. The colours of illuminated objects are reflected from the<br \/>\nsurfaces of one to the other in various spots, according to the<br \/>\nvarious positions of those objects. Let <em>o<\/em> be a blue object in full<br \/>\nlight, facing all by itself the space <em>b c<\/em> on the white sphere <em>a b<br \/>\ne d e f<\/em>, and it will give it a blue tinge, <em>m<\/em> is a yellow body<br \/>\nreflected onto the space <em>a b<\/em> at the same time as <em>o<\/em> the blue<br \/>\nbody, and they give it a green colour (by the 2nd [proposition] of<br \/>\nthis which shows that blue and yellow make a beautiful green &amp;c.)<br \/>\nAnd the rest will be set forth in the Book on Painting. In that Book<br \/>\nit will be shown, that, by transmitting the images of objects and<br \/>\nthe colours of bodies illuminated by sunlight through a small round<br \/>\nperforation and into a dark chamber onto a plane surface, which<br \/>\nitself is quite white, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>But every thing will be upside down.<\/p>\n<p>Combination of different colours in cast shadows.<\/p>\n<p>272.<\/p>\n<p>That which casts the shadow does not face it, because the shadows<br \/>\nare produced by the light which causes and surrounds the shadows.<br \/>\nThe shadow caused by the light <em>e<\/em>, which is yellow, has a blue<br \/>\ntinge, because the shadow of the body <em>a<\/em> is cast upon the pavement<br \/>\nat <em>b<\/em>, where the blue light falls; and the shadow produced by the<br \/>\nlight <em>d<\/em>, which is blue, will be yellow at <em>c<\/em>, because the yellow<br \/>\nlight falls there and the surrounding background to these shadows <em>b<br \/>\nc<\/em> will, besides its natural colour, assume a hue compounded of<br \/>\nyellow and blue, because it is lighted by the yellow light and by<br \/>\nthe blue light both at once.<\/p>\n<p>Shadows of various colours, as affected by the lights falling on<br \/>\nthem. That light which causes the shadow does not face it.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original diagram we find in the circle <em>e<\/em><br \/>\n&#8220;<em>giallo<\/em>&#8221; (yellow) and the cirle <em>d<\/em> &#8220;<em>azurro&#8221;<\/em> (blue) and also<br \/>\nunder the circle of shadow to the left &#8220;<em>giallo<\/em>&#8221; is written and<br \/>\nunder that to the right &#8220;<em>azurro<\/em>&#8220;.<\/p>\n<p>In the second diagram where four circles are placed in a row we find<br \/>\nwritten, beginning at the left hand, &#8220;<em>giallo<\/em>&#8221; (yellow), &#8220;<em>azurro<\/em>&#8221;<br \/>\n(blue), &#8220;<em>verde<\/em>&#8221; (green), &#8220;<em>rosso<\/em>&#8221; (red).]<\/p>\n<p>The effect of colours in the camera obscura (273-274).<\/p>\n<p>273.<\/p>\n<p>The edges of a colour(ed object) transmitted through a small hole<br \/>\nare more conspicuous than the central portions.<\/p>\n<p>The edges of the images, of whatever colour, which are transmitted<br \/>\nthrough a small aperture into a dark chamber will always be stronger<br \/>\nthan the middle portions.<\/p>\n<p>274.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE INTERSECTIONS OF THE IMAGES IN THE PUPIL OF THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>The intersections of the images as they enter the pupil do not<br \/>\nmingle in confusion in the space where that intersection unites<br \/>\nthem; as is evident, since, if the rays of the sun pass through two<br \/>\npanes of glass in close contact, of which one is blue and the other<br \/>\nyellow, the rays, in penetrating them, do not become blue or yellow<br \/>\nbut a beautiful green. And the same thing would happen in the eye,<br \/>\nif the images which were yellow or green should mingle where they<br \/>\n[meet and] intersect as they enter the pupil. As this does not<br \/>\nhappen such a mingling does not exist.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE NATURE OF THE RAYS COMPOSED OF THE IMAGES OF OBJECTS, AND OF<br \/>\nTHEIR INTERSECTIONS.<\/p>\n<p>The directness of the rays which transmit the forms and colours of<br \/>\nthe bodies whence they proceed does not tinge the air nor can they<br \/>\naffect each other by contact where they intersect. They affect only<br \/>\nthe spot where they vanish and cease to exist, because that spot<br \/>\nfaces and is faced by the original source of these rays, and no<br \/>\nother object, which surrounds that original source can be seen by<br \/>\nthe eye where these rays are cut off and destroyed, leaving there<br \/>\nthe spoil they have conveyed to it. And this is proved by the 4th<br \/>\n[proposition], on the colour of bodies, which says: The surface of<br \/>\nevery opaque body is affected by the colour of surrounding objects;<br \/>\nhence we may conclude that the spot which, by means of the rays<br \/>\nwhich convey the image, faces&#8211;and is faced by the cause of the<br \/>\nimage, assumes the colour of that object.<\/p>\n<p>On the colours of derived shadows (275. 276).<\/p>\n<p>275.<\/p>\n<p>ANY SHADOW CAST BY AN OPAQUE BODY SMALLER THAN THE LIGHT CAUSING THE<br \/>\nSHADOW WILL THROW A DERIVED SHADOW WHICH IS TINGED BY THE COLOUR OF<br \/>\nTHE LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>n<\/em> be the source of the shadow <em>e f<\/em>; it will assume its hue.<br \/>\nLet <em>o<\/em> be the source of <em>h e<\/em> which will in the same way be tinged<br \/>\nby its hue and so also the colour of <em>v h<\/em> will be affected by <em>p<\/em><br \/>\nwhich causes it; and the shadow of the triangle <em>z k y<\/em> will be<br \/>\naffected by the colour of <em>q<\/em>, because it is produced by it. [7] In<br \/>\nproportion as <em>c d<\/em> goes into <em>a d<\/em>, will <em>n r s<\/em> be darker than<br \/>\n<em>m<\/em>; and the rest of the space will be shadowless [11]. <em>f g<\/em> is<br \/>\nthe highest light, because here the whole light of the window <em>a d<\/em><br \/>\nfalls; and thus on the opaque body <em>m e<\/em> is in equally high light;<br \/>\n<em>z k y<\/em> is a triangle which includes the deepest shadow, because the<br \/>\nlight <em>a d<\/em> cannot reach any part of it. <em>x h<\/em> is the 2nd grade of<br \/>\nshadow, because it receives only 1\/3 of the light from the window,<br \/>\nthat is <em>c d<\/em>. The third grade of shadow is <em>h e<\/em>, where two thirds<br \/>\nof the light from the window is visible. The last grade of shadow is<br \/>\n<em>b d e f<\/em>, because the highest grade of light from the window falls<br \/>\nat <em>f<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram Pl. III, No. 1 belongs to this chapter as<br \/>\nwell as the text given in No. 148. Lines 7-11 (compare lines 8-12 of<br \/>\nNo. 148) which are written within the diagram, evidently apply to<br \/>\nboth sections and have therefore been inserted in both.]<\/p>\n<p>276.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE COLOURS OF SIMPLE DERIVED SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>The colour of derived shadows is always affected by that of the body<br \/>\ntowards which they are cast. To prove this: let an opaque body be<br \/>\nplaced between the plane <em>s c t d<\/em> and the blue light <em>d e<\/em> and the<br \/>\nred light <em>a b<\/em>, then I say that <em>d e<\/em>, the blue light, will fall on<br \/>\nthe whole surface <em>s c t d<\/em> excepting at <em>o p<\/em> which is covered by<br \/>\nthe shadow of the body <em>q r<\/em>, as is shown by the straight lines <em>d q<br \/>\no e r p<\/em>. And the same occurs with the light <em>a b<\/em> which falls on<br \/>\nthe whole surface <em>s c t d<\/em> excepting at the spot obscured by the<br \/>\nshadow <em>q r<\/em>; as is shown by the lines <em>d q o<\/em>, and <em>e r p<\/em>. Hence<br \/>\nwe may conclude that the shadow <em>n m<\/em> is exposed to the blue light<br \/>\n<em>d e<\/em>; but, as the red light <em>a b<\/em> cannot fall there, <em>n m<\/em> will<br \/>\nappear as a blue shadow on a red background tinted with blue,<br \/>\nbecause on the surface <em>s c t d<\/em> both lights can fall. But in the<br \/>\nshadows only one single light falls; for this reason these shadows<br \/>\nare of medium depth, since, if no light whatever mingled with the<br \/>\nshadow, it would be of the first degree of darkness &amp;c. But in the<br \/>\nshadow at <em>o p<\/em> the blue light does not fall, because the body <em>q r<\/em><br \/>\ninterposes and intercepts it there. Only the red light <em>a b<\/em> falls<br \/>\nthere and tinges the shadow of a red hue and so a ruddy shadow<br \/>\nappears on the background of mingled red and blue.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow of <em>q r<\/em> at <em>o p<\/em> is red, being caused by the blue light<br \/>\n<em>d e<\/em>; and the shadow of <em>q r<\/em> at <em>o&#8217; p&#8217;<\/em> is blue being caused by<br \/>\nthe red light <em>a b<\/em>. Hence we say that the blue light in this<br \/>\ninstance causes a red derived shadow from the opaque body <em>q&#8217; r&#8217;<\/em>,<br \/>\nwhile the red light causes the same body to cast a blue derived<br \/>\nshadow; but the primary shadow [on the dark side of the body itself]<br \/>\nis not of either of those hues, but a mixture of red and blue.<\/p>\n<p>The derived shadows will be equal in depth if they are produced by<br \/>\nlights of equal strength and at an equal distance; this is proved.<br \/>\n[Footnote 53: The text is unfinished in the original.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original diagram Leonardo has written within the<br \/>\ncircle <em>q r corpo obroso<\/em> (body in shadow); at the spot marked <em>A,<br \/>\nluminoso azzurro<\/em> (blue luminous body); at <em>B, luminoso rosso<\/em> (red<br \/>\nluminous body). At <em>E<\/em> we read <em>ombra azzurra<\/em> (blue tinted shadow)<br \/>\nand at <em>D ombra rossa<\/em> (red tinted shadow).]<\/p>\n<p>On the nature of colours (277. 278).<\/p>\n<p>277.<\/p>\n<p>No white or black is transparent.<\/p>\n<p>278.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 2: See Footnote 3] Since white is not a colour but the<br \/>\nneutral recipient of every colour [Footnote 3: <em>il bianco non e<br \/>\ncolore ma e inpotentia ricettiva d&#8217;ogni colore<\/em> (white is not a<br \/>\ncolour, but the neutral recipient of every colour). LEON BATT.<br \/>\nALBERTI &#8220;<em>Della pittura<\/em>&#8221; libro I, asserts on the contrary: &#8220;<em>Il<br \/>\nbianco e&#8217;l nero non sono veri colori, ma sono alteratione delli<br \/>\naltri colori<\/em>&#8221; (ed. JANITSCHEK, p. 67; Vienna 1877).], when it is<br \/>\nseen in the open air and high up, all its shadows are bluish; and<br \/>\nthis is caused, according to the 4th [prop.], which says: the<br \/>\nsurface of every opaque body assumes the hue of the surrounding<br \/>\nobjects. Now this white [body] being deprived of the light of the<br \/>\nsun by the interposition of some body between the sun and itself,<br \/>\nall that portion of it which is exposed to the sun and atmosphere<br \/>\nassumes the colour of the sun and atmosphere; the side on which the<br \/>\nsun does not fall remains in shadow and assumes the hue of the<br \/>\natmosphere. And if this white object did not reflect the green of<br \/>\nthe fields all the way to the horizon nor get the brightness of the<br \/>\nhorizon itself, it would certainly appear simply of the same hue as<br \/>\nthe atmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>On gradations in the depth of colours (279. 280).<\/p>\n<p>279.<\/p>\n<p>Since black, when painted next to white, looks no blacker than when<br \/>\nnext to black; and white when next to black looks no whiter than<br \/>\nwhite, as is seen by the images transmitted through a small hole or<br \/>\nby the edges of any opaque screen &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>280.<\/p>\n<p>OF COLOURS.<\/p>\n<p>Of several colours, all equally white, that will look whitest which<br \/>\nis against the darkest background. And black will look intensest<br \/>\nagainst the whitest background.<\/p>\n<p>And red will look most vivid against the yellowest background; and<br \/>\nthe same is the case with all colours when surrounded by their<br \/>\nstrongest contrasts.<\/p>\n<p>On the reflection of colours (281-283).<\/p>\n<p>281.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Every object devoid of colour in itself is more or less tinged by<br \/>\nthe colour [of the object] placed opposite. This may be seen by<br \/>\nexperience, inasmuch as any object which mirrors another assumes the<br \/>\ncolour of the object mirrored in it. And if the surface thus<br \/>\npartially coloured is white the portion which has a red reflection<br \/>\nwill appear red, or any other colour, whether bright or dark.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Every opaque and colourless body assumes the hue of the colour<br \/>\nreflected on it; as happens with a white wall.<\/p>\n<p>282.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>That side of an object in light and shade which is towards the light<br \/>\ntransmits the images of its details more distinctly and immediately<br \/>\nto the eye than the side which is in shadow.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>The solar rays reflected on a square mirror will be thrown back to<br \/>\ndistant objects in a circular form.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Any white and opaque surface will be partially coloured by<br \/>\nreflections from surrounding objects.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 281. 282: The title line of these chapters is in the<br \/>\noriginal simply <em>&#8220;pro&#8221;<\/em>, which may be an abbreviation for either<br \/>\n<em>Propositione<\/em> or <em>Prospettiva<\/em>&#8211;taking Prospettiva of course in its<br \/>\nwidest sense, as we often find it used in Leonardo&#8217;s writings. The<br \/>\ntitle <em>&#8220;pro&#8221;<\/em> has here been understood to mean <em>Prospettiva<\/em>, in<br \/>\naccordance with the suggestion afforded by page 10b of this same<br \/>\nMS., where the first section is headed <em>Prospettiva<\/em> in full (see<br \/>\nNo. 94), while the four following sections are headed merely <em>&#8220;pro&#8221;<\/em><br \/>\n(see No. 85).]<\/p>\n<p>283.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT PORTION OF A COLOURED SURFACE OUGHT IN REASON TO BE THE MOST<br \/>\nINTENSE.<\/p>\n<p>If <em>a<\/em> is the light, and <em>b<\/em> illuminated by it in a direct line,<br \/>\n<em>c<\/em>, on which the light cannot fall, is lighted only by reflection<br \/>\nfrom <em>b<\/em> which, let us say, is red. Hence the light reflected from<br \/>\nit, will be affected by the hue of the surface causing it and will<br \/>\ntinge the surface <em>c<\/em> with red. And if <em>c<\/em> is also red you will see<br \/>\nit much more intense than <em>b<\/em>; and if it were yellow you would see<br \/>\nthere a colour between yellow and red.<\/p>\n<p>On the use of dark and light colours in painting (284&#8211;286).<\/p>\n<p>284.<\/p>\n<p>WHY BEAUTIFUL COLOURS MUST BE IN THE [HIGHEST] LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>Since we see that the quality of colour is known [only] by means of<br \/>\nlight, it is to be supposed that where there is most light the true<br \/>\ncharacter of a colour in light will be best seen; and where there is<br \/>\nmost shadow the colour will be affected by the tone of that. Hence,<br \/>\nO Painter! remember to show the true quality of colours in bright<br \/>\nlights.<\/p>\n<p>285.<\/p>\n<p>An object represented in white and black will display stronger<br \/>\nrelief than in any other way; hence I would remind you O Painter! to<br \/>\ndress your figures in the lightest colours you can, since, if you<br \/>\nput them in dark colours, they will be in too slight relief and<br \/>\ninconspicuous from a distance. And the reason is that the shadows of<br \/>\nall objects are dark. And if you make a dress dark there is little<br \/>\nvariety in the lights and shadows, while in light colours there are<br \/>\nmany grades.<\/p>\n<p>286.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Colours seen in shadow will display more or less of their natural<br \/>\nbrilliancy in proportion as they are in fainter or deeper shadow.<\/p>\n<p>But if these same colours are situated in a well-lighted place, they<br \/>\nwill appear brighter in proportion as the light is more brilliant.<\/p>\n<p>THE ADVERSARY.<\/p>\n<p>The variety of colours in shadow must be as great as that of the<br \/>\ncolours in the objects in that shadow.<\/p>\n<p>THE ANSWER.<\/p>\n<p>Colours seen in shadow will display less variety in proportion as<br \/>\nthe shadows in which they lie are deeper. And evidence of this is to<br \/>\nbe had by looking from an open space into the doorways of dark and<br \/>\nshadowy churches, where the pictures which are painted in various<br \/>\ncolours all look of uniform darkness.<\/p>\n<p>Hence at a considerable distance all the shadows of different<br \/>\ncolours will appear of the same darkness.<\/p>\n<p>It is the light side of an object in light and shade which shows the<br \/>\ntrue colour.<\/p>\n<p>On the colours of the rainbow (287. 288).<\/p>\n<p>287.<\/p>\n<p>Treat of the rainbow in the last book on Painting, but first write<br \/>\nthe book on colours produced by the mixture of other colours, so as<br \/>\nto be able to prove by those painters&#8217; colours how the colours of<br \/>\nthe rainbow are produced.<\/p>\n<p>288.<\/p>\n<p>WHETHER THE COLOURS OF THE RAINBOW ARE PRODUCED BY THE SUN.<\/p>\n<p>The colours of the rainbow are not produced by the sun, for they<br \/>\noccur in many ways without the sunshine; as may be seen by holding a<br \/>\nglass of water up to the eye; when, in the glass&#8211;where there are<br \/>\nthose minute bubbles always seen in coarse glass&#8211;each bubble, even<br \/>\nthough the sun does not fall on it, will produce on one side all the<br \/>\ncolours of the rainbow; as you may see by placing the glass between<br \/>\nthe day light and your eye in such a way as that it is close to the<br \/>\neye, while on one side the glass admits the [diffused] light of the<br \/>\natmosphere, and on the other side the shadow of the wall on one side<br \/>\nof the window; either left or right, it matters not which. Then, by<br \/>\nturning the glass round you will see these colours all round the<br \/>\nbubbles in the glass &amp;c. And the rest shall be said in its place.<\/p>\n<p>THAT THE EYE HAS NO PART IN PRODUCING THE COLOURS OF THE RAINBOW.<\/p>\n<p>In the experiment just described, the eye would seem to have some<br \/>\nshare in the colours of the rainbow, since these bubbles in the<br \/>\nglass do not display the colours except through the medium of the<br \/>\neye. But, if you place the glass full of water on the window sill,<br \/>\nin such a position as that the outer side is exposed to the sun&#8217;s<br \/>\nrays, you will see the same colours produced in the spot of light<br \/>\nthrown through the glass and upon the floor, in a dark place, below<br \/>\nthe window; and as the eye is not here concerned in it, we may<br \/>\nevidently, and with certainty pronounce that the eye has no share in<br \/>\nproducing them.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE COLOURS IN THE FEATHERS OF CERTAIN BIRDS.<\/p>\n<p>There are many birds in various regions of the world on whose<br \/>\nfeathers we see the most splendid colours produced as they move, as<br \/>\nwe see in our own country in the feathers of peacocks or on the<br \/>\nnecks of ducks or pigeons, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>Again, on the surface of antique glass found underground and on the<br \/>\nroots of turnips kept for some time at the bottom of wells or other<br \/>\nstagnant waters [we see] that each root displays colours similar to<br \/>\nthose of the real rainbow. They may also be seen when oil has been<br \/>\nplaced on the top of water and in the solar rays reflected from the<br \/>\nsurface of a diamond or beryl; again, through the angular facet of a<br \/>\nberyl every dark object against a background of the atmosphere or<br \/>\nany thing else equally pale-coloured is surrounded by these rainbow<br \/>\ncolours between the atmosphere and the dark body; and in many other<br \/>\ncircumstances which I will not mention, as these suffice for my<br \/>\npurpose.<\/p>\n<p><em>VI.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>&#8216;Prospettiva de&#8217; colri&#8217; (Perspective of Colour)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>and<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>&#8216;Prospettiva aerea&#8217; (Aerial Perspective).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo distinctly separates these branches of his subject, as may<br \/>\nbe seen in the beginning of No.<\/em> 295. <em>Attempts have been made to<br \/>\ncast doubts on the results which Leonardo arrived at by experiment<br \/>\non the perspective of colour, but not with justice, as may be seen<br \/>\nfrom the original text of section<\/em> 294.<\/p>\n<p><em>The question as to the composition of the atmosphere, which is<br \/>\ninseparable from a discussion on Aerial Perspective, forms a<br \/>\nseparate theory which is treated at considerable length. Indeed the<br \/>\nauthor enters into it so fully that we cannot escape the conviction<br \/>\nthat he must have dwelt with particular pleasure on this part of his<br \/>\nsubject, and that he attached great importance to giving it a<br \/>\ncharacter of general applicability.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>General rules (289&#8211;291).<\/p>\n<p>289.<\/p>\n<p>The variety of colour in objects cannot be discerned at a great<br \/>\ndistance, excepting in those parts which are directly lighted up by<br \/>\nthe solar rays.<\/p>\n<p>290.<\/p>\n<p>As to the colours of objects: at long distances no difference is<br \/>\nperceptible in the parts in shadow.<\/p>\n<p>291.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE VISIBILITY OF COLOURS.<\/p>\n<p>Which colour strikes most? An object at a distance is most<br \/>\nconspicuous, when it is lightest, and the darkest is least visible.<\/p>\n<p>An exceptional case.<\/p>\n<p>292.<\/p>\n<p>Of the edges [outlines] of shadows. Some have misty and ill defined<br \/>\nedges, others distinct ones.<\/p>\n<p>No opaque body can be devoid of light and shade, except it is in a<br \/>\nmist, on ground covered with snow, or when snow is falling on the<br \/>\nopen country which has no light on it and is surrounded with<br \/>\ndarkness.<\/p>\n<p>And this occurs [only] in spherical bodies, because in other bodies<br \/>\nwhich have limbs and parts, those sides of limbs which face each<br \/>\nother reflect on each other the accidental [hue and tone] of their<br \/>\nsurface.<\/p>\n<p>An experiment.<\/p>\n<p>293.<\/p>\n<p>ALL COLOURS ARE AT A DISTANCE UNDISTINGUISHABLE AND UNDISCERNIBLE.<\/p>\n<p>All colours at a distance are undistinguishable in shadow, because<br \/>\nan object which is not in the highest light is incapable of<br \/>\ntransmitting its image to the eye through an atmosphere more<br \/>\nluminous than itself; since the lesser brightness must be absorbed<br \/>\nby the greater. For instance: We, in a house, can see that all the<br \/>\ncolours on the surface of the walls are clearly and instantly<br \/>\nvisible when the windows of the house are open; but if we were to go<br \/>\nout of the house and look in at the windows from a little distance<br \/>\nto see the paintings on those walls, instead of the paintings we<br \/>\nshould see an uniform deep and colourless shadow.<\/p>\n<p>The practice of the prospettiva de colori.<\/p>\n<p>294.<\/p>\n<p>HOW A PAINTER SHOULD CARRY OUT THE PERSPECTIVE OF COLOUR IN<br \/>\nPRACTICE.<\/p>\n<p>In order to put into practice this perspective of the variation and<br \/>\nloss or diminution of the essential character of colours, observe at<br \/>\nevery hundred braccia some objects standing in the landscape, such<br \/>\nas trees, houses, men and particular places. Then in front of the<br \/>\nfirst tree have a very steady plate of glass and keep your eye very<br \/>\nsteady, and then, on this plate of glass, draw a tree, tracing it<br \/>\nover the form of that tree. Then move it on one side so far as that<br \/>\nthe real tree is close by the side of the tree you have drawn; then<br \/>\ncolour your drawing in such a way as that in colour and form the two<br \/>\nmay be alike, and that both, if you close one eye, seem to be<br \/>\npainted on the glass and at the same distance. Then, by the same<br \/>\nmethod, represent a second tree, and a third, with a distance of a<br \/>\nhundred braccia between each. And these will serve as a standard and<br \/>\nguide whenever you work on your own pictures, wherever they may<br \/>\napply, and will enable you to give due distance in those works. [14]<br \/>\nBut I have found that as a rule the second is 4\/5 of the first when<br \/>\nit is 20 braccia beyond it.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This chapter is one of those copied in the Manuscript of<br \/>\nthe Vatican library Urbinas 1270, and the original text is rendered<br \/>\nhere with no other alterations, but in the orthography. H. LUDWIG,<br \/>\nin his edition of this copy translates lines 14 and 15 thus: &#8220;<em>Ich<br \/>\nfinde aber als Regel, dass der zweite um vier Funftel des ersten<br \/>\nabnimmt, wenn er namlich zwanzig Ellen vom ersten entfernt ist<br \/>\n(?)&#8221;<\/em>. He adds in his commentary: &#8220;<em>Das Ende der Nummer ist wohl<br \/>\njedenfalls verstummelt<\/em>&#8220;. However the translation given above shows<br \/>\nthat it admits of a different rendering.]<\/p>\n<p>The rules of aerial perspective (295&#8211;297).<\/p>\n<p>295.<\/p>\n<p>OF AERIAL PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>There is another kind of perspective which I call Aerial<br \/>\nPerspective, because by the atmosphere we are able to distinguish<br \/>\nthe variations in distance of different buildings, which appear<br \/>\nplaced on a single line; as, for instance, when we see several<br \/>\nbuildings beyond a wall, all of which, as they appear above the top<br \/>\nof the wall, look of the same size, while you wish to represent them<br \/>\nin a picture as more remote one than another and to give the effect<br \/>\nof a somewhat dense atmosphere. You know that in an atmosphere of<br \/>\nequal density the remotest objects seen through it, as mountains, in<br \/>\nconsequence of the great quantity of atmosphere between your eye and<br \/>\nthem&#8211;appear blue and almost of the same hue as the atmosphere<br \/>\nitself [Footnote 10: <em>quado il sole e per leuante<\/em> (when the sun is<br \/>\nin the East). Apparently the author refers here to morning light in<br \/>\ngeneral. H. LUDWIG however translates this passage from the Vatican<br \/>\ncopy &#8220;<em>wenn namlich die Sonne (dahinter) im Osten steht<\/em>&#8220;.] when the<br \/>\nsun is in the East [Footnote 11: See Footnote 10]. Hence you must<br \/>\nmake the nearest building above the wall of its real colour, but the<br \/>\nmore distant ones make less defined and bluer. Those you wish should<br \/>\nlook farthest away you must make proportionately bluer; thus, if one<br \/>\nis to be five times as distant, make it five times bluer. And by<br \/>\nthis rule the buildings which above a [given] line appear of the<br \/>\nsame size, will plainly be distinguished as to which are the more<br \/>\nremote and which larger than the others.<\/p>\n<p>296.<\/p>\n<p>The medium lying between the eye and the object seen, tinges that<br \/>\nobject with its colour, as the blueness of the atmosphere makes the<br \/>\ndistant mountains appear blue and red glass makes objects seen<br \/>\nbeyond it, look red. The light shed round them by the stars is<br \/>\nobscured by the darkness of the night which lies between the eye and<br \/>\nthe radiant light of the stars.<\/p>\n<p>297.<\/p>\n<p>Take care that the perspective of colour does not disagree with the<br \/>\nsize of your objects, hat is to say: that the colours diminish from<br \/>\ntheir natural [vividness] in proportion as the objects at various<br \/>\ndistances dimmish from their natural size.<\/p>\n<p>On the relative density of the atmosphere (298&#8211;290).<\/p>\n<p>298.<\/p>\n<p>WHY THE ATMOSPHERE MUST BE REPRESENTED AS PALER TOWARDS THE LOWER<br \/>\nPORTION.<\/p>\n<p>Because the atmosphere is dense near the earth, and the higher it is<br \/>\nthe rarer it becomes. When the sun is in the East if you look<br \/>\ntowards the West and a little way to the South and North, you will<br \/>\nsee that this dense atmosphere receives more light from the sun than<br \/>\nthe rarer; because the rays meet with greater resistance. And if the<br \/>\nsky, as you see it, ends on a low plain, that lowest portion of the<br \/>\nsky will be seen through a denser and whiter atmosphere, which will<br \/>\nweaken its true colour as seen through that medium, and there the<br \/>\nsky will look whiter than it is above you, where the line of sight<br \/>\ntravels through a smaller space of air charged with heavy vapour.<br \/>\nAnd if you turn to the East, the atmosphere will appear darker as<br \/>\nyou look lower down because the luminous rays pass less freely<br \/>\nthrough the lower atmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>299.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MODE OF TREATING REMOTE OBJECTS IN PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>It is easy to perceive that the atmosphere which lies closest to the<br \/>\nlevel ground is denser than the rest, and that where it is higher<br \/>\nup, it is rarer and more transparent. The lower portions of large<br \/>\nand lofty objects which are at a distance are not much seen, because<br \/>\nyou see them along a line which passes through a denser and thicker<br \/>\nsection of the atmosphere. The summits of such heights are seen<br \/>\nalong a line which, though it starts from your eye in a dense<br \/>\natmosphere, still, as it ends at the top of those lofty objects,<br \/>\nceases in a much rarer atmosphere than exists at their base; for<br \/>\nthis reason the farther this line extends from your eye, from point<br \/>\nto point the atmosphere becomes more and more rare. Hence, O<br \/>\nPainter! when you represent mountains, see that from hill to hill<br \/>\nthe bases are paler than the summits, and in proportion as they<br \/>\nrecede beyond each other make the bases paler than the summits;<br \/>\nwhile, the higher they are the more you must show of their true form<br \/>\nand colour.<\/p>\n<p>On the colour of the atmosphere (300-307).<\/p>\n<p>300.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE COLOUR OF THE ATMOSPHERE.<\/p>\n<p>I say that the blueness we see in the atmosphere is not intrinsic<br \/>\ncolour, but is caused by warm vapour evaporated in minute and<br \/>\ninsensible atoms on which the solar rays fall, rendering them<br \/>\nluminous against the infinite darkness of the fiery sphere which<br \/>\nlies beyond and includes it. And this may be seen, as I saw it by<br \/>\nany one going up [Footnote 5: With regard to the place spoken of as<br \/>\n<em>M&#8217;oboso<\/em> (compare No. 301 line 20) its identity will be discussed<br \/>\nunder Leonardo&#8217;s Topographical notes in Vol. II.] Monboso, a peak of<br \/>\nthe Alps which divide France from Italy. The base of this mountain<br \/>\ngives birth to the four rivers which flow in four different<br \/>\ndirections through the whole of Europe. And no mountain has its base<br \/>\nat so great a height as this, which lifts itself almost above the<br \/>\nclouds; and snow seldom falls there, but only hail in the summer,<br \/>\nwhen the clouds are highest. And this hail lies [unmelted] there, so<br \/>\nthat if it were not for the absorption of the rising and falling<br \/>\nclouds, which does not happen twice in an age, an enormous mass of<br \/>\nice would be piled up there by the hail, and in the middle of July I<br \/>\nfound it very considerable. There I saw above me the dark sky, and<br \/>\nthe sun as it fell on the mountain was far brighter here than in the<br \/>\nplains below, because a smaller extent of atmosphere lay between the<br \/>\nsummit of the mountain and the sun. Again as an illustration of the<br \/>\ncolour of the atmosphere I will mention the smoke of old and dry<br \/>\nwood, which, as it comes out of a chimney, appears to turn very<br \/>\nblue, when seen between the eye and the dark distance. But as it<br \/>\nrises, and comes between the eye and the bright atmosphere, it at<br \/>\nonce shows of an ashy grey colour; and this happens because it no<br \/>\nlonger has darkness beyond it, but this bright and luminous space.<br \/>\nIf the smoke is from young, green wood, it will not appear blue,<br \/>\nbecause, not being transparent and being full of superabundant<br \/>\nmoisture, it has the effect of condensed clouds which take distinct<br \/>\nlights and shadows like a solid body. The same occurs with the<br \/>\natmosphere, which, when overcharged with moisture appears white, and<br \/>\nthe small amount of heated moisture makes it dark, of a dark blue<br \/>\ncolour; and this will suffice us so far as concerns the colour of<br \/>\nthe atmosphere; though it might be added that, if this transparent<br \/>\nblue were the natural colour of the atmosphere, it would follow that<br \/>\nwherever a larger mass air intervened between the eye and the<br \/>\nelement of fire, the azure colour would be more intense; as we see<br \/>\nin blue glass and in sapphires, which are darker in proportion as<br \/>\nthey are larger. But the atmosphere in such circumstances behaves in<br \/>\nan opposite manner, inasmuch as where a greater quantity of it lies<br \/>\nbetween the eye and the sphere of fire, it is seen much whiter. This<br \/>\noccurs towards the horizon. And the less the extent of atmosphere<br \/>\nbetween the eye and the sphere of fire, the deeper is the blue<br \/>\ncolour, as may be seen even on low plains. Hence it follows, as I<br \/>\nsay, that the atmosphere assumes this azure hue by reason of the<br \/>\nparticles of moisture which catch the rays of the sun. Again, we may<br \/>\nnote the difference in particles of dust, or particles of smoke, in<br \/>\nthe sun beams admitted through holes into a dark chamber, when the<br \/>\nformer will look ash grey and the thin smoke will appear of a most<br \/>\nbeautiful blue; and it may be seen again in in the dark shadows of<br \/>\ndistant mountains when the air between the eye and those shadows<br \/>\nwill look very blue, though the brightest parts of those mountains<br \/>\nwill not differ much from their true colour. But if any one wishes<br \/>\nfor a final proof let him paint a board with various colours, among<br \/>\nthem an intense black; and over all let him lay a very thin and<br \/>\ntransparent [coating of] white. He will then see that this<br \/>\ntransparent white will nowhere show a more beautiful blue than over<br \/>\nthe black&#8211;but it must be very thin and finely ground.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 7: <em>reta<\/em> here has the sense of <em>malanno<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>301.<\/p>\n<p>Experience shows us that the air must have darkness beyond it and<br \/>\nyet it appears blue. If you produce a small quantity of smoke from<br \/>\ndry wood and the rays of the sun fall on this smoke, and if you then<br \/>\nplace behind the smoke a piece of black velvet on which the sun does<br \/>\nnot shine, you will see that all the smoke which is between the eye<br \/>\nand the black stuff will appear of a beautiful blue colour. And if<br \/>\ninstead of the velvet you place a white cloth smoke, that is too<br \/>\nthick smoke, hinders, and too thin smoke does not produce, the<br \/>\nperfection of this blue colour. Hence a moderate amount of smoke<br \/>\nproduces the finest blue. Water violently ejected in a fine spray<br \/>\nand in a dark chamber where the sun beams are admitted produces<br \/>\nthese blue rays and the more vividly if it is distilled water, and<br \/>\nthin smoke looks blue. This I mention in order to show that the<br \/>\nblueness of the atmosphere is caused by the darkness beyond it, and<br \/>\nthese instances are given for those who cannot confirm my experience<br \/>\non Monboso.<\/p>\n<p>302.<\/p>\n<p>When the smoke from dry wood is seen between the eye of the<br \/>\nspectator and some dark space [or object], it will look blue. Thus<br \/>\nthe sky looks blue by reason of the darkness beyond it. And if you<br \/>\nlook towards the horizon of the sky, you will see the atmosphere is<br \/>\nnot blue, and this is caused by its density. And thus at each<br \/>\ndegree, as you raise your eyes above the horizon up to the sky over<br \/>\nyour head, you will see the atmosphere look darker [blue] and this<br \/>\nis because a smaller density of air lies between your eye and the<br \/>\n[outer] darkness. And if you go to the top of a high mountain the<br \/>\nsky will look proportionately darker above you as the atmosphere<br \/>\nbecomes rarer between you and the [outer] darkness; and this will be<br \/>\nmore visible at each degree of increasing height till at last we<br \/>\nshould find darkness.<\/p>\n<p>That smoke will look bluest which rises from the driest wood and<br \/>\nwhich is nearest to the fire and is seen against the darkest<br \/>\nbackground, and with the sunlight upon it.<\/p>\n<p>303.<\/p>\n<p>A dark object will appear bluest in proportion as it has a greater<br \/>\nmass of luminous atmosphere between it and the eye. As may be seen<br \/>\nin the colour of the sky.<\/p>\n<p>304.<\/p>\n<p>The atmosphere is blue by reason of the darkness above it because<br \/>\nblack and white make blue.<\/p>\n<p>305.<\/p>\n<p>In the morning the mist is denser above than below, because the sun<br \/>\ndraws it upwards; hence tall buildings, even if the summit is at the<br \/>\nsame distance as the base have the summit invisible. Therefore,<br \/>\nalso, the sky looks darkest [in colour] overhead, and towards the<br \/>\nhorizon it is not blue but rather between smoke and dust colour.<\/p>\n<p>The atmosphere, when full of mist, is quite devoid of blueness, and<br \/>\nonly appears of the colour of clouds, which shine white when the<br \/>\nweather is fine. And the more you turn to the west the darker it<br \/>\nwill be, and the brighter as you look to the east. And the verdure<br \/>\nof the fields is bluish in a thin mist, but grows grey in a dense<br \/>\none.<\/p>\n<p>The buildings in the west will only show their illuminated side,<br \/>\nwhere the sun shines, and the mist hides the rest. When the sun<br \/>\nrises and chases away the haze, the hills on the side where it lifts<br \/>\nbegin to grow clearer, and look blue, and seem to smoke with the<br \/>\nvanishing mists; and the buildings reveal their lights and shadows;<br \/>\nthrough the thinner vapour they show only their lights and through<br \/>\nthe thicker air nothing at all. This is when the movement of the<br \/>\nmist makes it part horizontally, and then the edges of the mist will<br \/>\nbe indistinct against the blue of the sky, and towards the earth it<br \/>\nwill look almost like dust blown up. In proportion as the atmosphere<br \/>\nis dense the buildings of a city and the trees in a landscape will<br \/>\nlook fewer, because only the tallest and largest will be seen.<\/p>\n<p>Darkness affects every thing with its hue, and the more an object<br \/>\ndiffers from darkness, the more we see its real and natural colour.<br \/>\nThe mountains will look few, because only those will be seen which<br \/>\nare farthest apart; since, at such a distance, the density increases<br \/>\nto such a degree that it causes a brightness by which the darkness<br \/>\nof the hills becomes divided and vanishes indeed towards the top.<br \/>\nThere is less [mist] between lower and nearer hills and yet little<br \/>\nis to be distinguished, and least towards the bottom.<\/p>\n<p>306.<\/p>\n<p>The surface of an object partakes of the colour of the light which<br \/>\nilluminates it; and of the colour of the atmosphere which lies<br \/>\nbetween the eye and that object, that is of the colour of the<br \/>\ntransparent medium lying between the object and the eye; and among<br \/>\ncolours of a similar character the second will be of the same tone<br \/>\nas the first, and this is caused by the increased thickness of the<br \/>\ncolour of the medium lying between the object and the eye.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>OF PAINTING.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Of various colours which are none of them blue that which at a great<br \/>\ndistance will look bluest is the nearest to black; and so,<br \/>\nconversely, the colour which is least like black will at a great<br \/>\ndistance best preserve its own colour.<\/p>\n<p>Hence the green of fields will assume a bluer hue than yellow or<br \/>\nwhite will, and conversely yellow or white will change less than<br \/>\ngreen, and red still less.<\/p>\n<p><em>VII.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>On the Proportions and on the Movements of the Human Figure.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo&#8217;s researches on the proportions and movements of the human<br \/>\nfigure must have been for the most part completed and written before<br \/>\nthe year<\/em> 1498; <em>for LUCA PACIOLO writes, in the dedication to<br \/>\nLudovico il Moro, of his book<\/em> Divina Proportione, <em>which was<br \/>\npublished in that year:<\/em> &#8220;Leonardo da venci &#8230; hauedo gia co tutta<br \/>\ndiligetia al degno libro de pictura e movimenti humani posto fine&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p><em>The selection of Leonardo&#8217;s axioms contained in the Vatican copy<br \/>\nattributes these words to the author:<\/em> &#8220;e il resto si dira nella<br \/>\nuniversale misura del huomo&#8221;. (<em>MANZI, p. 147; LUDWIG, No. 264<\/em>).<br \/>\n<em>LOMAZZO, again, in his<\/em> Idea del Tempio della Pittura Milano 1590,<br \/>\ncap. IV, <em>says:<\/em> &#8220;Lionardo Vinci &#8230; dimostro anco in figura tutte<br \/>\nle proporzioni dei membri del corpo umano&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p><em>The Vatican copy includes but very few sections of the<\/em> &#8220;Universale<br \/>\nmisura del huomo&#8221; _and until now nothing has been made known of the<br \/>\noriginal MSS. on the subject which have supplied the very extensive<br \/>\nmaterials for this portion of the work. The collection at Windsor,<br \/>\nbelonging to her Majesty the Queen, includes by far the most<br \/>\nimportant part of Leonardo&#8217;s investigations on this subject,<br \/>\nconstituting about half of the whole of the materials here<br \/>\npublished; and the large number of original drawings adds greatly to<br \/>\nthe interest which the subject itself must command. Luca Paciolo<br \/>\nwould seem to have had these MSS. (which I have distinguished by the<br \/>\ninitials W. P.) in his mind when he wrote the passage quoted above.<br \/>\nStill, certain notes of a later date&#8211;such as Nos. 360, 362 and 363,<br \/>\nfrom MS. E, written in 1513&#8211;14, sufficiently prove that Leonardo did<br \/>\nnot consider his earlier studies on the Proportions and Movements of<br \/>\nthe Human Figure final and complete, as we might suppose from Luca<br \/>\nPaciolo&#8217;s statement. Or else he took the subject up again at a<br \/>\nsubsequent period, since his former researches had been carried on<br \/>\nat Milan between 1490 and 1500. Indeed it is highly probable that<br \/>\nthe anatomical studies which he was pursuing zvith so much zeal<br \/>\nbetween 1510&#8211;16 should have led him to reconsider the subject of<br \/>\nProportion.<\/p>\n<p>Preliminary observations (308. 309).<\/p>\n<p>308.<\/p>\n<p>Every man, at three years old is half the full height he will grow<br \/>\nto at last.<\/p>\n<p>309.<\/p>\n<p>If a man 2 braccia high is too small, one of four is too tall, the<br \/>\nmedium being what is admirable. Between 2 and 4 comes 3; therefore<br \/>\ntake a man of 3 braccia in height and measure him by the rule I will<br \/>\ngive you. If you tell me that I may be mistaken, and judge a man to<br \/>\nbe well proportioned who does not conform to this division, I answer<br \/>\nthat you must look at many men of 3 braccia, and out of the larger<br \/>\nnumber who are alike in their limbs choose one of those who are most<br \/>\ngraceful and take your measurements. The length of the hand is 1\/3<br \/>\nof a braccio [8 inches] and this is found 9 times in man. And the<br \/>\nface [Footnote 7: The account here given of the <em>braccio<\/em> is of<br \/>\nimportance in understanding some of the succeeding chapters. <em>Testa<\/em><br \/>\nmust here be understood to mean the face. The statements in this<br \/>\nsection are illustrated in part on Pl. XI.] is the same, and from<br \/>\nthe pit of the throat to the shoulder, and from the shoulder to the<br \/>\nnipple, and from one nipple to the other, and from each nipple to<br \/>\nthe pit of the throat.<\/p>\n<p>Proportions of the head and face (310-318).<\/p>\n<p>310.<\/p>\n<p>The space between the parting of the lips [the mouth] and the base<br \/>\nof the nose is one-seventh of the face.<\/p>\n<p>The space from the mouth to the bottom of the chin <em>c d<\/em> is the<br \/>\nfourth part of the face and equal to the width of the mouth.<\/p>\n<p>The space from the chin to the base of the nose <em>e f<\/em> is the third<br \/>\npart of the face and equal to the length of the nose and to the<br \/>\nforehead.<\/p>\n<p>The distance from the middle of the nose to the bottom of the chin<br \/>\n<em>g h<\/em>, is half the length of the face.<\/p>\n<p>The distance from the top of the nose, where the eyebrows begin, to<br \/>\nthe bottom of the chin, <em>i k<\/em>, is two thirds of the face.<\/p>\n<p>The space from the parting of the lips to the top of the chin <em>l m<\/em>,<br \/>\nthat is where the chin ends and passes into the lower lip of the<br \/>\nmouth, is the third of the distance from the parting of the lips to<br \/>\nthe bottom of the chin and is the twelfth part of the face. From the<br \/>\ntop to the bottom of the chin <em>m n<\/em> is the sixth part of the face<br \/>\nand is the fifty fourth part of a man&#8217;s height.<\/p>\n<p>From the farthest projection of the chin to the throat <em>o p<\/em> is<br \/>\nequal to the space between the mouth and the bottom of the chin, and<br \/>\na fourth of the face.<\/p>\n<p>The distance from the top of the throat to the pit of the throat<br \/>\nbelow <em>q r<\/em> is half the length of the face and the eighteenth part<br \/>\nof a man&#8217;s height.<\/p>\n<p>From the chin to the back of the neck <em>s t<\/em>, is the same distance as<br \/>\nbetween the mouth and the roots of the hair, that is three quarters<br \/>\nof the head.<\/p>\n<p>From the chin to the jaw bone <em>v x<\/em> is half the head and equal to<br \/>\nthe thickness of the neck in profile.<\/p>\n<p>The thickness of the head from the brow to the nape is once and 3\/4<br \/>\nthat of the neck.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The drawings to this text, lines 1-10 are on Pl. VII, No.<br \/>\nI. The two upper sketches of heads, Pl. VII, No. 2, belong to lines<br \/>\n11-14, and in the original are placed immediately below the sketches<br \/>\nreproduced on Pl. VII, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>311.<\/p>\n<p>The distance from the attachment of one ear to the other is equal to<br \/>\nthat from the meeting of the eyebrows to the chin, and in a fine<br \/>\nface the width of the mouth is equal to the length from the parting<br \/>\nof the lips to the bottom of the chin.<\/p>\n<p>312.<\/p>\n<p>The cut or depression below the lower lip of the mouth is half way<br \/>\nbetween the bottom of the nose and the bottom of the chin.<\/p>\n<p>The face forms a square in itself; that is its width is from the<br \/>\nouter corner of one eye to the other, and its height is from the<br \/>\nvery top of the nose to the bottom of the lower lip of the mouth;<br \/>\nthen what remains above and below this square amounts to the height<br \/>\nof such another square, <em>a<\/em> <em>b<\/em> is equal to the space between <em>c<\/em><br \/>\n<em>d<\/em>; <em>d<\/em> <em>n<\/em> in the same way to <em>n<\/em> <em>c<\/em>, and likewise <em>s<\/em> <em>r<\/em>, <em>q<\/em><br \/>\n<em>p<\/em>, <em>h<\/em> <em>k<\/em> are equal to each other.<\/p>\n<p>It is as far between <em>m<\/em> and <em>s<\/em> as from the bottom of the nose to<br \/>\nthe chin. The ear is exactly as long as the nose. It is as far from<br \/>\n<em>x<\/em> to <em>j<\/em> as from the nose to the chin. The parting of the mouth<br \/>\nseen in profile slopes to the angle of the jaw. The ear should be as<br \/>\nhigh as from the bottom of the nose to the top of the eye-lid. The<br \/>\nspace between the eyes is equal to the width of an eye. The ear is<br \/>\nover the middle of the neck, when seen in profile. The distance from<br \/>\n4 to 5 is equal to that from s_ to <em>r<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. VIII, No. I, where the text of lines 3-13 is also<br \/>\ngiven in facsimile.]<\/p>\n<p>313.<\/p>\n<p>(<em>a<\/em> <em>b<\/em>) is equal to (<em>c<\/em> <em>d<\/em>).<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. VII, No. 3. Reference may also be made here to<br \/>\ntwo pen and ink drawings of heads in profile with figured<br \/>\nmeasurements, of which there is no description in the MS. These are<br \/>\ngiven on Pl. XVII, No. 2.&#8211;A head, to the left, with part of the<br \/>\ntorso [W. P. 5a], No. 1 on the same plate is from MS. A 2b and in<br \/>\nthe original occurs on a page with wholly irrelevant text on matters<br \/>\nof natural history. M. RAVAISSON in his edition of the Paris MS. A<br \/>\nhas reproduced this head and discussed it fully [note on page 12];<br \/>\nhe has however somewhat altered the original measurements. The<br \/>\ncomplicated calculations which M. RAVAISSON has given appear to me<br \/>\nin no way justified. The sketch, as we see it, can hardly have been<br \/>\nintended for any thing more than an experimental attempt to<br \/>\nascertain relative proportions. We do not find that Leonardo made<br \/>\nuse of circular lines in any other study of the proportions of the<br \/>\nhuman head. At the same time we see that the proportions of this<br \/>\nsketch are not in accordance with the rules which he usually<br \/>\nobserved (see for instance No. 310).]<\/p>\n<p>The head <em>a<\/em> <em>f<\/em> 1\/6 larger than <em>n<\/em> <em>f<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>315.<\/p>\n<p>From the eyebrow to the junction of the lip with the chin, and the<br \/>\nangle of the jaw and the upper angle where the ear joins the temple<br \/>\nwill be a perfect square. And each side by itself is half the head.<\/p>\n<p>The hollow of the cheek bone occurs half way between the tip of the<br \/>\nnose and the top of the jaw bone, which is the lower angle of the<br \/>\nsetting on of the ear, in the frame here represented.<\/p>\n<p>From the angle of the eye-socket to the ear is as far as the length<br \/>\nof the ear, or the third of the face.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. IX. The text, in the original is written behind<br \/>\nthe head. The handwriting would seem to indicate a date earlier than<br \/>\n1480. On the same leaf there is a drawing in red chalk of two<br \/>\nhorsemen of which only a portion of the upper figure is here<br \/>\nvisible. The whole leaf measures 22 1\/2 centimetres wide by 29 long,<br \/>\nand is numbered 127 in the top right-hand corner.]<\/p>\n<p>316.<\/p>\n<p>From <em>a<\/em> to <em>b<\/em>&#8211;that is to say from the roots of the hair in front<br \/>\nto the top of the head&#8211;ought to be equal to <em>c<\/em> <em>d<\/em>;&#8211;that is from<br \/>\nthe bottom of the nose to the meeting of the lips in the middle of<br \/>\nthe mouth. From the inner corner of the eye <em>m<\/em> to the top of the<br \/>\nhead <em>a<\/em> is as far as from <em>m<\/em> down to the chin <em>s<\/em>. <em>s<\/em> <em>c<\/em> <em>f<\/em> <em>b<\/em><br \/>\nare all at equal distances from each other.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The drawing in silver-point on bluish tinted paper&#8211;Pl.<br \/>\nX&#8211;which belongs to this chapter has been partly drawn over in ink<br \/>\nby Leonardo himself.]<\/p>\n<p>317.<\/p>\n<p>From the top of the head to the bottom of the chin is 1\/9, and from<br \/>\nthe roots of the hair to the chin is 1\/9 of the distance from the<br \/>\nroots of the hair to the ground. The greatest width of the face is<br \/>\nequal to the space between the mouth and the roots of the hair and<br \/>\nis 1\/12 of the whole height. From the top of the ear to the top of<br \/>\nthe head is equal to the distance from the bottom of the chin to the<br \/>\nlachrymatory duct of the eye; and also equal to the distance from<br \/>\nthe angle of the chin to that of the jaw; that is the 1\/16 of the<br \/>\nwhole. The small cartilage which projects over the opening of the<br \/>\near towards the nose is half-way between the nape and the eyebrow;<br \/>\nthe thickness of the neck in profile is equal to the space between<br \/>\nthe chin and the eyes, and to the space between the chin and the<br \/>\njaw, and it is 1\/18 of the height of the man.<\/p>\n<p>318.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b<\/em>, <em>c d<\/em>, <em>e f<\/em>, <em>g h<\/em>, <em>i k<\/em> are equal to each other in size<br \/>\nexcepting that <em>d f<\/em> is accidental.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XI.]<\/p>\n<p>Proportions of the head seen in front (319-321).<\/p>\n<p>319.<\/p>\n<p><em>a n o f<\/em> are equal to the mouth.<\/p>\n<p><em>a c<\/em> and <em>a f<\/em> are equal to the space between one eye and the<br \/>\nother.<\/p>\n<p><em>n m o f q r<\/em> are equal to half the width of the eye lids, that is<br \/>\nfrom the inner [lachrymatory] corner of the eye to its outer corner;<br \/>\nand in like manner the division between the chin and the mouth; and<br \/>\nin the same way the narrowest part of the nose between the eyes. And<br \/>\nthese spaces, each in itself, is the 19th part of the head, <em>n o<\/em> is<br \/>\nequal to the length of the eye or of the space between the eyes.<\/p>\n<p><em>m c<\/em> is 1\/3 of <em>n m<\/em> measuring from the outer corner of the eyelids<br \/>\nto the letter <em>c<\/em>. <em>b s<\/em> will be equal to the width of the nostril.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XII.]<\/p>\n<p>320.<\/p>\n<p>The distance between the centres of the pupils of the eyes is 1\/3 of<br \/>\nthe face. The space between the outer corners of the eyes, that is<br \/>\nwhere the eye ends in the eye socket which contains it, thus the<br \/>\nouter corners, is half the face.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest width of the face at the line of the eyes is equal to<br \/>\nthe distance from the roots of the hair in front to the parting of<br \/>\nthe lips.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: There are, with this section, two sketches of eyes, not<br \/>\nreproduced here.]<\/p>\n<p>321.<\/p>\n<p>The nose will make a double square; that is the width of the nose at<br \/>\nthe nostrils goes twice into the length from the tip of the nose to<br \/>\nthe eyebrows. And, in the same way, in profile the distance from the<br \/>\nextreme side of the nostril where it joins the cheek to the tip of<br \/>\nthe nose is equal to the width of the nose in front from one nostril<br \/>\nto the other. If you divide the whole length of the nose&#8211;that is<br \/>\nfrom the tip to the insertion of the eyebrows, into 4 equal parts,<br \/>\nyou will find that one of these parts extends from the tip of the<br \/>\nnostrils to the base of the nose, and the upper division lies<br \/>\nbetween the inner corner of the eye and the insertion of the<br \/>\neyebrows; and the two middle parts [together] are equal to the<br \/>\nlength of the eye from the inner to the outer corner.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The two bottom sketches on Pl. VII, No. 4 face the six<br \/>\nlines of this section,&#8211;With regard to the proportions of the head<br \/>\nin profile see No. 312.]<\/p>\n<p>322.<\/p>\n<p>The great toe is the sixth part of the foot, taking the measure in<br \/>\nprofile, on the inside of the foot, from where this toe springs from<br \/>\nthe ball of the sole of the foot to its tip <em>a b<\/em>; and it is equal<br \/>\nto the distance from the mouth to the bottom of the chin. If you<br \/>\ndraw the foot in profile from the outside, make the little toe begin<br \/>\nat three quarters of the length of the foot, and you will find the<br \/>\nsame distance from the insertion of this toe as to the farthest<br \/>\nprominence of the great toe.<\/p>\n<p>323.<\/p>\n<p>For each man respectively the distance between <em>a b<\/em> is equal to <em>c<br \/>\nd<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>324.<\/p>\n<p>Relative proportion of the hand and foot.<\/p>\n<p>The foot is as much longer than the hand as the thickness of the arm<br \/>\nat the wrist where it is thinnest seen facing.<\/p>\n<p>Again, you will find that the foot is as much longer than the hand<br \/>\nas the space between the inner angle of the little toe to the last<br \/>\nprojection of the big toe, if you measure along the length of the<br \/>\nfoot.<\/p>\n<p>The palm of the hand without the fingers goes twice into the length<br \/>\nof the foot without the toes.<\/p>\n<p>If you hold your hand with the fingers straight out and close<br \/>\ntogether you will find it to be of the same width as the widest part<br \/>\nof the foot, that is where it is joined onto the toes.<\/p>\n<p>And if you measure from the prominence of the inner ancle to the end<br \/>\nof the great toe you will find this measure to be as long as the<br \/>\nwhole hand.<\/p>\n<p>From the top angle of the foot to the insertion of the toes is equal<br \/>\nto the hand from wrist joint to the tip of the thumb.<\/p>\n<p>The smallest width of the hand is equal to the smallest width of the<br \/>\nfoot between its joint into the leg and the insertion of the toes.<\/p>\n<p>The width of the heel at the lower part is equal to that of the arm<br \/>\nwhere it joins the hand; and also to the leg where it is thinnest<br \/>\nwhen viewed in front.<\/p>\n<p>The length of the longest toe, from its first division from the<br \/>\ngreat toe to its tip is the fourth of the foot from the centre of<br \/>\nthe ancle bone to the tip, and it is equal to the width of the<br \/>\nmouth. The distance between the mouth and the chin is equal to that<br \/>\nof the knuckles and of the three middle fingers and to the length of<br \/>\ntheir first joints if the hand is spread, and equal to the distance<br \/>\nfrom the joint of the thumb to the outset of the nails, that is the<br \/>\nfourth part of the hand and of the face.<\/p>\n<p>The space between the extreme poles inside and outside the foot<br \/>\ncalled the ancle or ancle bone <em>a b<\/em> is equal to the space between<br \/>\nthe mouth and the inner corner of the eye.<\/p>\n<p>325.<\/p>\n<p>The foot, from where it is attached to the leg, to the tip of the<br \/>\ngreat toe is as long as the space between the upper part of the chin<br \/>\nand the roots of the hair <em>a b<\/em>; and equal to five sixths of the<br \/>\nface.<\/p>\n<p>326.<\/p>\n<p><em>a d<\/em> is a head&#8217;s length, <em>c b<\/em> is a head&#8217;s length. The four smaller<br \/>\ntoes are all equally thick from the nail at the top to the bottom,<br \/>\nand are 1\/13 of the foot.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XIV, No. 1, a drawing of a foot with the text in<br \/>\nthree lines below it.]<\/p>\n<p>327.<\/p>\n<p>The whole length of the foot will lie between the elbow and the<br \/>\nwrist and between the elbow and the inner angle of the arm towards<br \/>\nthe breast when the arm is folded. The foot is as long as the whole<br \/>\nhead of a man, that is from under the chin to the topmost part of<br \/>\nthe head[Footnote 2: <em>nel modo che qui i figurato<\/em>. See Pl. VII, No.<br \/>\n4, the upper figure. The text breaks off at the end of line 2 and<br \/>\nthe text given under No. 321 follows below. It may be here remarked<br \/>\nthat the second sketch on W. P. 311 has in the original no<br \/>\nexplanatory text.] in the way here figured.<\/p>\n<p>Proportions of the leg (328-331).<\/p>\n<p>328.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest thickness of the calf of the leg is at a third of its<br \/>\nheight <em>a b<\/em>, and is a twentieth part thicker than the greatest<br \/>\nthickness of the foot.<\/p>\n<p><em>a c<\/em> is half of the head, and equal to <em>d b<\/em> and to the insertion<br \/>\nof the five toes <em>e f<\/em>. <em>d k<\/em> diminishes one sixth in the leg <em>g h<\/em>.<br \/>\n<em>g h<\/em> is 1\/3 of the head; <em>m n<\/em> increases one sixth from <em>a e<\/em> and<br \/>\nis 7\/12 of the head, <em>o p<\/em> is 1\/10 less than <em>d k<\/em> and is 6\/17 of<br \/>\nthe head. <em>a<\/em> is at half the distance between <em>b q<\/em>, and is 1\/4 of<br \/>\nthe man. <em>r<\/em> is half way between <em>s<\/em> and <em>b<\/em>[Footnote 11: <em>b<\/em> is<br \/>\nhere and later on measured on the right side of the foot as seen by<br \/>\nthe spectator.]. The concavity of the knee outside <em>r<\/em> is higher<br \/>\nthan that inside <em>a<\/em>. The half of the whole height of the leg from<br \/>\nthe foot <em>r<\/em>, is half way between the prominence <em>s<\/em> and the ground<br \/>\n<em>b<\/em>. <em>v<\/em> is half way between <em>t<\/em> and <em>b<\/em>. The thickness of the thigh<br \/>\nseen in front is equal to the greatest width of the face, that is<br \/>\n2\/3 of the length from the chin to the top of the head; <em>z r<\/em> is 5\/6<br \/>\nof 7 to <em>v<\/em>; <em>m n<\/em> is equal to 7 <em>v<\/em> and is 1\/4 of <em>r b<\/em>, <em>x y<\/em> goes<br \/>\n3 times into <em>r b<\/em>, and into <em>r s<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 22-35: The sketch illustrating these lines is on Pl. XIII,<br \/>\nNo. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 22: a b <em>entra in<\/em> c f 6 <em>e<\/em> 6 <em>in<\/em> c n. Accurate<br \/>\nmeasurement however obliges us to read 7 for 6.] <em>a b<\/em> goes six<br \/>\ntimes into <em>c f<\/em> and six times into <em>c n<\/em> and is equal to <em>g h<\/em>; <em>i<br \/>\nk l m<\/em> goes 4 times into <em>d f<\/em>, and 4 times into <em>d n<\/em> and is 3\/7 of<br \/>\nthe foot; <em>p q r s<\/em> goes 3 times into <em>d f, and 3 times into _b n<\/em>;<br \/>\n[Footnote: 25. <em>y<\/em> is not to be found on the diagram and <em>x<\/em> occurs<br \/>\ntwice; this makes the passage very obscure.] <em>x y<\/em> is 1\/8 of <em>x f<\/em><br \/>\nand is equal to <em>n q<\/em>. 3 7 is 1\/9 of <em>n f<\/em>; 4 5 is 1\/10 of <em>n f<\/em><br \/>\n[Footnote: 22-27. Compare with this lines 18-24 of No. 331, and the<br \/>\nsketch of a leg in profile Pl. XV.].<\/p>\n<p>I want to know how much a man increases in height by standing on<br \/>\ntip-toe and how much <em>p g<\/em> diminishes by stooping; and how much it<br \/>\nincreases at <em>n q<\/em> likewise in bending the foot.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 34: <em>e f<\/em> 4 <em>dal cazo<\/em>. By reading <em>i<\/em> for <em>e<\/em> the sense<br \/>\nof this passage is made clear.] <em>e f<\/em> is four times in the distance<br \/>\nbetween the genitals and the sole of the foot; [Footnote 35: 2 is<br \/>\nnot to be found in the sketch which renders the passage obscure. The<br \/>\ntwo last lines are plainly legible in the facsimile.] 3 7 is six<br \/>\ntimes from 3 to 2 and is equal to <em>g h<\/em> and <em>i k<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The drawing of a leg seen in front Pl. XIII, No. 1<br \/>\nbelongs to the text from lines 3-21. The measurements in this<br \/>\nsection should be compared with the text No. 331, lines 1-13, and<br \/>\nthe sketch of a leg seen in front on Pl. XV.]<\/p>\n<p>329.<\/p>\n<p>The length of the foot from the end of the toes to the heel goes<br \/>\ntwice into that from the heel to the knee, that is where the leg<br \/>\nbone [fibula] joins the thigh bone [femur].<\/p>\n<p>330.<\/p>\n<p><em>a n b<\/em> are equal; <em>c n d<\/em> are equal; <em>n c<\/em> makes two feet; <em>n d<\/em><br \/>\nmakes 2 feet.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See the lower sketch, Pl. XIV, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>331.<\/p>\n<p><em>m n o<\/em> are equal. The narrowest width of the leg seen in front goes<br \/>\n8 times from the sole of the foot to the joint of the knee, and is<br \/>\nthe same width as the arm, seen in front at the wrist, and as the<br \/>\nlongest measure of the ear, and as the three chief divisions into<br \/>\nwhich we divide the face; and this measurement goes 4 times from the<br \/>\nwrist joint of the hand to the point of the elbow. [14] The foot is<br \/>\nas long as the space from the knee between <em>a<\/em> and <em>b<\/em>; and the<br \/>\npatella of the knee is as long as the leg between <em>r<\/em> and <em>s<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[18] The least thickness of the leg in profile goes 6 times from the<br \/>\nsole of the foot to the knee joint and is the same width as the<br \/>\nspace between the outer corner of the eye and the opening of the<br \/>\near, and as the thickest part of the arm seen in profile and between<br \/>\nthe inner corner of the eye and the insertion of the hair.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b c<\/em> [<em>d<\/em>] are all relatively of equal length, <em>c d<\/em> goes twice<br \/>\nfrom the sole of the foot to the centre of the knee and the same<br \/>\nfrom the knee to the hip.<\/p>\n<p>[28]<em>a b c<\/em> are equal; <em>a<\/em> to <em>b<\/em> is 2 feet&#8211;that is to say<br \/>\nmeasuring from the heel to the tip of the great toe.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XV. The text of lines 2-17 is to the left of the<br \/>\nfront view of the leg, to which it refers. Lines 18-27 are in the<br \/>\nmiddle column and refer to the leg seen in profile and turned to the<br \/>\nleft, on the right hand side of the writing. Lines 20-30 are above,<br \/>\nto the left and apply to the sketch below them.<\/p>\n<p>Some farther remarks on the proportion of the leg will be found in<br \/>\nNo. 336, lines 6, 7.]<\/p>\n<p>On the central point of the whole body.<\/p>\n<p>332.<\/p>\n<p>In kneeling down a man will lose the fourth part of his height.<\/p>\n<p>When a man kneels down with his hands folded on his breast the navel<br \/>\nwill mark half his height and likewise the points of the elbows.<\/p>\n<p>Half the height of a man who sits&#8211;that is from the seat to the top<br \/>\nof the head&#8211;will be where the arms fold below the breast, and<br \/>\nbelow the shoulders. The seated portion&#8211;that is from the seat to<br \/>\nthe top of the head&#8211;will be more than half the man&#8217;s [whole height]<br \/>\nby the length of the scrotum.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. VIII, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>The relative proportions of the torso and of the whole figure.<\/p>\n<p>333.<\/p>\n<p>The cubit is one fourth of the height of a man and is equal to the<br \/>\ngreatest width of the shoulders. From the joint of one shoulder to<br \/>\nthe other is two faces and is equal to the distance from the top of<br \/>\nthe breast to the navel. [Footnote 9: <em>dalla detta somita<\/em>. It would<br \/>\nseem more accurate to read here <em>dal detto ombilico<\/em>.] From this<br \/>\npoint to the genitals is a face&#8217;s length.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare with this the sketches on the other page of the<br \/>\nsame leaf. Pl. VIII, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>The relative proportions of the head and of the torso.<\/p>\n<p>334.<\/p>\n<p>From the roots of the hair to the top of the breast <em>a b<\/em> is the<br \/>\nsixth part of the height of a man and this measure is equal.<\/p>\n<p>From the outside part of one shoulder to the other is the same<br \/>\ndistance as from the top of the breast to the navel and this measure<br \/>\ngoes four times from the sole of the foot to the lower end of the<br \/>\nnose.<\/p>\n<p>The [thickness of] the arm where it springs from the shoulder in<br \/>\nfront goes 6 times into the space between the two outside edges of<br \/>\nthe shoulders and 3 times into the face, and four times into the<br \/>\nlength of the foot and three into the hand, inside or outside.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The three sketches Pl. XIV, No. 2 belong to this text.]<\/p>\n<p>The relative proportions of the torso and of the leg (335. 336).<\/p>\n<p>335.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b c<\/em> are equal to each other and to the space from the armpit of<br \/>\nthe shoulder to the genitals and to the distance from the tip of the<br \/>\nfingers of the hand to the joint of the arm, and to the half of the<br \/>\nbreast; and you must know that <em>c b<\/em> is the third part of the height<br \/>\nof a man from the shoulders to the ground; <em>d e f<\/em> are equal to each<br \/>\nother and equal to the greatest width of the shoulders.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XVI, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>336.<\/p>\n<p>&#8211;Top of the chin&#8211;hip&#8211;the insertion of the middle finger. The end<br \/>\nof the calf of the leg on the inside of the thigh.&#8211;The end of the<br \/>\nswelling of the shin bone of the leg. [6] The smallest thickness of<br \/>\nthe leg goes 3 times into the thigh seen in front.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XVII, No. 2, middle sketch.]<\/p>\n<p>The relative proportions of the torso and of the foot.<\/p>\n<p>337.<\/p>\n<p>The torso <em>a b<\/em> in its thinnest part measures a foot; and from <em>a<\/em><br \/>\nto <em>b<\/em> is 2 feet, which makes two squares to the seat&#8211;its thinnest<br \/>\npart goes 3 times into the length, thus making 3 squares.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl, VII, No. 2, the lower sketch.]<\/p>\n<p>The proportions of the whole figure (338-341).<\/p>\n<p>338.<\/p>\n<p>A man when he lies down is reduced to 1\/9 of his height.<\/p>\n<p>339.<\/p>\n<p>The opening of the ear, the joint of the shoulder, that of the hip<br \/>\nand the ancle are in perpendicular lines; <em>a n<\/em> is equal to <em>m o<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XVI, No. 2, the upper sketch.]<\/p>\n<p>340.<\/p>\n<p>From the chin to the roots of the hair is 1\/10 of the whole figure.<br \/>\nFrom the joint of the palm of the hand to the tip of the longest<br \/>\nfinger is 1\/10. From the chin to the top of the head 1\/8; and from<br \/>\nthe pit of the stomach to the top of the breast is 1\/6, and from the<br \/>\npit below the breast bone to the top of the head 1\/4. From the chin<br \/>\nto the nostrils 1\/3 Part of the face, the same from the nostrils to<br \/>\nthe brow and from the brow to the roots of the hair, and the foot is<br \/>\n1\/6, the elbow 1\/4, the width of the shoulders 1\/4.<\/p>\n<p>341.<\/p>\n<p>The width of the shoulders is 1\/4 of the whole. From the joint of<br \/>\nthe shoulder to the hand is 1\/3, from the parting of the lips to<br \/>\nbelow the shoulder-blade is one foot.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest thickness of a man from the breast to the spine is one<br \/>\n8th of his height and is equal to the space between the bottom of<br \/>\nthe chin and the top of the head.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest width is at the shoulders and goes 4.<\/p>\n<p>The torso from the front and back.<\/p>\n<p>342.<\/p>\n<p>The width of a man under the arms is the same as at the hips.<\/p>\n<p>A man&#8217;s width across the hips is equal to the distance from the top<br \/>\nof the hip to the bottom of the buttock, when a man stands equally<br \/>\nbalanced on both feet; and there is the same distance from the top<br \/>\nof the hip to the armpit. The waist, or narrower part above the hips<br \/>\nwill be half way between the arm pits and the bottom of the buttock.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The lower sketch Pl. XVI, No. 2, is drawn by the side of<br \/>\nline 1.]<\/p>\n<p>Vitruvius&#8217; scheme of proportions.<\/p>\n<p>343.<\/p>\n<p>Vitruvius, the architect, says in his work on architecture that the<br \/>\nmeasurements of the human body are distributed by Nature as follows:<br \/>\nthat is that 4 fingers make 1 palm, and 4 palms make 1 foot, 6 palms<br \/>\nmake 1 cubit; 4 cubits make a man&#8217;s height. And 4 cubits make one<br \/>\npace and 24 palms make a man; and these measures he used in his<br \/>\nbuildings. If you open your legs so much as to decrease your height<br \/>\n1\/14 and spread and raise your arms till your middle fingers touch<br \/>\nthe level of the top of your head you must know that the centre of<br \/>\nthe outspread limbs will be in the navel and the space between the<br \/>\nlegs will be an equilateral triangle.<\/p>\n<p>The length of a man&#8217;s outspread arms is equal to his height.<\/p>\n<p>From the roots of the hair to the bottom of the chin is the tenth of<br \/>\na man&#8217;s height; from the bottom of the chin to the top of his head<br \/>\nis one eighth of his height; from the top of the breast to the top<br \/>\nof his head will be one sixth of a man. From the top of the breast<br \/>\nto the roots of the hair will be the seventh part of the whole man.<br \/>\nFrom the nipples to the top of the head will be the fourth part of a<br \/>\nman. The greatest width of the shoulders contains in itself the<br \/>\nfourth part of the man. From the elbow to the tip of the hand will<br \/>\nbe the fifth part of a man; and from the elbow to the angle of the<br \/>\narmpit will be the eighth part of the man. The whole hand will be<br \/>\nthe tenth part of the man; the beginning of the genitals marks the<br \/>\nmiddle of the man. The foot is the seventh part of the man. From the<br \/>\nsole of the foot to below the knee will be the fourth part of the<br \/>\nman. From below the knee to the beginning of the genitals will be<br \/>\nthe fourth part of the man. The distance from the bottom of the chin<br \/>\nto the nose and from the roots of the hair to the eyebrows is, in<br \/>\neach case the same, and like the ear, a third of the face.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XVIII. The original leaf is 21 centimetres wide<br \/>\nand 33 1\/2 long. At the ends of the scale below the figure are<br \/>\nwritten the words <em>diti<\/em> (fingers) and <em>palmi<\/em> (palms). The passage<br \/>\nquoted from Vitruvius is Book III, Cap. 1, and Leonardo&#8217;s drawing is<br \/>\ngiven in the editions of Vitruvius by FRA GIOCONDO (Venezia 1511,<br \/>\nfol., Firenze 1513, 8vo.) and by CESARIANO (Como 1521).]<\/p>\n<p>The arm and head.<\/p>\n<p>344.<\/p>\n<p>From <em>b<\/em> to <em>a<\/em> is one head, as well as from <em>c<\/em> to <em>a<\/em> and this<br \/>\nhappens when the elbow forms a right angle.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XLI, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>Proportions of the arm (345-349).<\/p>\n<p>345.<\/p>\n<p>From the tip of the longest finger of the hand to the shoulder joint<br \/>\nis four hands or, if you will, four faces.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b c<\/em> are equal and each interval is 2 heads.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Lines 1-3 are given on Pl. XV below the front view of the<br \/>\nleg; lines 4 and 5 are below again, on the left side. The lettering<br \/>\nrefers to the bent arm near the text.]<\/p>\n<p>346.<\/p>\n<p>The hand from the longest finger to the wrist joint goes 4 times<br \/>\nfrom the tip of the longest finger to the shoulder joint.<\/p>\n<p>347.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b c<\/em> are equal to each other and to the foot and to the space<br \/>\nbetween the nipple and the navel <em>d e<\/em> will be the third part of the<br \/>\nwhole man.<\/p>\n<p><em>f g<\/em> is the fourth part of a man and is equal to <em>g h<\/em> and measures<br \/>\na cubit.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XIX, No. 1. 1. <em>mamolino<\/em> (=<em>bambino<\/em>, little<br \/>\nchild) may mean here the navel.]<\/p>\n<p>348.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b<\/em> goes 4 times into <em>a c<\/em> and 9 into <em>a m<\/em>. The greatest<br \/>\nthickness of the arm between the elbow and the hand goes 6 times<br \/>\ninto <em>a m<\/em> and is equal to <em>r f<\/em>. The greatest thickness of the arm<br \/>\nbetween the shoulder and the elbow goes 4 times into <em>c m<\/em>, and is<br \/>\nequal to <em>h n g<\/em>. The smallest thickness of the arm above the elbow<br \/>\n<em>x y<\/em> is not the base of a square, but is equal to half the space<br \/>\n<em>h<\/em> 3 which is found between the inner joint of the arm and the<br \/>\nwrist joint.<\/p>\n<p>[11]The width of the wrist goes 12 times into the whole arm; that is<br \/>\nfrom the tip of the fingers to the shoulder joint; that is 3 times<br \/>\ninto the hand and 9 into the arm.<\/p>\n<p>The arm when bent is 4 heads.<\/p>\n<p>The arm from the shoulder to the elbow in bending increases in<br \/>\nlength, that is in the length from the shoulder to the elbow, and<br \/>\nthis increase is equal to the thickness of the arm at the wrist when<br \/>\nseen in profile. And the space between the bottom of the chin and<br \/>\nthe parting of the lips, is equal to the thickness of the 2 middle<br \/>\nfingers, and to the width of the mouth and to the space between the<br \/>\nroots of the hair on the forehead and the top of the head [Footnote:<br \/>\n<em>Queste cose<\/em>. This passage seems to have been written on purpose to<br \/>\nrectify the foregoing lines. The error is explained by the<br \/>\naccompanying sketch of the bones of the arm.]. All these distances<br \/>\nare equal to each other, but they are not equal to the<br \/>\nabove-mentioned increase in the arm.<\/p>\n<p>The arm between the elbow and wrist never increases by being bent or<br \/>\nextended.<\/p>\n<p>The arm, from the shoulder to the inner joint when extended.<\/p>\n<p>When the arm is extended, <em>p n<\/em> is equal to <em>n a<\/em>. And when it is<br \/>\nbent <em>n a<\/em> diminishes 1\/6 of its length and <em>p n<\/em> does the same. The<br \/>\nouter elbow joint increases 1\/7 when bent; and thus by being bent it<br \/>\nincreases to the length of 2 heads. And on the inner side, by<br \/>\nbending, it is found that whereas the arm from where it joins the<br \/>\nside to the wrist, was 2 heads and a half, in bending it loses the<br \/>\nhalf head and measures only two: one from the [shoulder] joint to<br \/>\nthe end [by the elbow], and the other to the hand.<\/p>\n<p>The arm when folded will measure 2 faces up to the shoulder from the<br \/>\nelbow and 2 from the elbow to the insertion of the four fingers on<br \/>\nthe palm of the hand. The length from the base of the fingers to the<br \/>\nelbow never alters in any position of the arm.<\/p>\n<p>If the arm is extended it decreases by 1\/3 of the length between <em>b<\/em><br \/>\nand <em>h<\/em>; and if&#8211;being extended&#8211;it is bent, it will increase the<br \/>\nhalf of <em>o e<\/em>. [Footnote 59-61: The figure sketched in the margin is<br \/>\nhowever drawn to different proportions.] The length from the<br \/>\nshoulder to the elbow is the same as from the base of the thumb,<br \/>\ninside, to the elbow <em>a b c<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 62-64: The arm sketch on the margin of the MS. is<br \/>\nidentically the same as that given below on Pl. XX which may<br \/>\ntherefore be referred to in this place. In line 62 we read therefore<br \/>\n<em>z c<\/em> for <em>m n<\/em>.] The smallest thickness of the arm in profile <em>z c<\/em><br \/>\ngoes 6 times between the knuckles of the hand and the dimple of the<br \/>\nelbow when extended and 14 times in the whole arm and 42 in the<br \/>\nwhole man [64]. The greatest thickness of the arm in profile is<br \/>\nequal to the greatest thickness of the arm in front; but the first<br \/>\nis placed at a third of the arm from the shoulder joint to the elbow<br \/>\nand the other at a third from the elbow towards the hand.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare Pl. XVII. Lines 1-10 and 11-15 are written in two<br \/>\ncolumns below the extended arm, and at the tips of the fingers we<br \/>\nfind the words: <em>fine d&#8217;unghie<\/em> (ends of the nails). Part of the<br \/>\ntext&#8211;lines 22 to 25&#8211;is visible by the side of the sketches on Pl.<br \/>\nXXXV, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>349.<\/p>\n<p>From the top of the shoulder to the point of the elbow is as far as<br \/>\nfrom that point to the joints of the four fingers with the palm of<br \/>\nthe hand, and each is 2 faces.<\/p>\n<p>[5]<em>a e<\/em> is equal to the palm of the hand, <em>r f<\/em> and <em>o g<\/em> are equal<br \/>\nto half a head and each goes 4 times into <em>a b<\/em> and <em>b c<\/em>. From <em>c<\/em><br \/>\nto <em>m<\/em> is 1\/2 a head; <em>m n<\/em> is 1\/3 of a head and goes 6 times into<br \/>\n<em>c b<\/em> and into <em>b a<\/em>; <em>a b<\/em> loses 1\/7 of its length when the arm is<br \/>\nextended; <em>c b<\/em> never alters; <em>o<\/em> will always be the middle point<br \/>\nbetween <em>a<\/em> and <em>s<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>y l<\/em> is the fleshy part of the arm and measures one head; and when<br \/>\nthe arm is bent this shrinks 2\/5 of its length; <em>o a<\/em> in bending<br \/>\nloses 1\/6 and so does <em>o r<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b<\/em> is 1\/7 of <em>r c<\/em>. <em>f s<\/em> will be 1\/8 of <em>r c<\/em>, and each of those<br \/>\n2 measurements is the largest of the arm; <em>k h<\/em> is the thinnest part<br \/>\nbetween the shoulder and the elbow and it is 1\/8 of the whole arm <em>r<br \/>\nc<\/em>; <em>o p<\/em> is 1\/5 of <em>r l<\/em>; <em>c z<\/em> goes 13 times into <em>r c<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XX where the text is also seen from lines 5-23.]<\/p>\n<p>The movement of the arm (350-354).<\/p>\n<p>350.<\/p>\n<p>In the innermost bend of the joints of every limb the reliefs are<br \/>\nconverted into a hollow, and likewise every hollow of the innermost<br \/>\nbends becomes a convexity when the limb is straightened to the<br \/>\nutmost. And in this very great mistakes are often made by those who<br \/>\nhave insufficient knowledge and trust to their own invention and do<br \/>\nnot have recourse to the imitation of nature; and these variations<br \/>\noccur more in the middle of the sides than in front, and more at the<br \/>\nback than at the sides.<\/p>\n<p>351.<\/p>\n<p>When the arm is bent at an angle at the elbow, it will produce some<br \/>\nangle; the more acute the angle is, the more will the muscles within<br \/>\nthe bend be shortened; while the muscles outside will become of<br \/>\ngreater length than before. As is shown in the example; <em>d c e<\/em> will<br \/>\nshrink considerably; and <em>b n<\/em> will be much extended.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XIX, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>352.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The arm, as it turns, thrusts back its shoulder towards the middle<br \/>\nof the back.<\/p>\n<p>353.<\/p>\n<p>The principal movements of the hand are 10; that is forwards,<br \/>\nbackwards, to right and to left, in a circular motion, up or down,<br \/>\nto close and to open, and to spread the fingers or to press them<br \/>\ntogether.<\/p>\n<p>354.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOTIONS OF THE FINGERS.<\/p>\n<p>The movements of the fingers principally consist in extending and<br \/>\nbending them. This extension and bending vary in manner; that is,<br \/>\nsometimes they bend altogether at the first joint; sometimes they<br \/>\nbend, or extend, half way, at the 2nd joint; and sometimes they bend<br \/>\nin their whole length and in all the three joints at once. If the 2<br \/>\nfirst joints are hindered from bending, then the 3rd joint can be<br \/>\nbent with greater ease than before; it can never bend of itself, if<br \/>\nthe other joints are free, unless all three joints are bent. Besides<br \/>\nall these movements there are 4 other principal motions of which 2<br \/>\nare up and down, the two others from side to side; and each of these<br \/>\nis effected by a single tendon. From these there follow an infinite<br \/>\nnumber of other movements always effected by two tendons; one tendon<br \/>\nceasing to act, the other takes up the movement. The tendons are<br \/>\nmade thick inside the fingers and thin outside; and the tendons<br \/>\ninside are attached to every joint but outside they are not.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 26: This head line has, in the original, no text to<br \/>\nfollow.] Of the strength [and effect] of the 3 tendons inside the<br \/>\nfingers at the 3 joints.<\/p>\n<p>The movement of the torso (355-361).<\/p>\n<p>355.<\/p>\n<p>Observe the altered position of the shoulder in all the movements of<br \/>\nthe arm, going up and down, inwards and outwards, to the back and to<br \/>\nthe front, and also in circular movements and any others.<\/p>\n<p>And do the same with reference to the neck, hands and feet and the<br \/>\nbreast above the lips &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>356.<\/p>\n<p>Three are the principal muscles of the shoulder, that is <em>b c d<\/em>,<br \/>\nand two are the lateral muscles which move it forward and backward,<br \/>\nthat is <em>a o<\/em>; <em>a<\/em> moves it forward, and <em>o<\/em> pulls it back; and bed<br \/>\nraises it; <em>a b c<\/em> moves it upwards and forwards, and <em>c d o<\/em><br \/>\nupwards and backwards. Its own weight almost suffices to move it<br \/>\ndownwards.<\/p>\n<p>The muscle <em>d<\/em> acts with the muscle <em>c<\/em> when the arm moves forward;<br \/>\nand in moving backward the muscle <em>b<\/em> acts with the muscle <em>c<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXI. In the original the lettering has been<br \/>\nwritten in ink upon the red chalk drawing and the outlines of the<br \/>\nfigures have in most places been inked over.]<\/p>\n<p>357.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE LOINS, WHEN BENT.<\/p>\n<p>The loins or backbone being bent. The breasts are are always lower<br \/>\nthan the shoulderblades of the back.<\/p>\n<p>If the breast bone is arched the breasts are higher than the<br \/>\nshoulderblades.<\/p>\n<p>If the loins are upright the breast will always be found at the same<br \/>\nlevel as the shoulderblades.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXII, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>358.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b<\/em> the tendon and ankle in raising the heel approach each other<br \/>\nby a finger&#8217;s breadth; in lowering it they separate by a finger&#8217;s<br \/>\nbreadth.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXII, No. 2. Compare this facsimile and text with<br \/>\nPl. III, No. 2, and p. 152 of MANZI&#8217;S edition. Also with No. 274 of<br \/>\nLUDWIG&#8217;S edition of the Vatican Copy.]<\/p>\n<p>359.<\/p>\n<p>Just so much as the part <em>d a<\/em> of the nude figure decreases in this<br \/>\nposition so much does the opposite part increase; that is: in<br \/>\nproportion as the length of the part <em>d a<\/em> diminishes the normal<br \/>\nsize so does the opposite upper part increase beyond its [normal]<br \/>\nsize. The navel does not change its position to the male organ; and<br \/>\nthis shrinking arises because when a figure stands on one foot, that<br \/>\nfoot becomes the centre [of gravity] of the superimposed weight.<br \/>\nThis being so, the middle between the shoulders is thrust above it<br \/>\nout of it perpendicular line, and this line, which forms the central<br \/>\nline of the external parts of the body, becomes bent at its upper<br \/>\nextremity [so as to be] above the foot which supports the body; and<br \/>\nthe transverse lines are forced into such angles that their ends are<br \/>\nlower on the side which is supported. As is shown at <em>a b c<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXII, No. 3.]<\/p>\n<p>360.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Note in the motions and attitudes of figures how the limbs vary, and<br \/>\ntheir feeling, for the shoulderblades in the motions of the arms and<br \/>\nshoulders vary the [line of the] back bone very much. And you will<br \/>\nfind all the causes of this in my book of Anatomy.<\/p>\n<p>361.<\/p>\n<p>OF [CHANGE OF] ATTITUDE.<\/p>\n<p>The pit of the throat is over the feet, and by throwing one arm<br \/>\nforward the pit of the throat is thrown off that foot. And if the<br \/>\nleg is thrown forward the pit of the throat is thrown forward; and.<br \/>\nso it varies in every attitude.<\/p>\n<p>362.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Indicate which are the muscles, and which the tendons, which become<br \/>\nprominent or retreat in the different movements of each limb; or<br \/>\nwhich do neither [but are passive]. And remember that these<br \/>\nindications of action are of the first importance and necessity in<br \/>\nany painter or sculptor who professes to be a master &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>And indicate the same in a child, and from birth to decrepitude at<br \/>\nevery stage of its life; as infancy, childhood, boyhood, youth &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>And in each express the alterations in the limbs and joints, which<br \/>\nswell and which grow thinner.<\/p>\n<p>363.<\/p>\n<p>O Anatomical Painter! beware lest the too strong indication of the<br \/>\nbones, sinews and muscles, be the cause of your becoming wooden in<br \/>\nyour painting by your wish to make your nude figures display all<br \/>\ntheir feeling. Therefore, in endeavouring to remedy this, look in<br \/>\nwhat manner the muscles clothe or cover their bones in old or lean<br \/>\npersons; and besides this, observe the rule as to how these same<br \/>\nmuscles fill up the spaces of the surface that extend between them,<br \/>\nwhich are the muscles which never lose their prominence in any<br \/>\namount of fatness; and which too are the muscles of which the<br \/>\nattachments are lost to sight in the very least plumpness. And in<br \/>\nmany cases several muscles look like one single muscle in the<br \/>\nincrease of fat; and in many cases, in growing lean or old, one<br \/>\nsingle muscle divides into several muscles. And in this treatise,<br \/>\neach in its place, all their peculiarities will be explained&#8211;and<br \/>\nparticularly as to the spaces between the joints of each limb &amp;c.<br \/>\nAgain, do not fail [to observe] the variations in the forms of the<br \/>\nabove mentioned muscles, round and about the joints of the limbs of<br \/>\nany animal, as caused by the diversity of the motions of each limb;<br \/>\nfor on some side of those joints the prominence of these muscles is<br \/>\nwholly lost in the increase or diminution of the flesh of which<br \/>\nthese muscles are composed, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: DE ROSSI remarks on this chapter, in the Roman edition of<br \/>\nthe Trattato, p. 504: &#8220;<em>Non in questo luogo solo, ma in altri ancora<br \/>\nosserver\u00c3\u00a0 il lettore, che Lionardo va fungendo quelli che fanno<br \/>\nabuso della loro dottrina anatomica, e sicuramente con ci\u00c3\u00b2 ha in<br \/>\nmira il suo rivale Bonarroti, che di anatomia facea tanta pompa<\/em>.&#8221;<br \/>\nNote, that Leonardo wrote this passage in Rome, probably under the<br \/>\nimmediate impression of MICHAELANGELO&#8217;S paintings in the Sistine<br \/>\nChapel and of RAPHAEL&#8217;S Isaiah in Sant&#8217; Agostino.]<\/p>\n<p>364.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DIFFERENT MEASUREMENTS OF BOYS AND MEN.<\/p>\n<p>There is a great difference in the length between the joints in men<br \/>\nand boys for, in man, from the top of the shoulder [by the neck] to<br \/>\nthe elbow, and from the elbow to the tip of the thumb and from one<br \/>\nshoulder to the other, is in each instance two heads, while in a boy<br \/>\nit is but one because Nature constructs in us the mass which is the<br \/>\nhome of the intellect, before forming that which contains the vital<br \/>\nelements.<\/p>\n<p>365.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Which are the muscles which subdivide in old age or in youth, when<br \/>\nbecoming lean? Which are the parts of the limbs of the human frame<br \/>\nwhere no amount of fat makes the flesh thicker, nor any degree of<br \/>\nleanness ever diminishes it?<\/p>\n<p>The thing sought for in this question will be found in all the<br \/>\nexternal joints of the bones, as the shoulder, elbow, wrists,<br \/>\nfinger-joints, hips, knees, ankle-bone and toes and the like; all of<br \/>\nwhich shall be told in its place. The greatest thickness acquired by<br \/>\nany limb is at the part of the muscles which is farthest from its<br \/>\nattachments.<\/p>\n<p>Flesh never increases on those portions of the limb where the bones<br \/>\nare near to the surface.<\/p>\n<p>At <em>b r d a c e f<\/em> the increase or diminution of the flesh never<br \/>\nmakes any considerable difference. Nature has placed in front of man<br \/>\nall those parts which feel most pain under a blow; and these are the<br \/>\nshin of the leg, the forehead, and the nose. And this was done for<br \/>\nthe preservation of man, since, if such pain were not felt in these<br \/>\nparts, the number of blows to which they would be exposed must be<br \/>\nthe cause of their destruction.<\/p>\n<p>Describe why the bones of the arm and leg are double near the hand<br \/>\nand foot [respectively].<\/p>\n<p>And where the flesh is thicker or thinner in the bending of the<br \/>\nlimbs.<\/p>\n<p>366.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Every part of the whole must be in proportion to the whole. Thus, if<br \/>\na man is of a stout short figure he will be the same in all his<br \/>\nparts: that is with short and thick arms, wide thick hands, with<br \/>\nshort fingers with their joints of the same character, and so on<br \/>\nwith the rest. I would have the same thing understood as applying to<br \/>\nall animals and plants; in diminishing, [the various parts] do so in<br \/>\ndue proportion to the size, as also in enlarging.<\/p>\n<p>367.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE AGREEMENT OF THE PROPORTION OF THE LIMBS.<\/p>\n<p>And again, remember to be very careful in giving your figures limbs,<br \/>\nthat they must appear to agree with the size of the body and<br \/>\nlikewise to the age. Thus a youth has limbs that are not very<br \/>\nmuscular not strongly veined, and the surface is delicate and round,<br \/>\nand tender in colour. In man the limbs are sinewy and muscular,<br \/>\nwhile in old men the surface is wrinkled, rugged and knotty, and the<br \/>\nsinews very prominent.<\/p>\n<p>HOW YOUNG BOYS HAVE THEIR JOINTS JUST THE REVERSE OF THOSE OF MEN,<br \/>\nAS TO SIZE.<\/p>\n<p>Little children have all the joints slender and the portions between<br \/>\nthem are thick; and this happens because nothing but the skin covers<br \/>\nthe joints without any other flesh and has the character of sinew,<br \/>\nconnecting the bones like a ligature. And the fat fleshiness is laid<br \/>\non between one joint and the next, and between the skin and the<br \/>\nbones. But, since the bones are thicker at the joints than between<br \/>\nthem, as a mass grows up the flesh ceases to have that superfluity<br \/>\nwhich it had, between the skin and the bones; whence the skin clings<br \/>\nmore closely to the bone and the limbs grow more slender. But since<br \/>\nthere is nothing over the joints but the cartilaginous and sinewy<br \/>\nskin this cannot dry up, and, not drying up, cannot shrink. Thus,<br \/>\nand for this reason, children are slender at the joints and fat<br \/>\nbetween the joints; as may be seen in the joints of the fingers,<br \/>\narms, and shoulders, which are slender and dimpled, while in man on<br \/>\nthe contrary all the joints of the fingers, arms, and legs are<br \/>\nthick; and wherever children have hollows men have prominences.<\/p>\n<p>The movement of the human figure (368-375).<\/p>\n<p>368.<\/p>\n<p>Of the manner of representing the 18 actions of man. Repose,<br \/>\nmovement, running, standing, supported, sitting, leaning, kneeling,<br \/>\nlying down, suspended. Carrying or being carried, thrusting,<br \/>\npulling, striking, being struck, pressing down and lifting up.<\/p>\n<p>[As to how a figure should stand with a weight in its hand [Footnote<br \/>\n8: The original text ends here.] Remember].<\/p>\n<p>369.<\/p>\n<p>A sitting man cannot raise himself if that part of his body which is<br \/>\nfront of his axis [centre of gravity] does not weigh more than that<br \/>\nwhich is behind that axis [or centre] without using his arms.<\/p>\n<p>A man who is mounting any slope finds that he must involuntarily<br \/>\nthrow the most weight forward, on the higher foot, rather than<br \/>\nbehind&#8211;that is in front of the axis and not behind it. Hence a man<br \/>\nwill always, involuntarily, throw the greater weight towards the<br \/>\npoint whither he desires to move than in any other direction.<\/p>\n<p>The faster a man runs, the more he leans forward towards the point<br \/>\nhe runs to and throws more weight in front of his axis than behind.<br \/>\nA man who runs down hill throws the axis onto his heels, and one who<br \/>\nruns up hill throws it into the points of his feet; and a man<br \/>\nrunning on level ground throws it first on his heels and then on the<br \/>\npoints of his feet.<\/p>\n<p>This man cannot carry his own weight unless, by drawing his body<br \/>\nback he balances the weight in front, in such a way as that the foot<br \/>\non which he stands is the centre of gravity.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXII, No. 4.]<\/p>\n<p>370.<\/p>\n<p>How a man proceeds to raise himself to his feet, when he is sitting<br \/>\non level ground.<\/p>\n<p>371.<\/p>\n<p>A man when walking has his head in advance of his feet.<\/p>\n<p>A man when walking across a long level plain first leans [rather]<br \/>\nbackwards and then as much forwards.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 3-6: He strides forward with the air of a man going down<br \/>\nhill; when weary, on the contrary he walks like a man going up<br \/>\nhill.]<\/p>\n<p>372.<\/p>\n<p>A man when running throws less weight on his legs than when standing<br \/>\nstill. And in the same way a horse which is running feels less the<br \/>\nweight of the man he carries. Hence many persons think it wonderful<br \/>\nthat, in running, the horse can rest on one single foot. From this<br \/>\nit may be stated that when a weight is in progressive motion the<br \/>\nmore rapid it is the less is the perpendicular weight towards the<br \/>\ncentre.<\/p>\n<p>373.<\/p>\n<p>If a man, in taking a jump from firm ground, can leap 3 braccia, and<br \/>\nwhen he was taking his leap it were to recede 1\/3 of a braccio, that<br \/>\nwould be taken off his former leap; and so if it were thrust forward<br \/>\n1\/3 of a braccio, by how much would his leap be increased?<\/p>\n<p>374.<\/p>\n<p>OF DRAWING.<\/p>\n<p>When a man who is running wants to neutralise the impetus that<br \/>\ncarries him on he prepares a contrary impetus which is generated by<br \/>\nhis hanging backwards. This can be proved, since, if the impetus<br \/>\ncarries a moving body with a momentum equal to 4 and the moving body<br \/>\nwants to turn and fall back with a momentum of 4, then one momentum<br \/>\nneutralises the other contrary one, and the impetus is neutralised.<\/p>\n<p>Of walking up and down (375-379)<\/p>\n<p>375.<\/p>\n<p>When a man wants to stop running and check the impetus he is forced<br \/>\nto hang back and take short quick steps. [Footnote: Lines 5-31 refer<br \/>\nto the two upper figures, and the lower figure to the right is<br \/>\nexplained by the last part of the chapter.] The centre of gravity of<br \/>\na man who lifts one of his feet from the ground always rests on the<br \/>\ncentre of the sole of the foot [he stands on].<\/p>\n<p>A man, in going up stairs involuntarily throws so much weight<br \/>\nforward and on the side of the upper foot as to be a counterpoise to<br \/>\nthe lower leg, so that the labour of this lower leg is limited to<br \/>\nmoving itself.<\/p>\n<p>The first thing a man does in mounting steps is to relieve the leg<br \/>\nhe is about to lift of the weight of the body which was resting on<br \/>\nthat leg; and besides this, he gives to the opposite leg all the<br \/>\nrest of the bulk of the whole man, including [the weight of] the<br \/>\nother leg; he then raises the other leg and sets the foot upon the<br \/>\nstep to which he wishes to raise himself. Having done this he<br \/>\nrestores to the upper foot all the weight of the body and of the leg<br \/>\nitself, and places his hand on his thigh and throws his head forward<br \/>\nand repeats the movement towards the point of the upper foot,<br \/>\nquickly lifting the heel of the lower one; and with this impetus he<br \/>\nlifts himself up and at the same time extends the arm which rested<br \/>\non his knee; and this extension of the arm carries up the body and<br \/>\nthe head, and so straightens the spine which was curved.<\/p>\n<p>[32] The higher the step is which a man has to mount, the farther<br \/>\nforward will he place his head in advance of his upper foot, so as<br \/>\nto weigh more on <em>a<\/em> than on <em>b<\/em>; this man will not be on the step<br \/>\n<em>m<\/em>. As is shown by the line <em>g f<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXIII, No. 1. The lower sketch to the left<br \/>\nbelongs to the four first lines.]<\/p>\n<p>376.<\/p>\n<p>I ask the weight [pressure] of this man at every degree of motion on<br \/>\nthese steps, what weight he gives to <em>b<\/em> and to <em>c<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 8: These lines are, in the original, written in ink]<br \/>\nObserve the perpendicular line below the centre of gravity of the<br \/>\nman.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXIII, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>377.<\/p>\n<p>In going up stairs if you place your hands on your knees all the<br \/>\nlabour taken by the arms is removed from the sinews at the back of<br \/>\nthe knees.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXIII, No. 3.]<\/p>\n<p>378.<\/p>\n<p>The sinew which guides the leg, and which is connected with the<br \/>\npatella of the knee, feels it a greater labour to carry the man<br \/>\nupwards, in proportion as the leg is more bent; and the muscle which<br \/>\nacts upon the angle made by the thigh where it joins the body has<br \/>\nless difficulty and has a less weight to lift, because it has not<br \/>\nthe [additional] weight of the thigh itself. And besides this it has<br \/>\nstronger muscles, being those which form the buttock.<\/p>\n<p>379.<\/p>\n<p>A man coming down hill takes little steps, because the weight rests<br \/>\nupon the hinder foot, while a man mounting takes wide steps, because<br \/>\nhis weight rests on the foremost foot.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXIII, No. 4.]<\/p>\n<p>On the human body in action (380-388).<\/p>\n<p>380.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE HUMAN BODY IN ACTION.<\/p>\n<p>When you want to represent a man as moving some weight consider what<br \/>\nthe movements are that are to be represented by different lines;<br \/>\nthat is to say either from below upwards, with a simple movement, as<br \/>\na man does who stoops forward to take up a weight which he will lift<br \/>\nas he straightens himself. Or as a man does who wants to squash<br \/>\nsomething backwards, or to force it forwards or to pull it downwards<br \/>\nwith ropes passed through pullies [Footnote 10: Compare the sketch<br \/>\non page 198 and on 201 (S. K. M. II.1 86b).]. And here remember that<br \/>\nthe weight of a man pulls in proportion as his centre of gravity is<br \/>\ndistant from his fulcrum, and to this is added the force given by<br \/>\nhis legs and bent back as he raises himself.<\/p>\n<p>381.<\/p>\n<p>Again, a man has even a greater store of strength in his legs than<br \/>\nhe needs for his own weight; and to see if this is true, make a man<br \/>\nstand on the shore-sand and then put another man on his back, and<br \/>\nyou will see how much he will sink in. Then take the man from off<br \/>\nhis back and make him jump straight up as high as he can, and you<br \/>\nwill find that the print of his feet will be made deeper by the jump<br \/>\nthan from having the man on his back. Hence, here, by 2 methods it<br \/>\nis proved that a man has double the strength he requires to support<br \/>\nhis own body.<\/p>\n<p>382.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>If you have to draw a man who is in motion, or lifting or pulling,<br \/>\nor carrying a weight equal to his own, in what way must you set on<br \/>\nhis legs below his body?<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the MS. this question remains unanswered.]<\/p>\n<p>383.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE STRENGTH OF MAN.<\/p>\n<p>A man pulling a [dead] weight balanced against himself cannot pull<br \/>\nmore than his own weight. And if he has to raise it he will [be able<br \/>\nto] raise as much more than his weight as his strength may be more<br \/>\nthan that of other men. [Footnote 7: The stroke at the end of this<br \/>\nline finishes in the original in a sort of loop or flourish, and a<br \/>\nsimilar flourish occurs at the end of the previous passage written<br \/>\non the same page. M. RAVAISSON regards these as numbers (compare the<br \/>\nphotograph of page 30b in his edition of MS. A). He remarks: &#8220;<em>Ce<br \/>\nchiffre<\/em> 8 <em>et, a la fin de l&#8217;alinea precedent, le chiffre<\/em> 7 <em>sont,<br \/>\ndans le manuscrit, des renvois<\/em>.&#8221;] The greatest force a man can<br \/>\napply, with equal velocity and impetus, will be when he sets his<br \/>\nfeet on one end of the balance [or lever] and then presses his<br \/>\nshoulders against some stable body. This will raise a weight at the<br \/>\nother end of the balance [lever], equal to his own weight and [added<br \/>\nto that] as much weight as he can carry on his shoulders.<\/p>\n<p>384.<\/p>\n<p>No animal can simply move [by its dead weight] a greater weight than<br \/>\nthe sum of its own weight outside the centre of his fulcrum.<\/p>\n<p>385.<\/p>\n<p>A man who wants to send an arrow very far from the bow must be<br \/>\nstanding entirely on one foot and raising the other so far from the<br \/>\nfoot he stands on as to afford the requisite counterpoise to his<br \/>\nbody which is thrown on the front foot. And he must not hold his arm<br \/>\nfully extended, and in order that he may be more able to bear the<br \/>\nstrain he must hold a piece of wood which there is in all crossbows,<br \/>\nextending from the hand to the breast, and when he wishes to shoot<br \/>\nhe suddenly leaps forward at the same instant and extends his arm<br \/>\nwith the bow and releases the string. And if he dexterously does<br \/>\nevery thing at once it will go a very long way.<\/p>\n<p>386.<\/p>\n<p>When two men are at the opposite ends of a plank that is balanced,<br \/>\nand if they are of equal weight, and if one of them wants to make a<br \/>\nleap into the air, then his leap will be made down from his end of<br \/>\nthe plank and the man will never go up again but must remain in his<br \/>\nplace till the man at the other end dashes up the board.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXIV, No. 3.]<\/p>\n<p>387.<\/p>\n<p>Of delivering a blow to the right or left.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Four sketches on Pl. XXIV, No. 1 belong to this passage.<br \/>\nThe rest of the sketches and notes on that page are of a<br \/>\nmiscellaneous nature.]<\/p>\n<p>388.<\/p>\n<p>Why an impetus is not spent at once [but diminishes] gradually in<br \/>\nsome one direction? [Footnote 1: The paper has been damaged at the<br \/>\nend of line 1.] The impetus acquired in the line <em>a b c d<\/em> is spent<br \/>\nin the line <em>d e<\/em> but not so completely but that some of its force<br \/>\nremains in it and to this force is added the momentum in the line <em>d<br \/>\ne<\/em> with the force of the motive power, and it must follow than the<br \/>\nimpetus multiplied by the blow is greater that the simple impetus<br \/>\nproduced by the momentum <em>d e<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 8: The sketch No. 2 on Pl. XXIV stands, in the original,<br \/>\nbetween lines 7 and 8. Compare also the sketches on Pl. LIV.] A man<br \/>\nwho has to deal a great blow with his weapon prepares himself with<br \/>\nall his force on the opposite side to that where the spot is which<br \/>\nhe is to hit; and this is because a body as it gains in velocity<br \/>\ngains in force against the object which impedes its motion.<\/p>\n<p>On hair falling down in curls.<\/p>\n<p>389.<\/p>\n<p>Observe the motion of the surface of the water which resembles that<br \/>\nof hair, and has two motions, of which one goes on with the flow of<br \/>\nthe surface, the other forms the lines of the eddies; thus the water<br \/>\nforms eddying whirlpools one part of which are due to the impetus of<br \/>\nthe principal current and the other to the incidental motion and<br \/>\nreturn flow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXV. Where also the text of this passage is given<br \/>\nin facsimile.]<\/p>\n<p>On draperies (390&#8211;392).<\/p>\n<p>390.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE NATURE OF THE FOLDS IN DRAPERY.<\/p>\n<p>That part of a fold which is farthest from the ends where it is<br \/>\nconfined will fall most nearly in its natural form.<\/p>\n<p>Every thing by nature tends to remain at rest. Drapery, being of<br \/>\nequal density and thickness on its wrong side and on its right, has<br \/>\na tendency to lie flat; therefore when you give it a fold or plait<br \/>\nforcing it out of its flatness note well the result of the<br \/>\nconstraint in the part where it is most confined; and the part which<br \/>\nis farthest from this constraint you will see relapses most into the<br \/>\nnatural state; that is to say lies free and flowing.<\/p>\n<p>EXAMPLE.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 13: <em>a c sia<\/em>. In the original text <em>b<\/em> is written instead<br \/>\nof <em>c<\/em>&#8211;an evident slip of the pen.] Let <em>a b c<\/em> be the fold of the<br \/>\ndrapery spoken of above, <em>a c<\/em> will be the places where this folded<br \/>\ndrapery is held fast. I maintain that the part of the drapery which<br \/>\nis farthest from the plaited ends will revert most to its natural<br \/>\nform.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, <em>b<\/em> being farthest from <em>a<\/em> and <em>c<\/em> in the fold <em>a b c<\/em><br \/>\nit will be wider there than anywhere else.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 6, and compare the drawing from<br \/>\nWindsor Pl. XXX for farther illustration of what is here stated.]<\/p>\n<p>391.<\/p>\n<p>OF SMALL FOLDS IN DRAPERIES.<\/p>\n<p>How figures dressed in a cloak should not show the shape so much as<br \/>\nthat the cloak looks as if it were next the flesh; since you surely<br \/>\ncannot wish the cloak to be next the flesh, for you must suppose<br \/>\nthat between the flesh and the cloak there are other garments which<br \/>\nprevent the forms of the limbs appearing distinctly through the<br \/>\ncloak. And those limbs which you allow to be seen you must make<br \/>\nthicker so that the other garments may appear to be under the cloak.<br \/>\nBut only give something of the true thickness of the limbs to a<br \/>\nnymph [Footnote 9: <em>Una nifa<\/em>. Compare the beautiful drawing of a<br \/>\nNymph, in black chalk from the Windsor collection, Pl. XXVI.] or an<br \/>\nangel, which are represented in thin draperies, pressed and clinging<br \/>\nto the limbs of the figures by the action of the wind.<\/p>\n<p>392.<\/p>\n<p>You ought not to give to drapery a great confusion of many folds,<br \/>\nbut rather only introduce them where they are held by the hands or<br \/>\nthe arms; the rest you may let fall simply where it is its nature to<br \/>\nflow; and do not let the nude forms be broken by too many details<br \/>\nand interrupted folds. How draperies should be drawn from nature:<br \/>\nthat is to say if youwant to represent woollen cloth draw the folds<br \/>\nfrom that; and if it is to be silk, or fine cloth or coarse, or of<br \/>\nlinen or of crape, vary the folds in each and do not represent<br \/>\ndresses, as many do, from models covered with paper or thin leather<br \/>\nwhich will deceive you greatly.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The little pen and ink drawing from Windsor (W. 102),<br \/>\ngiven on Pl. XXVIII, No. 7, clearly illustrates the statement made<br \/>\nat the beginning of this passage; the writing of the cipher 19 on<br \/>\nthe same page is in Leonardo&#8217;s hand; the cipher 21 is certainly<br \/>\nnot.]<\/p>\n<p><em>VIII.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Botany for Painters and Elements of Landscape Painting.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The chapters composing this portion of the work consist of<br \/>\nobservations on Form, Light and Shade in Plants, and particularly in<br \/>\nTrees summed up in certain general rules by which the author intends<br \/>\nto guide the artist in the pictorial representation of landscape.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>With these the first principles of a<\/em> Theory of Landscape painting<br \/>\n<em>are laid down&#8211;a theory as profoundly thought out in its main<br \/>\nlines as it is lucidly worked out in its details. In reading these<br \/>\nchapters the conviction is irresistible that such a<\/em> Botany for<br \/>\npainters <em>is or ought to be of similar importance in the practice of<br \/>\npainting as the principles of the Proportions and Movements of the<br \/>\nhuman figure<\/em> i. e. Anatomy for painters.<\/p>\n<p><em>There can be no doubt that Leonardo, in laying down these rules,<br \/>\ndid not intend to write on Botany in the proper scientific<br \/>\nsense&#8211;his own researches on that subject have no place here; it<br \/>\nneed only be observed that they are easily distinguished by their<br \/>\ncharacter and contents from those which are here collected and<br \/>\narranged under the title &#8216;Botany for painters&#8217;. In some cases where<br \/>\nthis division might appear doubtful,&#8211;as for instance in No.<\/em><br \/>\n402&#8211;<em>the Painter is directly addressed and enjoined to take the<br \/>\nrule to heart as of special importance in his art.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The original materials are principally derived from MS.<\/em> G, <em>in<br \/>\nwhich we often find this subject treated on several pages in<br \/>\nsuccession without any of that intermixture of other matters, which<br \/>\nis so frequent in Leonardo&#8217;s writings. This MS., too, is one of the<br \/>\nlatest; when it was written, the great painter was already more than<br \/>\nsixty years of age, so we can scarcely doubt that he regarded all he<br \/>\nwrote as his final views on the subject. And the same remark applies<br \/>\nto the chapters from MSS.<\/em> E <em>and<\/em> M <em>which were also written<br \/>\nbetween<\/em> 1513&#8211;15.<\/p>\n<p><em>For the sake of clearness, however, it has been desirable to<br \/>\nsacrifice&#8211;with few exceptions&#8211;the original order of the passages<br \/>\nas written, though it was with much reluctance and only after long<br \/>\nhesitation that I resigned myself to this necessity. Nor do I mean<br \/>\nto impugn the logical connection of the author&#8217;s ideas in his MS.;<br \/>\nbut it will be easily understood that the sequence of disconnected<br \/>\nnotes, as they occurred to Leonardo and were written down from time<br \/>\nto time, might be hardly satisfactory as a systematic arrangement of<br \/>\nhis principles. The reader will find in the Appendix an exact<br \/>\naccount of the order of the chapters in the original MS. and from<br \/>\nthe data there given can restore them at will. As the materials are<br \/>\nhere arranged, the structure of the tree as regards the growth of<br \/>\nthe branches comes first<\/em> (394-411) <em>and then the insertion of the<br \/>\nleaves on the stems<\/em> (412-419). <em>Then follow the laws of Light and<br \/>\nShade as applied, first, to the leaves (420-434), and, secondly, to<br \/>\nthe whole tree and to groups of trees<\/em> (435-457). <em>After the remarks<br \/>\non the Light and Shade in landscapes generally<\/em> (458-464), <em>we find<br \/>\nspecial observations on that of views of towns and buildings<\/em><br \/>\n(465-469). <em>To the theory of Landscape Painting belong also the<br \/>\npassages on the effect of Wind on Trees<\/em> (470-473) <em>and on the Light<br \/>\nand Shade of Clouds<\/em> (474-477), <em>since we find in these certain<br \/>\ncomparisons with the effect of Light and Shade on Trees<\/em> (e. g.: <em>in<br \/>\nNo.<\/em> 476, 4. 5; <em>and No.<\/em> 477, 9. 12). <em>The chapters given in the<br \/>\nAppendix Nos.<\/em> 478 <em>and<\/em> 481 <em>have hardly any connection with the<br \/>\nsubjects previously treated.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Classification of trees.<\/p>\n<p>393.<\/p>\n<p>TREES.<\/p>\n<p>Small, lofty, straggling, thick, that is as to foliage, dark, light,<br \/>\nrusset, branched at the top; some directed towards the eye, some<br \/>\ndownwards; with white stems; this transparent in the air, that not;<br \/>\nsome standing close together, some scattered.<\/p>\n<p>The relative thickness of the branches to the trunk (393&#8211;396).<\/p>\n<p>394.<\/p>\n<p>All the branches of a tree at every stage of its height when put<br \/>\ntogether are equal in thickness to the trunk [below them].<\/p>\n<p>All the branches of a water [course] at every stage of its course,<br \/>\nif they are of equal rapidity, are equal to the body of the main<br \/>\nstream.<\/p>\n<p>395.<\/p>\n<p>Every year when the boughs of a plant [or tree] have made an end of<br \/>\nmaturing their growth, they will have made, when put together, a<br \/>\nthickness equal to that of the main stem; and at every stage of its<br \/>\nramification you will find the thickness of the said main stem; as:<br \/>\n<em>i k<\/em>, <em>g h<\/em>, <em>e f<\/em>, <em>c d<\/em>, <em>a b<\/em>, will always be equal to each<br \/>\nother; unless the tree is pollard&#8211;if so the rule does not hold<br \/>\ngood.<\/p>\n<p>All the branches have a direction which tends to the centre of the<br \/>\ntree <em>m<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The two sketches of leafless trees one above another on<br \/>\nthe left hand side of Pl. XXVII, No. 1, belong to this passage.]<\/p>\n<p>396.<\/p>\n<p>If the plant n grows to the thickness shown at m, its branches will<br \/>\ncorrespond [in thickness] to the junction a b in consequence of the<br \/>\ngrowth inside as well as outside.<\/p>\n<p>The branches of trees or plants have a twist wherever a minor branch<br \/>\nis given off; and this giving off the branch forms a fork; this said<br \/>\nfork occurs between two angles of which the largest will be that<br \/>\nwhich is on the side of the larger branch, and in proportion, unless<br \/>\naccident has spoilt it.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketches illustrating this are on the right hand side<br \/>\nof PI. XXVII, No. I, and the text is also given there in facsimile.]<\/p>\n<p>397.<\/p>\n<p>There is no boss on branches which has not been produced by some<br \/>\nbranch which has failed.<\/p>\n<p>The lower shoots on the branches of trees grow more than the upper<br \/>\nones and this occurs only because the sap that nourishes them, being<br \/>\nheavy, tends downwards more than upwards; and again, because those<br \/>\n[branches] which grow downwards turn away from the shade which<br \/>\nexists towards the centre of the plant. The older the branches are,<br \/>\nthe greater is the difference between their upper and their lower<br \/>\nshoots and in those dating from the same year or epoch.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketch accompanying this in the MS. is so effaced<br \/>\nthat an exact reproduction was impossible.]<\/p>\n<p>398.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SCARS ON TREES.<\/p>\n<p>The scars on trees grow to a greater thickness than is required by<br \/>\nthe sap of the limb which nourishes them.<\/p>\n<p>399.<\/p>\n<p>The plant which gives out the smallest ramifications will preserve<br \/>\nthe straightest line in the course of its growth.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This passage is illustrated by two partly effaced<br \/>\nsketches. One of these closely resembles the lower one given under<br \/>\nNo. 408, the other also represents short closely set boughs on an<br \/>\nupright trunk.]<\/p>\n<p>400.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE RAMIFICATION.<\/p>\n<p>The beginning of the ramification [the shoot] always has the central<br \/>\nline [axis] of its thickness directed to the central line [axis] of<br \/>\nthe plant itself.<\/p>\n<p>401.<\/p>\n<p>In starting from the main stem the branches always form a base with<br \/>\na prominence as is shown at <em>a b c d<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>402.<\/p>\n<p>WHY, VERY FREQUENTLY, TIMBER HAS VEINS THAT ARE NOT STRAIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>When the branches which grow the second year above the branch of the<br \/>\npreceding year, are not of equal thickness above the antecedent<br \/>\nbranches, but are on one side, then the vigour of the lower branch<br \/>\nis diverted to nourish the one above it, although it may be somewhat<br \/>\non one side.<\/p>\n<p>But if the ramifications are equal in their growth, the veins of the<br \/>\nmain stem will be straight [parallel] and equidistant at every<br \/>\ndegree of the height of the plant.<\/p>\n<p>Wherefore, O Painter! you, who do not know these laws! in order to<br \/>\nescape the blame of those who understand them, it will be well that<br \/>\nyou should represent every thing from nature, and not despise such<br \/>\nstudy as those do who work [only] for money.<\/p>\n<p>The direction of growth (403-407).<\/p>\n<p>403.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE RAMIFICATIONS OF PLANTS.<\/p>\n<p>The plants which spread very much have the angles of the spaces<br \/>\nwhich divide their branches more obtuse in proportion as their point<br \/>\nof origin is lower down; that is nearer to the thickest and oldest<br \/>\nportion of the tree. Therefore in the youngest portions of the tree<br \/>\nthe angles of ramification are more acute. [Footnote: Compare the<br \/>\nsketches on the lower portion of Pl. XXVII, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>404.<\/p>\n<p>The tips of the boughs of plants [and trees], unless they are borne<br \/>\ndown by the weight of their fruits, turn towards the sky as much as<br \/>\npossible.<\/p>\n<p>The upper side of their leaves is turned towards the sky that it may<br \/>\nreceive the nourishment of the dew which falls at night.<\/p>\n<p>The sun gives spirit and life to plants and the earth nourishes them<br \/>\nwith moisture. [9] With regard to this I made the experiment of<br \/>\nleaving only one small root on a gourd and this I kept nourished<br \/>\nwith water, and the gourd brought to perfection all the fruits it<br \/>\ncould produce, which were about 60 gourds of the long kind, andi set<br \/>\nmy mind diligently [to consider] this vitality and perceived that<br \/>\nthe dews of night were what supplied it abundantly with moisture<br \/>\nthrough the insertion of its large leaves and gave nourishment to<br \/>\nthe plant and its offspring&#8211;or the seeds which its offspring had<br \/>\nto produce&#8211;[21].<\/p>\n<p>The rule of the leaves produced on the last shoot of the year will<br \/>\nbe that they will grow in a contrary direction on the twin branches;<br \/>\nthat is, that the insertion of the leaves turns round each branch in<br \/>\nsuch a way, as that the sixth leaf above is produced over the sixth<br \/>\nleaf below, and the way they turn is that if one turns towards its<br \/>\ncompanion to the right, the other turns to the left, the leaf<br \/>\nserving as the nourishing breast for the shoot or fruit which grows<br \/>\nthe following year.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A French translation of lines 9-12 was given by M.<br \/>\nRAVAISSON in the <em>Gazette des Beaux Arts<\/em>, Oct. 1877; his paper also<br \/>\ncontains some valuable information as to botanical science in the<br \/>\nancient classical writers and at the time of the Renaissance.]<\/p>\n<p>405.<\/p>\n<p>The lowest branches of those trees which have large leaves and heavy<br \/>\nfruits, such as nut-trees, fig-trees and the like, always droop<br \/>\ntowards the ground.<\/p>\n<p>The branches always originate above [in the axis of] the leaves.<\/p>\n<p>406.<\/p>\n<p>The upper shoots of the lateral branches of plants lie closer to the<br \/>\nparent branch than the lower ones.<\/p>\n<p>407.<\/p>\n<p>The lowest branches, after they have formed the angle of their<br \/>\nseparation from the parent stem, always bend downwards so as not to<br \/>\ncrowd against the other branches which follow them on the same stem<br \/>\nand to be better able to take the air which nourishes them. As is<br \/>\nshown by the angle <em>b a c<\/em>; the branch <em>a c<\/em> after it has made the<br \/>\ncorner of the angle <em>a c<\/em> bends downwards to <em>c d<\/em> and the lesser<br \/>\nshoot <em>c<\/em> dries up, being too thin.<\/p>\n<p>The main branch always goes below, as is shown by the branch <em>f n<br \/>\nm<\/em>, which does not go to <em>f n o<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>The forms of trees (408&#8211;411).<\/p>\n<p>408.<\/p>\n<p>The elm always gives a greater length to the last branches of the<br \/>\nyear&#8217;s growth than to the lower ones; and Nature does this because<br \/>\nthe highest branches are those which have to add to the size of the<br \/>\ntree; and those at the bottom must get dry because they grow in the<br \/>\nshade and their growth would be an impediment to the entrance of the<br \/>\nsolar rays and the air among the main branches of the tree.<\/p>\n<p>The main branches of the lower part bend down more than those above,<br \/>\nso as to be more oblique than those upper ones, and also because<br \/>\nthey are larger and older.<\/p>\n<p>409.<\/p>\n<p>In general almost all the upright portions of trees curve somewhat<br \/>\nturning the convexity towards the South; and their branches are<br \/>\nlonger and thicker and more abundant towards the South than towards<br \/>\nthe North. And this occurs because the sun draws the sap towards<br \/>\nthat surface of the tree which is nearest to it.<\/p>\n<p>And this may be observed if the sun is not screened off by other<br \/>\nplants.<\/p>\n<p>410.<\/p>\n<p>The cherry-tree is of the character of the fir tree as regards its<br \/>\nramification placed in stages round its main stem; and its branches<br \/>\nspring, 4 or five or 6 [together] opposite each other; and the tips<br \/>\nof the topmost shoots form a pyramid from the middle upwards; and<br \/>\nthe walnut and oak form a hemisphere from the middle upwards.<\/p>\n<p>411.<\/p>\n<p>The bough of the walnut which is only hit and beaten when it has<br \/>\nbrought to perfection&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The end of the text and the sketch in red chalk belonging<br \/>\nto it, are entirely effaced.]<\/p>\n<p>The insertion of the leaves (412&#8211;419).<\/p>\n<p>412.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE INSERTION OF THE BRANCHES ON PLANTS.<\/p>\n<p>Such as the growth of the ramification of plants is on their<br \/>\nprincipal branches, so is that of the leaves on the shoots of the<br \/>\nsame plant. These leaves have [Footnote 6: <em>Quattro modi<\/em> (four<br \/>\nmodes). Only three are described in the text, the fourth is only<br \/>\nsuggested by a sketch.<\/p>\n<p>This passage occurs in MANZI&#8217;S edition of the Trattato, p. 399, but<br \/>\nwithout the sketches and the text is mutilated in an important part.<br \/>\nThe whole passage has been commented on, from MANZI&#8217;S version, in<br \/>\nPart I of the <em>Nuovo Giornale Botanico Italiano<\/em>, by Prof. G.<br \/>\nUZIELLI (Florence 1869, Vol. I). He remarks as to the &#8216;four modes&#8217;:<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Leonardo, come si vede nelle linie sententi da solo tre esempli.<br \/>\nQuesta ed altre inessattezze fanno desiderare, sia esaminato di<br \/>\nnuovo il manoscritto Vaticano<\/em>&#8220;. This has since been done by D.<br \/>\nKNAPP of Tubingen, and his accurate copy has been published by H.<br \/>\nLUDWIG, the painter. The passage in question occurs in his edition<br \/>\nas No. 833; and there also the drawings are wanting. The space for<br \/>\nthem has been left vacant, but in the Vatican copy &#8216;<em>niente<\/em>&#8216; has<br \/>\nbeen written on the margin; and in it, as well as in LUDWIG&#8217;S and<br \/>\nMANZI&#8217;S edition, the text is mutilated.] four modes of growing one<br \/>\nabove another. The first, which is the most general, is that the<br \/>\nsixth always originates over the sixth below [Footnote 8: <em>la sesta<br \/>\ndi sotto. &#8220;Disposizione 2\/5 o 1\/5. Leonardo osservo probabilmente<br \/>\nsoltanto la prima&#8221;<\/em> (UZIELLl).]; the second is that two third ones<br \/>\nabove are over the two third ones below [Footnote 10: <em>terze di<br \/>\nsotto: &#8220;Intende qui senza dubbio parlare di foglie decussate, in cui<br \/>\nil terzo verticello e nel piano del primo&#8221;<\/em> (UZIELLI).]; and the<br \/>\nthird way is that the third above is over the third below [Footnote<br \/>\n11: 3a <em>di sotto: &#8220;Disposizione 1\/2&#8221;<\/em> (UZIELLI).].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See the four sketches on the upper portion of the page<br \/>\nreproduced as fig. 2 on P1. XXVII.]<\/p>\n<p>413.<\/p>\n<p>A DESCRIPTION OF THE ELM.<\/p>\n<p>The ramification of the elm has the largest branch at the top. The<br \/>\nfirst and the last but one are smaller, when the main trunk is<br \/>\nstraight.<\/p>\n<p>The space between the insertion of one leaf to the rest is half the<br \/>\nextreme length of the leaf or somewhat less, for the leaves are at<br \/>\nan interval which is about the 3rd of the width of the leaf.<\/p>\n<p>The elm has more leaves near the top of the boughs than at the base;<br \/>\nand the broad [surface] of the leaves varies little as to [angle<br \/>\nand] aspect.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXVII, No. 3. Above the sketch and close under<br \/>\nthe number of the page is the word &#8216;<em>olmo<\/em>&#8216; (elm).]<\/p>\n<p>414.<\/p>\n<p>In the walnut tree the leaves which are distributed on the shoots of<br \/>\nthis year are further apart from each other and more numerous in<br \/>\nproportion as the branch from which this shoot springs is a young<br \/>\none. And they are inserted more closely and less in number when the<br \/>\nshoot that bears them springs from an old branch. Its fruits are<br \/>\nborne at the ends of the shoots. And its largest boughs are the<br \/>\nlowest on the boughs they spring from. And this arises from the<br \/>\nweight of its sap which is more apt to descend than to rise, and<br \/>\nconsequently the branches which spring from them and rise towards<br \/>\nthe sky are small and slender [20]; and when the shoot turns towards<br \/>\nthe sky its leaves spread out from it [at an angle] with an equal<br \/>\ndistribution of their tips; and if the shoot turns to the horizon<br \/>\nthe leaves lie flat; and this arises from the fact that leaves<br \/>\nwithout exception, turn their underside to the earth [29].<\/p>\n<p>The shoots are smaller in proportion as they spring nearer to the<br \/>\nbase of the bough they spring from.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See the two sketches on Pl XXVII, No. 4. The second<br \/>\nrefers to the passage lines 20-30.]<\/p>\n<p>415.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE INSERTION OF THE LEAVES ON THE BRANCHES.<\/p>\n<p>The thickness of a branch never diminishes within the space between<br \/>\none leaf and the next excepting by so much as the thickness of the<br \/>\nbud which is above the leaf and this thickness is taken off from the<br \/>\nbranch above [the node] as far as the next leaf.<\/p>\n<p>Nature has so placed the leaves of the latest shoots of many plants<br \/>\nthat the sixth leaf is always above the first, and so on in<br \/>\nsuccession, if the rule is not [accidentally] interfered with; and<br \/>\nthis occurs for two useful ends in the plant: First that as the<br \/>\nshoot and the fruit of the following year spring from the bud or eye<br \/>\nwhich lies above and in close contact with the insertion of the leaf<br \/>\n[in the axil], the water which falls upon the shoot can run down to<br \/>\nnourish the bud, by the drop being caught in the hollow [axil] at<br \/>\nthe insertion of the leaf. And the second advantage is, that as<br \/>\nthese shoots develop in the following year one will not cover the<br \/>\nnext below, since the 5 come forth on five different sides; and the<br \/>\nsixth which is above the first is at some distance.<\/p>\n<p>416.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE RAMIFICATIONS OF TREES AND THEIR FOLIAGE.<\/p>\n<p>The ramifications of any tree, such as the elm, are wide and slender<br \/>\nafter the manner of a hand with spread fingers, foreshortened. And<br \/>\nthese are seen in the distribution [thus]: the lower portions are<br \/>\nseen from above; and those that are above are seen from below; and<br \/>\nthose in the middle, some from below and some from above. The upper<br \/>\npart is the extreme [top] of this ramification and the middle<br \/>\nportion is more foreshortened than any other of those which are<br \/>\nturned with their tips towards you. And of those parts of the middle<br \/>\nof the height of the tree, the longest will be towards the top of<br \/>\nthe tree and will produce a ramification like the foliage of the<br \/>\ncommon willow, which grows on the banks of rivers.<\/p>\n<p>Other ramifications are spherical, as those of such trees as put<br \/>\nforth their shoots and leaves in the order of the sixth being placed<br \/>\nabove the first. Others are thin and light like the willow and<br \/>\nothers.<\/p>\n<p>417.<\/p>\n<p>You will see in the lower branches of the elder, which puts forth<br \/>\nleaves two and two placed crosswise [at right angles] one above<br \/>\nanother, that if the stem rises straight up towards the sky this<br \/>\norder never fails; and its largest leaves are on the thickest part<br \/>\nof the stem and the smallest on the slenderest part, that is towards<br \/>\nthe top. But, to return to the lower branches, I say that the leaves<br \/>\non these are placed on them crosswise like [those on] the upper<br \/>\nbranches; and as, by the law of all leaves, they are compelled to<br \/>\nturn their upper surface towards the sky to catch the dew at night,<br \/>\nit is necessary that those so placed should twist round and no<br \/>\nlonger form a cross.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXVII, No. 5.]<\/p>\n<p>418.<\/p>\n<p>A leaf always turns its upper side towards the sky so that it may<br \/>\nthe better receive, on all its surface, the dew which drops gently<br \/>\nfrom the atmosphere. And these leaves are so distributed on the<br \/>\nplant as that one shall cover the other as little as possible, but<br \/>\nshall lie alternately one above another as may be seen in the ivy<br \/>\nwhich covers the walls. And this alternation serves two ends; that<br \/>\nis, to leave intervals by which the air and sun may penetrate<br \/>\nbetween them. The 2nd reason is that the drops which fall from the<br \/>\nfirst leaf may fall onto the fourth or&#8211;in other trees&#8211;onto the<br \/>\nsixth.<\/p>\n<p>419.<\/p>\n<p>Every shoot and every fruit is produced above the insertion [in the<br \/>\naxil] of its leaf which serves it as a mother, giving it water from<br \/>\nthe rain and moisture from the dew which falls at night from above,<br \/>\nand often it protects them against the too great heat of the rays of<br \/>\nthe sun.<\/p>\n<p>LIGHT ON BRANCHES AND LEAVES (420&#8211;422).<\/p>\n<p>420.<\/p>\n<p>That part of the body will be most illuminated which is hit by the<br \/>\nluminous ray coming between right angles.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>421.<\/p>\n<p>Young plants have more transparent leaves and a more lustrous bark<br \/>\nthan old ones; and particularly the walnut is lighter coloured in<br \/>\nMay than in September.<\/p>\n<p>422.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE ACCIDENTS OF COLOURING IN TREES.<\/p>\n<p>The accidents of colour in the foliage of trees are 4. That is:<br \/>\nshadow, light, lustre [reflected light] and transparency.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE VISIBILITY OF THESE ACCIDENTS.<\/p>\n<p>These accidents of colour in the foliage of trees become confused at<br \/>\na great distance and that which has most breadth [whether light or<br \/>\nshade, &amp;c.] will be most conspicuous.<\/p>\n<p>The proportions of light and shade in a leaf (423-426).<\/p>\n<p>423.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SHADOWS OF A LEAF.<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes a leaf has three accidents [of light] that is: shade,<br \/>\nlustre [reflected light] and transparency [transmitted light]. Thus,<br \/>\nif the light were at <em>n<\/em> as regards the leaf <em>s<\/em>, and the eye at<br \/>\n<em>m<\/em>, it would see <em>a<\/em> in full light, <em>b<\/em> in shadow and <em>c<\/em><br \/>\ntransparent.<\/p>\n<p>424.<\/p>\n<p>A leaf with a concave surface seen from the under side and<br \/>\nup-side-down will sometimes show itself as half in shade, and half<br \/>\ntransparent. Thus, if <em>o p<\/em> is the leaf and the light <em>m<\/em> and the<br \/>\neye <em>n<\/em>, this will see <em>o<\/em> in shadow because the light does not fall<br \/>\nupon it between equal angles, neither on the upper nor the under<br \/>\nside, and <em>p<\/em> is lighted on the upper side and the light is<br \/>\ntransmitted to its under side. [Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 2, the<br \/>\nupper sketch on the page. In the original they are drawn in red<br \/>\nchalk.]<\/p>\n<p>425.<\/p>\n<p>Although those leaves which have a polished surface are to a great<br \/>\nextent of the same colour on the right side and on the reverse, it<br \/>\nmay happen that the side which is turned towards the atmosphere will<br \/>\nhave something of the colour of the atmosphere; and it will seem to<br \/>\nhave more of this colour of the atmosphere in proportion as the eye<br \/>\nis nearer to it and sees it more foreshortened. And, without<br \/>\nexception the shadows show as darker on the upper side than on the<br \/>\nlower, from the contrast offered by the high lights which limit the<br \/>\nshadows.<\/p>\n<p>The under side of the leaf, although its colour may be in itself the<br \/>\nsame as that of the upper side, shows a still finer colour&#8211;a colour<br \/>\nthat is green verging on yellow&#8211;and this happens when the leaf is<br \/>\nplaced between<\/p>\n<p>426.<\/p>\n<p>the eye and the light which falls upon it from the opposite side.<\/p>\n<p>And its shadows are in the same positions as those were of the<br \/>\nopposite side. Therefore, O Painter! when you do trees close at<br \/>\nhand, remember that if the eye is almost under the tree you will see<br \/>\nits leaves [some] on the upper and [some] on the under side, and the<br \/>\nupper side will be bluer in proportion as they are seen more<br \/>\nforeshortened, and the same leaf sometimes shows part of the right<br \/>\nside and part of the under side, whence you must make it of two<br \/>\ncolours.<\/p>\n<p>Of the transparency of leaves (427-429).<\/p>\n<p>427.<\/p>\n<p>The shadows in transparent leaves seen from the under side are the<br \/>\nsame shadows as there are on the right side of this leaf, they will<br \/>\nshow through to the underside together with lights, but the lustre<br \/>\n[reflected light] can never show through.<\/p>\n<p>428.<\/p>\n<p>When one green has another [green] behind it, the lustre on the<br \/>\nleaves and their transparent [lights] show more strongly than in<br \/>\nthose which are [seen] against the brightness of the atmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>And if the sun illuminates the leaves without their coming between<br \/>\nit and the eye and without the eye facing the sun, then the<br \/>\nreflected lights and the transparent lights are very strong.<\/p>\n<p>It is very effective to show some branches which are low down and<br \/>\ndark and so set off the illuminated greens which are at some<br \/>\ndistance from the dark greens seen below. That part is darkest which<br \/>\nis nearest to the eye or which is farthest from the luminous<br \/>\natmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>429.<\/p>\n<p>Never paint leaves transparent to the sun, because they are<br \/>\nconfused; and this is because on the transparency of one leaf will<br \/>\nbe seen the shadow of another leaf which is above it. This shadow<br \/>\nhas a distinct outline and a certain depth of shade and sometimes is<br \/>\n[as much as] half or a third of the leaf which is shaded; and<br \/>\nconsequently such an arrangement is very confused and the imitation<br \/>\nof it should be avoided.<\/p>\n<p>The light shines least through a leaf when it falls upon it at an<br \/>\nacute angle.<\/p>\n<p>The gradations of shade and colour in leaves (430-434).<\/p>\n<p>430.<\/p>\n<p>The shadows of plants are never black, for where the atmosphere<br \/>\npenetrates there can never be utter darkness.<\/p>\n<p>431.<\/p>\n<p>If the light comes from <em>m<\/em> and the eye is at <em>n<\/em> the eye will see<br \/>\nthe colour of the leaves <em>a b<\/em> all affected by the colour of <em>m<\/em><br \/>\n&#8211;that is of the atmosphere; and <em>b c<\/em> will be seen from the under<br \/>\nside as transparent, with a beautiful green colour verging on<br \/>\nyellow.<\/p>\n<p>If <em>m<\/em> is the luminous body lighting up the leaf <em>s<\/em> all the eyes<br \/>\nthat see the under side of this leaf will see it of a beautiful<br \/>\nlight green, being transparent.<\/p>\n<p>In very many cases the positions of the leaves will be without<br \/>\nshadow [or in full light], and their under side will be transparent<br \/>\nand the right side lustrous [reflecting light].<\/p>\n<p>432.<\/p>\n<p>The willow and other similar trees, which have their boughs lopped<br \/>\nevery 3 or 4 years, put forth very straight branches, and their<br \/>\nshadow is about the middle where these boughs spring; and towards<br \/>\nthe extreme ends they cast but little shade from having small leaves<br \/>\nand few and slender branches. Hence the boughs which rise towards<br \/>\nthe sky will have but little shade and little relief; and the<br \/>\nbranches which are at an angle from the horizon, downwards, spring<br \/>\nfrom the dark part of the shadow and grow thinner by degrees up to<br \/>\ntheir ends, and these will be in strong relief, being in gradations<br \/>\nof light against a background of shadow.<\/p>\n<p>That tree will have the least shadow which has the fewest branches<br \/>\nand few leaves.<\/p>\n<p>433.<\/p>\n<p>OF DARK LEAVES IN FRONT OF TRANSPARENT ONES.<\/p>\n<p>When the leaves are interposed between the light and the eye, then<br \/>\nthat which is nearest to the eye will be the darkest, and the most<br \/>\ndistant will be the lightest, not being seen against the atmosphere;<br \/>\nand this is seen in the leaves which are away from the centre of the<br \/>\ntree, that is towards the light.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 2, the lower sketch.]<\/p>\n<p>434.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE LIGHTS ON DARK LEAVES.<\/p>\n<p>The lights on such leaves which are darkest, will be most near to<br \/>\nthe colour of the atmosphere that is reflected in them. And the<br \/>\ncause of this is that the light on the illuminated portion mingles<br \/>\nwith the dark hue to compose a blue colour; and this light is<br \/>\nproduced by the blueness of the atmosphere which is reflected in the<br \/>\nsmooth surface of these leaves and adds to the blue hue which this<br \/>\nlight usually produces when it falls on dark objects.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE LIGHTS ON LEAVES OF A YELLOWISH GREEN.<\/p>\n<p>But leaves of a green verging on yellow when they reflect the<br \/>\natmosphere do not produce a reflection verging on blue, inasmuch as<br \/>\nevery thing which appears in a mirror takes some colour from that<br \/>\nmirror, hence the blue of the atmosphere being reflected in the<br \/>\nyellow of the leaf appears green, because blue and yellow mixed<br \/>\ntogether make a very fine green colour, therefore the lustre of<br \/>\nlight leaves verging on yellow will be greenish yellow.<\/p>\n<p>A classification of trees according to their colours.<\/p>\n<p>435.<\/p>\n<p>The trees in a landscape are of various kinds of green, inasmuch as<br \/>\nsome verge towards blackness, as firs, pines, cypresses, laurels,<br \/>\nbox and the like. Some tend to yellow such as walnuts, and pears,<br \/>\nvines and verdure. Some are both yellowish and dark as chesnuts,<br \/>\nholm-oak. Some turn red in autumn as the service-tree, pomegranate,<br \/>\nvine, and cherry; and some are whitish as the willow, olive, reeds<br \/>\nand the like. Trees are of various forms &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>The proportions of light and shade in trees (436-440).<\/p>\n<p>436.<\/p>\n<p>OF A GENERALLY DISTRIBUTED LIGHT AS LIGHTING UP TREES.<\/p>\n<p>That part of the trees will be seen to lie in the least dark shadow<br \/>\nwhich is farthest from the earth.<\/p>\n<p>To prove it let <em>a p<\/em> be the tree, <em>n b c<\/em> the illuminated<br \/>\nhemisphere [the sky], the under portion of the tree faces the earth<br \/>\n<em>p c<\/em>, that is on the side <em>o<\/em>, and it faces a small part of the<br \/>\nhemisphere at <em>c d<\/em>. But the highest part of the convexity a faces<br \/>\nthe greatest part of the hemisphere, that is <em>b c<\/em>. For this<br \/>\nreason&#8211;and because it does not face the darkness of the earth&#8211;it<br \/>\nis in fuller light. But if the tree has dense foliage, as the<br \/>\nlaurel, arbutus, box or holm oak, it will be different; because,<br \/>\nalthough <em>a<\/em> does not face the earth, it faces the dark [green] of<br \/>\nthe leaves cut up by many shadows, and this darkness is reflected<br \/>\nonto the under sides of the leaves immediately above. Thus these<br \/>\ntrees have their darkest shadows nearest to the middle of the tree.<\/p>\n<p>437.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SHADOWS OF VERDURE.<\/p>\n<p>The shadows of verdure are always somewhat blue, and so is every<br \/>\nshadow of every object; and they assume this hue more in proportion<br \/>\nas they are remote from the eye, and less in proportion as they are<br \/>\nnearer. The leaves which reflect the blue of the atmosphere always<br \/>\npresent themselves to the eye edgewise.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE ILLUMINATED PART OF VERDURE AND OF MOUNTAINS.<\/p>\n<p>The illuminated portion, at a great distance, will appear most<br \/>\nnearly of its natural colour where the strongest light falls upon<br \/>\nit.<\/p>\n<p>438.<\/p>\n<p>OF TREES THAT ARE LIGHTED BY THE SUN AND BY THE ATMOSPHERE.<\/p>\n<p>In trees that are illuminated [both] by the sun and the atmosphere<br \/>\nand that have leaves of a dark colour, one side will be illuminated<br \/>\nby the atmosphere [only] and in consequence of this light will tend<br \/>\nto blueness, while on the other side they will be illuminated by the<br \/>\natmosphere and the sun; and the side which the eye sees illuminated<br \/>\nby the sun will reflect light.<\/p>\n<p>439.<\/p>\n<p>OF DEPICTING A FOREST SCENE.<\/p>\n<p>The trees and plants which are most thickly branched with slender<br \/>\nbranches ought to have less dark shadow than those trees and plants<br \/>\nwhich, having broader leaves, will cast more shadow.<\/p>\n<p>440.<\/p>\n<p>ON PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>In the position of the eye which sees that portion of a tree<br \/>\nilluminated which turns towards the light, one tree will never be<br \/>\nseen to be illuminated equally with the other. To prove this, let<br \/>\nthe eye be <em>c<\/em> which sees the two trees <em>b d<\/em> which are illuminated<br \/>\nby the sun <em>a<\/em>; I say that this eye <em>c<\/em> will not see the light in<br \/>\nthe same proportion to the shade, in one tree as in the other.<br \/>\nBecause, the tree which is nearest to the sun will display so much<br \/>\nthe stronger shadow than the more distant one, in proportion as one<br \/>\ntree is nearer to the rays of the sun that converge to the eye than<br \/>\nthe other; &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>You see that the eye <em>c<\/em> sees nothing of the tree <em>d<\/em> but shadow,<br \/>\nwhile the same eye <em>c<\/em> sees th\u00c3\u00a8 tree <em>b<\/em> half in light and half in<br \/>\nshade.<\/p>\n<p>When a tree is seen from below, the eye sees the top of it as placed<br \/>\nwithin the circle made by its boughs[23].<\/p>\n<p>Remember, O Painter! that the variety of depth of shade in any one<br \/>\nparticular species of tree is in proportion to the rarity or density<br \/>\nof their branches.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The two lower sketches on the left of Pl XXVIII, No. 3,<br \/>\nrefer to lines 21-23. The upper sketch has apparently been effaced<br \/>\nby Leonardo himself.]<\/p>\n<p>The distribution of light and shade with reference to the position<br \/>\nof the spectator (441-443).<\/p>\n<p>441.<\/p>\n<p>The shadows of trees placed in a landscape do not display themselves<br \/>\nin the same position in the trees on the right hand and those on the<br \/>\nleft; still more so if the sun is to the right or left. As is proved<br \/>\nby the 4th which says: Opaque bodies placed between the light and<br \/>\nthe eye display themselves entirely in shadow; and by the 5th: The<br \/>\neye when placed between the opaque body and the light sees the<br \/>\nopaque body entirely illuminated. And by the 6th: When the eye and<br \/>\nthe opaque body are placed between darkness and light, it will be<br \/>\nseen half in shadow and half in light.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See the figure on the right hand side of Pl. XXVIII, No.<br \/>\n3. The first five lines of the text are written below the diagram<br \/>\nand above it are the last eight lines of the text, given as No.<br \/>\n461.]<\/p>\n<p>442.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE HERBS OF THE FIELD.<\/p>\n<p>Of the plants which take a shadow from the plants which spring among<br \/>\nthem, those which are on this side [in front] of the shadow have the<br \/>\nstems lighted up on a background of shadow, and the plants on which<br \/>\nthe shadows fall have their stems dark on a light background; that<br \/>\nis on the background beyond the shadow.<\/p>\n<p>OF TREES WHICH ARE BETWEEN THE EYE AND THE LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>Of the trees which are between the eye and the light the part in<br \/>\nfront will be light; but this light will be broken by the<br \/>\nramifications of transparent leaves&#8211;being seen from the under<br \/>\nside&#8211;and lustrous leaves&#8211;being seen from the upper side; and the<br \/>\nbackground below and behind will be dark green, being in shadow from<br \/>\nthe front portion of the said tree. This occurs in trees placed<br \/>\nabove the eye.<\/p>\n<p>443.<\/p>\n<p>FROM WHENCE TO DEPICT A LANDSCAPE<\/p>\n<p>Landscapes should be represented so that the trees may be half in<br \/>\nlight and half in shadow; but it is better to do them when the sun<br \/>\nis covered with clouds, for then the trees are lighted by the<br \/>\ngeneral light of the sky, and the general darkness of the earth. And<br \/>\nthen they are darkest in certain parts in proportion as those parts<br \/>\nare nearest to the middle of the tree and to the earth.<\/p>\n<p>The effects of morning light (444-448).<\/p>\n<p>444.<\/p>\n<p>OF TREES TO THE SOUTH.<\/p>\n<p>When the sun is in the east the trees to the South and to the North<br \/>\nhave almost as much light as shadow. But a greater share of light in<br \/>\nproportion as they lie to the West and a greater share of shadow in<br \/>\nproportion as they lie to the East.<\/p>\n<p>OF MEADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>If the sun is in the East the verdure of the meadows and of other<br \/>\nsmall plants is of a most beautiful green from being transparent to<br \/>\nthe sun; this does not occur in the meadows to the West, and in<br \/>\nthose to the South and North the grass is of a moderately brilliant<br \/>\ngreen.<\/p>\n<p>445.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE 4 POINTS OF THE COMPASS [IN LANDSCAPES].<\/p>\n<p>When the sun is in the East all the portions of plants lighted by it<br \/>\nare of a most lively verdure, and this happens because the leaves<br \/>\nlighted by the sun within the half of the horizon that is the<br \/>\nEastern half, are transparent; and within the Western semicircle the<br \/>\nverdure is of a dull hue and the moist air is turbid and of the<br \/>\ncolour of grey ashes, not being transparent like that in the East,<br \/>\nwhich is quite clear and all the more so in proportion as it is<br \/>\nmoister.<\/p>\n<p>The shadows of the trees to the East cover a large portion of them<br \/>\nand are darker in proportion as the foliage of the trees is thicker.<\/p>\n<p>446.<\/p>\n<p>OF TREES IN THE EAST.<\/p>\n<p>When the sun is in the East the trees seen towards the East will<br \/>\nhave the light which surrounds them all round their shadows,<br \/>\nexcepting on the side towards the earth; unless the tree has been<br \/>\npruned [below] in the past year. And the trees to the South and<br \/>\nNorth will be half in shade and half in light, and more or less in<br \/>\nshade or in light in proportion as they are more or less to the East<br \/>\nor to the West.<\/p>\n<p>The [position of] the eye above or below varies the shadows and<br \/>\nlights in trees, inasmuch as the eye placed above sees the tree with<br \/>\nthe little shadow, and the eye placed below with a great deal of<br \/>\nshadow.<\/p>\n<p>The colour of the green in plants varies as much as their species.<\/p>\n<p>447.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SHADOWS IN TREES.<\/p>\n<p>The sun being in the East [to the right], the trees to the West [or<br \/>\nleft] of the eye will show in small relief and almost imperceptible<br \/>\ngradations, because the atmosphere which lies between the eye and<br \/>\nthose trees is very dense [Footnote 7: <em>per la 7a di questo<\/em>. This<br \/>\npossibly referred to something written on the seventh page of this<br \/>\nnote book marked <em>G<\/em>. Unfortunately it has been cut out and lost.],<br \/>\nsee the 7th of this&#8211;and they have no shade; for though a shadow<br \/>\nexists in every detail of the ramification, it results that the<br \/>\nimages of the shade and light that reach the eye are confused and<br \/>\nmingled together and cannot be perceived on account of their<br \/>\nminuteness. And the principal lights are in the middle of the trees,<br \/>\nand the shadows to wards the edges; and their separation is shown by<br \/>\nthe shadows of the intervals between the trees; but when the forests<br \/>\nare thick with trees the thin edges are but little seen.<\/p>\n<p>448.<\/p>\n<p>OF TREES TO THE EAST.<\/p>\n<p>When the sun is in the East the trees are darker towards the middle<br \/>\nwhile their edges are light.<\/p>\n<p>The effects of midday light.<\/p>\n<p>449.<\/p>\n<p>OBJECTS IN HIGH LIGHT SHOW BUT LITTLE, BUT BETWEEN LIGHT AND SHADOW<br \/>\nTHEY STAND OUT WELL.<\/p>\n<p>To represent a landscape choose that the sun shall be at noon and<br \/>\nlook towards the West or East and then draw. And if you turn towards<br \/>\nthe North, every object placed on that side will have no shadow,<br \/>\nparticularly those which are nearest to the [direction of the]<br \/>\nshadow of your head. And if you turn towards the South every object<br \/>\non that side will be wholly in shadow. All the trees which are<br \/>\ntowards the sun and have the atmosphere for their background are<br \/>\ndark, and the other trees which lie against that darkness will be<br \/>\nblack [very dark] in the middle and lighter towards the edges.<\/p>\n<p>The appearance of trees in the distance (450. 451).<\/p>\n<p>450.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SPACES [SHOWING THE SKY] IN TREES THEMSELVES.<\/p>\n<p>The spaces between the parts in the mass of trees, and the spaces<br \/>\nbetween the trees in the air, are, at great distances, invisible to<br \/>\nthe eye; for, where it is an effort [even] to see the whole it is<br \/>\nmost difficult to discern the parts.&#8211;But a confused mixture is the<br \/>\nresult, partaking chiefly of the [hue] which predominates. The<br \/>\nspaces between the leaves consist of particles of illuminated air<br \/>\nwhich are very much smaller than the tree and are lost sight of<br \/>\nsooner than the tree; but it does not therefore follow that they are<br \/>\nnot there. Hence, necessarily, a compounded [effect] is produced of<br \/>\nthe sky and of the shadows of the tree in shade, which both together<br \/>\nstrike the eye which sees them.<\/p>\n<p>OF TREES WHICH CONCEAL THESE SPACES IN ONE ANOTHER.<\/p>\n<p>That part of a tree will show the fewest spaces, behind which a<br \/>\nlarge number of trees are standing between the tree and the air<br \/>\n[sky]; thus in the tree <em>a<\/em> the spaces are not concealed nor in <em>b<\/em>,<br \/>\nas there is no tree behind. But in <em>c<\/em> only half shows the spaces<br \/>\nfilled up by the tree <em>d<\/em>, and part of the tree <em>d<\/em> is filled up by<br \/>\nthe tree <em>e<\/em> and a little farther on all the spaces in the mass of<br \/>\nthe trees are lost, and only that at the side remains.<\/p>\n<p>451.<\/p>\n<p>OF TREES.<\/p>\n<p>What outlines are seen in trees at a distance against the sky which<br \/>\nserves as their background?<\/p>\n<p>The outlines of the ramification of trees, where they lie against<br \/>\nthe illuminated sky, display a form which more nearly approaches the<br \/>\nspherical on proportion as they are remote, and the nearer they are<br \/>\nthe less they appear in this spherical form; as in the first tree<br \/>\n<em>a<\/em> which, being near to the eye, displays the true form of its<br \/>\nramification; but this shows less in <em>b<\/em> and is altogether lost in<br \/>\n<em>c<\/em>, where not merely the branches of the tree cannot be seen but<br \/>\nthe whole tree is distinguished with difficulty. Every object in<br \/>\nshadow, of whatever form it may be, at a great distance appears to<br \/>\nbe spherical. And this occurs because, if it is a square body, at a<br \/>\nvery short distance it loses its angles, and a little farther off it<br \/>\nloses still more of its smaller sides which remain. And thus before<br \/>\nthe whole is lost [to sight] the parts are lost, being smaller than<br \/>\nthe whole; as a man, who in such a distant position loses his legs,<br \/>\narms and head before [the mass of] his body, then the outlines of<br \/>\nlength are lost before those of breadth, and where they have become<br \/>\nequal it would be a square if the angles remained; but as they are<br \/>\nlost it is round.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketch No. 4, Pl. XXVIII, belongs to this passage.]<\/p>\n<p>The cast shadow of trees (452. 453).<\/p>\n<p>452.<\/p>\n<p>The image of the shadow of any object of uniform breadth can never<br \/>\nbe [exactly] the same as that of the body which casts it.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 5.]<\/p>\n<p>Light and shade on groups of trees (453-457).<\/p>\n<p>453.<\/p>\n<p>All trees seen against the sun are dark towards the middle and this<br \/>\nshadow will be of the shape of the tree when apart from others.<\/p>\n<p>The shadows cast by trees on which the sun shines are as dark as<br \/>\nthose of the middle of the tree.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow cast by a tree is never less than the mass of the tree<br \/>\nbut becomes taller in proportion as the spot on which it falls,<br \/>\nslopes towards the centre of the world.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow will be densest in the middle of the tree when the tree<br \/>\nhas the fewest branches.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The three diagrams which accompany this text are placed,<br \/>\nin the original, before lines 7-11. At the spots marked <em>B<\/em> Leonardo<br \/>\nwrote <em>Albero<\/em> (tree). At <em>A<\/em> is the word <em>Sole<\/em> (sun), at <em>C Monte<\/em><br \/>\n(mountain) at <em>D piano<\/em> (plain) and at <em>E cima<\/em> (summit).]<\/p>\n<p>Every branch participates of the central shadow of every other<br \/>\nbranch and consequently [of that] of the whole tree.<\/p>\n<p>The form of any shadow from a branch or tree is circumscribed by the<br \/>\nlight which falls from the side whence the light comes; and this<br \/>\nillumination gives the shape of the shadow, and this may be of the<br \/>\ndistance of a mile from the side where the sun is.<\/p>\n<p>If it happens that a cloud should anywhere overshadow some part of a<br \/>\nhill the [shadow of the] trees there will change less than in the<br \/>\nplains; for these trees on the hills have their branches thicker,<br \/>\nbecause they grow less high each year than in the plains. Therefore<br \/>\nas these branches are dark by nature and being so full of shade, the<br \/>\nshadow of the clouds cannot darken them any more; but the open<br \/>\nspaces between the trees, which have no strong shadow change very<br \/>\nmuch in tone and particularly those which vary from green; that is<br \/>\nploughed lands or fallen mountains or barren lands or rocks. Where<br \/>\nthe trees are against the atmosphere they appear all the same<br \/>\ncolour&#8211;if indeed they are not very close together or very thickly<br \/>\ncovered with leaves like the fir and similar trees. When you see the<br \/>\ntrees from the side from which the sun lights them, you will see<br \/>\nthem almost all of the same tone, and the shadows in them will be<br \/>\nhidden by the leaves in the light, which come between your eye and<br \/>\nthose shadows.<\/p>\n<p>TREES AT A SHORT DISTANCE.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 29: The heading <em>alberi vicini<\/em> (trees at a short<br \/>\ndistance) is in the original manuscript written in the margin.] When<br \/>\nthe trees are situated between the sun and the eye, beyond the<br \/>\nshadow which spreads from their centre, the green of their leaves<br \/>\nwill be seen transparent; but this transparency will be broken in<br \/>\nmany places by the leaves and boughs in shadow which will come<br \/>\nbetween you and them, or, in their upper portions, they will be<br \/>\naccompanied by many lights reflected from the leaves.<\/p>\n<p>454.<\/p>\n<p>The trees of the landscape stand out but little from each other;<br \/>\nbecause their illuminated portions come against the illuminated<br \/>\nportions of those beyond and differ little from them in light and<br \/>\nshade.<\/p>\n<p>455.<\/p>\n<p>Of trees seen from below and against the light, one beyond the other<br \/>\nand near together. The topmost part of the first will be in great<br \/>\npart transparent and light, and will stand out against the dark<br \/>\nportion of the second tree. And thus it will be with all in<br \/>\nsuccession that are placed under the same conditions.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>s<\/em> be the light, and <em>r<\/em> the eye, <em>c d n<\/em> the first tree, <em>a b<br \/>\nc<\/em> the second. Then I say that <em>r<\/em>, the eye, will see the portion <em>c<br \/>\nf<\/em> in great part transparent and lighted by the light <em>s<\/em> which<br \/>\nfalls upon it from the opposite side, and it will see it, on a dark<br \/>\nground <em>b c<\/em> because that is the dark part and shadow of the tree <em>a<br \/>\nb c<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>But if the eye is placed at <em>t<\/em> it will see <em>o p<\/em> dark on the light<br \/>\nbackground <em>n g<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Of the transparent and shadowy parts of trees, that which is nearest<br \/>\nto you is the darkest.<\/p>\n<p>456.<\/p>\n<p>That part of a tree which has shadow for background, is all of one<br \/>\ntone, and wherever the trees or branches are thickest they will be<br \/>\ndarkest, because there are no little intervals of air. But where the<br \/>\nboughs lie against a background of other boughs, the brighter parts<br \/>\nare seen lightest and the leaves lustrous from the sunlight falling<br \/>\non them.<\/p>\n<p>457.<\/p>\n<p>In the composition of leafy trees be careful not to repeat too often<br \/>\nthe same colour of one tree against the same colour of another<br \/>\n[behind it]; but vary it with a lighter, or a darker, or a stronger<br \/>\ngreen.<\/p>\n<p>On the treatment of light for landscapes (458-464).<\/p>\n<p>458.<\/p>\n<p>The landscape has a finer azure [tone] when, in fine weather the sun<br \/>\nis at noon than at any other time of the day, because the air is<br \/>\npurified of moisture; and looking at it under that aspect you will<br \/>\nsee the trees of a beautiful green at the outside and the shadows<br \/>\ndark towards the middle; and in the remoter distance the atmosphere<br \/>\nwhich comes between you and them looks more beautiful when there is<br \/>\nsomething dark beyond. And still the azure is most beautiful. The<br \/>\nobjects seen from the side on which the sun shines will not show you<br \/>\ntheir shadows. But, if you are lower than the sun, you can see what<br \/>\nis not seen by the sun and that will be all in shade. The leaves of<br \/>\nthe trees, which come between you and the sun are of two principal<br \/>\ncolours which are a splendid lustre of green, and the reflection of<br \/>\nthe atmosphere which lights up the objects which cannot be seen by<br \/>\nthe sun, and the shaded portions which only face the earth, and the<br \/>\ndarkest which are surrounded by something that is not dark. The<br \/>\ntrees in the landscape which are between you and the sun are far<br \/>\nmore beautiful than those you see when you are between the sun and<br \/>\nthem; and this is so because those which face the sun show their<br \/>\nleaves as transparent towards the ends of their branches, and those<br \/>\nthat are not transparent&#8211;that is at the ends&#8211;reflect the light;<br \/>\nand the shadows are dark because they are not concealed by any<br \/>\nthing.<\/p>\n<p>The trees, when you place yourself between them and the sun, will<br \/>\nonly display to you their light and natural colour, which, in<br \/>\nitself, is not very strong, and besides this some reflected lights<br \/>\nwhich, being against a background which does not differ very much<br \/>\nfrom themselves in tone, are not conspicuous; and if you are lower<br \/>\ndown than they are situated, they may also show those portions on<br \/>\nwhich the light of the sun does not fall and these will be dark.<\/p>\n<p>In the Wind.<\/p>\n<p>But, if you are on the side whence the wind blows, you will see the<br \/>\ntrees look very much lighter than on the other sides, and this<br \/>\nhappens because the wind turns up the under side of the leaves,<br \/>\nwhich, in all trees, is much whiter than the upper sides; and, more<br \/>\nespecially, will they be very light indeed if the wind blows from<br \/>\nthe quarter where the sun is, and if you have your back turned to<br \/>\nit.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: At <em>S<\/em>, in the original is the word <em>Sole<\/em> (sun) and at<br \/>\n<em>N parte di nuvolo<\/em> (the side of the clouds).]<\/p>\n<p>459.<\/p>\n<p>When the sun is covered by clouds, objects are less conspicuous,<br \/>\nbecause there is little difference between the light and shade of<br \/>\nthe trees and of the buildings being illuminated by the brightness<br \/>\nof the atmosphere which surrounds the objects in such a way that the<br \/>\nshadows are few, and these few fade away so that their outline is<br \/>\nlost in haze.<\/p>\n<p>460.<\/p>\n<p>OF TREES AND LIGHTS ON THEM.<\/p>\n<p>The best method of practice in representing country scenes, or I<br \/>\nshould say landscapes with their trees, is to choose them so that<br \/>\nthe sun is covered with clouds so that the landscape receives an<br \/>\nuniversal light and not the direct light of the sun, which makes the<br \/>\nshadows sharp and too strongly different from the lights.<\/p>\n<p>461.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>In landscapes which represent [a scene in] winter. The mountains<br \/>\nshould not be shown blue, as we see in the mountains in the summer.<br \/>\nAnd this is proved [Footnote 5. 6.: <em>Per la<\/em> 4_a di questo_. It is<br \/>\nimpossible to ascertain what this quotation refers to. <em>Questo<\/em><br \/>\ncertainly does not mean the MS. in hand, nor any other now known to<br \/>\nus. The same remark applies to the phrase in line 15: <em>per la<\/em> 2_a<br \/>\ndi questo_.] in the 4th of this which says: Among mountains seen<br \/>\nfrom a great distance those will look of the bluest colour which are<br \/>\nin themselves the darkest; hence, when the trees are stripped of<br \/>\ntheir leaves, they will show a bluer tinge which will be in itself<br \/>\ndarker; therefore, when the trees have lost their leaves they will<br \/>\nlook of a gray colour, while, with their leaves, they are green, and<br \/>\nin proportion as the green is darker than the grey hue the green<br \/>\nwill be of a bluer tinge than the gray. Also by the 2nd of this: The<br \/>\nshadows of trees covered with leaves are darker than the shadows of<br \/>\nthose trees which have lost their leaves in proportion as the trees<br \/>\ncovered with leaves are denser than those without leaves&#8211;and thus<br \/>\nmy meaning is proved.<\/p>\n<p>The definition of the blue colour of the atmosphere explains why the<br \/>\nlandscape is bluer in the summer than in the winter.<\/p>\n<p>462.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING IN A LANDSCAPE.<\/p>\n<p>If the slope of a hill comes between the eye and the horizon,<br \/>\nsloping towards the eye, while the eye is opposite the middle of the<br \/>\nheight of this slope, then that hill will increase in darkness<br \/>\nthroughout its length. This is proved by the 7th of this which says<br \/>\nthat a tree looks darkest when it is seen from below; the<br \/>\nproposition is verified, since this hill will, on its upper half<br \/>\nshow all its trees as much from the side which is lighted by the<br \/>\nlight of the sky, as from that which is in shade from the darkness<br \/>\nof the earth; whence it must result that these trees are of a medium<br \/>\ndarkness. And from this [middle] spot towards the base of the hill,<br \/>\nthese trees will be lighter by degrees by the converse of the 7th<br \/>\nand by the said 7th: For trees so placed, the nearer they are to the<br \/>\nsummit of the hill the darker they necessarily become. But this<br \/>\ndarkness is not in proportion to the distance, by the 8th of this<br \/>\nwhich says: That object shows darkest which is [seen] in the<br \/>\nclearest atmosphere; and by the 10th: That shows darkest which<br \/>\nstands out against a lighter background.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The quotation in this passage again cannot be verified.]<\/p>\n<p>463.<\/p>\n<p>OF LANDSCAPES.<\/p>\n<p>The colours of the shadows in mountains at a great distance take a<br \/>\nmost lovely blue, much purer than their illuminated portions. And<br \/>\nfrom this it follows that when the rock of a mountain is reddish the<br \/>\nilluminated portions are violet (?) and the more they are lighted<br \/>\nthe more they display their proper colour.<\/p>\n<p>464.<\/p>\n<p>A place is most luminous when it is most remote from mountains.<\/p>\n<p>On the treatment of light for views of towns (465-469).<\/p>\n<p>465.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHT AND SHADOW IN A TOWN.<\/p>\n<p>When the sun is in the East and the eye is above the centre of a<br \/>\ntown, the eye will see the Southern part of the town with its roofs<br \/>\nhalf in shade and half in light, and the same towards the North; the<br \/>\nEastern side will be all in shadow and the Western will be all in<br \/>\nlight.<\/p>\n<p>466.<\/p>\n<p>Of the houses of a town, in which the divisions between the houses<br \/>\nmay be distinguished by the light which fall on the mist at the<br \/>\nbottom. If the eye is above the houses the light seen in the space<br \/>\nthat is between one house and the next sinks by degrees into thicker<br \/>\nmist; and yet, being less transparent, it appears whiter; and if the<br \/>\nhouses are some higher than the others, since the true [colour] is<br \/>\nalways more discernible through the thinner atmosphere, the houses<br \/>\nwill look darker in proportion as they are higher up. Let <em>n o p q<\/em><br \/>\nrepresent the various density of the atmosphere thick with moisture,<br \/>\n<em>a<\/em> being the eye, the house <em>b c<\/em> will look lightest at the bottom,<br \/>\nbecause it is in a thicker atmosphere; the lines <em>c d f<\/em> will appear<br \/>\nequally light, for although <em>f<\/em> is more distant than <em>c<\/em>, it is<br \/>\nraised into a thinner atmosphere, if the houses <em>b e<\/em> are of the<br \/>\nsame height, because they cross a brightness which is varied by<br \/>\nmist, but this is only because the line of the eye which starts from<br \/>\nabove ends by piercing a lower and denser atmosphere at <em>d<\/em> than at<br \/>\n<em>b<\/em>. Thus the line a <em>f<\/em> is lower at <em>f<\/em> than at <em>c<\/em>; and the house<br \/>\n<em>f<\/em> will be seen darker at <em>e<\/em> from the line <em>e k<\/em> as far as <em>m<\/em>,<br \/>\nthan the tops of the houses standing in front of it.<\/p>\n<p>467.<\/p>\n<p>OF TOWNS OR OTHER BUILDINGS SEEN IN THE EVENING OR THE MORNING<br \/>\nTHROUGH THE MIST.<\/p>\n<p>Of buildings seen at a great distance in the evening or the morning,<br \/>\nas in mist or dense atmosphere, only those portions are seen in<br \/>\nbrightness which are lighted up by the sun which is near the<br \/>\nhorizon; and those portions which are not lighted up by the sun<br \/>\nremain almost of the same colour and medium tone as the mist.<\/p>\n<p>WHY OBJECTS WHICH ARE HIGH UP AND AT A DISTANCE ARE DARKER THAN THE<br \/>\nLOWER ONES, EVEN IF THE MIST IS UNIFORMLY DENSE.<\/p>\n<p>Of objects standing in a mist or other dense atmosphere, whether<br \/>\nfrom vapour or smoke or distance, those will be most visible which<br \/>\nare the highest. And among objects of equal height that will be the<br \/>\ndarkest [strongest] which has for background the deepest mist. Thus<br \/>\nthe eye <em>h<\/em> looking at <em>a b c<\/em>, towers of equal height, one with<br \/>\nanother, sees <em>c<\/em> the top of the first tower at <em>r<\/em>, at two degrees<br \/>\nof depth in the mist; and sees the height of the middle tower <em>b<\/em><br \/>\nthrough one single degree of mist. Therefore the top of the tower<br \/>\n<em>c<\/em> appears stronger than the top of the tower <em>b<\/em>, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>468.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SMOKE OF A TOWN.<\/p>\n<p>Smoke is seen better and more distinctly on the Eastern side than on<br \/>\nthe Western when the sun is in the East; and this arises from two<br \/>\ncauses; the first is that the sun, with its rays, shines through the<br \/>\nparticles of the smoke and lights them up and makes them visible.<br \/>\nThe second is that the roofs of the houses seen in the East at this<br \/>\ntime are in shadow, because their obliquity does not allow of their<br \/>\nbeing illuminated by the sun. And the same thing occurs with dust;<br \/>\nand both one and the other look the lighter in proportion as they<br \/>\nare denser, and they are densest towards the middle.<\/p>\n<p>469.<\/p>\n<p>OF SMOKE AND DUST.<\/p>\n<p>If the sun is in the East the smoke of cities will not be visible in<br \/>\nthe West, because on that side it is not seen penetrated by the<br \/>\nsolar rays, nor on a dark background; since the roofs of the houses<br \/>\nturn the same side to the eye as they turn towards the sun, and on<br \/>\nthis light background the smoke is not very visible.<\/p>\n<p>But dust, under the same aspect, will look darker than smoke being<br \/>\nof denser material than smoke which is moist.<\/p>\n<p>The effect of wind on trees (470-473).<\/p>\n<p>470.<\/p>\n<p>OF REPRESENTING WIND.<\/p>\n<p>In representing wind, besides the bending of the boughs and the<br \/>\nreversing of their leaves towards the quarter whence the wind comes,<br \/>\nyou should also represent them amid clouds of fine dust mingled with<br \/>\nthe troubled air.<\/p>\n<p>471.<\/p>\n<p>Describe landscapes with the wind, and the water, and the setting<br \/>\nand rising of the sun.<\/p>\n<p>THE WIND.<\/p>\n<p>All the leaves which hung towards the earth by the bending of the<br \/>\nshoots with their branches, are turned up side down by the gusts of<br \/>\nwind, and here their perspective is reversed; for, if the tree is<br \/>\nbetween you and the quarter of the wind, the leaves which are<br \/>\ntowards you remain in their natural aspect, while those on the<br \/>\nopposite side which ought to have their points in a contrary<br \/>\ndirection have, by being turned over, their points turned towards<br \/>\nyou.<\/p>\n<p>472.<\/p>\n<p>Trees struck by the force of the wind bend to the side towards which<br \/>\nthe wind is blowing; and the wind being past they bend in the<br \/>\ncontrary direction, that is in reverse motion.<\/p>\n<p>473.<\/p>\n<p>That portion of a tree which is farthest from the force which<br \/>\nstrikes it is the most injured by the blow because it bears most<br \/>\nstrain; thus nature has foreseen this case by thickening them in<br \/>\nthat part where they can be most hurt; and most in such trees as<br \/>\ngrow to great heights, as pines and the like. [Footnote: Compare the<br \/>\nsketch drawn with a pen and washed with Indian ink on Pl. XL, No. 1.<br \/>\nIn the Vatican copy we find, under a section entitled &#8216;<em>del fumo<\/em>&#8216;,<br \/>\nthe following remark: _Era sotto di questo capitulo un rompimento di<br \/>\nmontagna, per dentro delle quali roture scherzaua fiame di fuoco,<br \/>\ndisegnate di penna et ombrate d&#8217;acquarella, da uedere cosa mirabile<br \/>\net uiua (Ed. MANZI, p. 235. Ed. LUDWIG, Vol. I, 460). This appears<br \/>\nto refer to the left hand portion of the drawing here given from the<br \/>\nWindsor collection, and from this it must be inferred, that the leaf<br \/>\nas it now exists in the library of the Queen of England, was already<br \/>\nseparated from the original MS. at the time when the Vatican copy<br \/>\nwas made.]<\/p>\n<p>Light and shade on clouds (474-477).<\/p>\n<p>474.<\/p>\n<p>Describe how the clouds are formed and how they dissolve, and what<br \/>\ncause raises vapour.<\/p>\n<p>475.<\/p>\n<p>The shadows in clouds are lighter in proportion as they are nearer<br \/>\nto the horizon.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The drawing belonging to this was in black chalk and is<br \/>\ntotally effaced.]<\/p>\n<p>476.<\/p>\n<p>When clouds come between the sun and the eye all the upper edges of<br \/>\ntheir round forms are light, and towards the middle they are dark,<br \/>\nand this happens because towards the top these edges have the sun<br \/>\nabove them while you are below them; and the same thing happens with<br \/>\nthe position of the branches of trees; and again the clouds, like<br \/>\nthe trees, being somewhat transparent, are lighted up in part, and<br \/>\nat the edges they show thinner.<\/p>\n<p>But, when the eye is between the cloud and the sun, the cloud has<br \/>\nthe contrary effect to the former, for the edges of its mass are<br \/>\ndark and it is light towards the middle; and this happens because<br \/>\nyou see the same side as faces the sun, and because the edges have<br \/>\nsome transparency and reveal to the eye that portion which is hidden<br \/>\nbeyond them, and which, as it does not catch the sunlight like that<br \/>\nportion turned towards it, is necessarily somewhat darker. Again, it<br \/>\nmay be that you see the details of these rounded masses from the<br \/>\nlower side, while the sun shines on the upper side and as they are<br \/>\nnot so situated as to reflect the light of the sun, as in the first<br \/>\ninstance they remain dark.<\/p>\n<p>The black clouds which are often seen higher up than those which are<br \/>\nilluminated by the sun are shaded by other clouds, lying between<br \/>\nthem and the sun.<\/p>\n<p>Again, the rounded forms of the clouds that face the sun, show their<br \/>\nedges dark because they lie against the light background; and to see<br \/>\nthat this is true, you may look at the top of any cloud that is<br \/>\nwholly light because it lies against the blue of the atmosphere,<br \/>\nwhich is darker than the cloud.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A drawing in red chalk from the Windsor collection (see<br \/>\nPl. XXIX), representing a landscape with storm-clouds, may serve to<br \/>\nillustrate this section as well as the following one.]<\/p>\n<p>477.<\/p>\n<p>OF CLOUDS, SMOKE AND DUST AND THE FLAMES OF A FURNACE OR OF A<br \/>\nBURNING KILN.<\/p>\n<p>The clouds do not show their rounded forms excepting on the sides<br \/>\nwhich face the sun; on the others the roundness is imperceptible<br \/>\nbecause they are in the shade. [Footnote: The text of this chapter<br \/>\nis given in facsimile on Pls. XXXVI and XXXVII. The two halves of<br \/>\nthe leaf form but one in the original. On the margin close to lines<br \/>\n4 and 5 is the note: <em>rossore d&#8217;aria inverso l&#8217;orizonte<\/em>&#8211;(of the<br \/>\nredness of the atmosphere near the horizon). The sketches on the<br \/>\nlower portion of the page will be spoken of in No. 668.]<\/p>\n<p>If the sun is in the East and the clouds in the West, the eye placed<br \/>\nbetween the sun and the clouds sees the edges of the rounded forms<br \/>\ncomposing these clouds as dark, and the portions which are<br \/>\nsurrounded by this dark [edge] are light. And this occurs because<br \/>\nthe edges of the rounded forms of these clouds are turned towards<br \/>\nthe upper or lateral sky, which is reflected in them.<\/p>\n<p>Both the cloud and the tree display no roundness at all on their<br \/>\nshaded side.<\/p>\n<p>On images reflected in water.<\/p>\n<p>478.<\/p>\n<p>Painters often deceive themselves, by representing water in which<br \/>\nthey make the water reflect the objects seen by the man. But the<br \/>\nwater reflects the object from one side and the man sees it from the<br \/>\nother; and it often happens that the painter sees an object from<br \/>\nbelow, and thus one and the same object is seen from hind part<br \/>\nbefore and upside down, because the water shows the image of the<br \/>\nobject in one way, and the eye sees it in another.<\/p>\n<p>Of rainbows and rain (479. 480).<\/p>\n<p>479.<\/p>\n<p>The colours in the middle of the rainbow mingle together.<\/p>\n<p>The bow in itself is not in the rain nor in the eye that sees it;<br \/>\nthough it is generated by the rain, the sun, and the eye. The<br \/>\nrainbow is always seen by the eye that is between the rain and the<br \/>\nbody of the sun; hence if the sun is in the East and the rain is in<br \/>\nthe West it will appear on the rain in the West.<\/p>\n<p>480.<\/p>\n<p>When the air is condensed into rain it would produce a vacuum if the<br \/>\nrest of the air did not prevent this by filling its place, as it<br \/>\ndoes with a violent rush; and this is the wind which rises in the<br \/>\nsummer time, accompanied by heavy rain.<\/p>\n<p>Of flower seeds.<\/p>\n<p>481.<\/p>\n<p>All the flowers which turn towards the sun perfect their seeds; but<br \/>\nnot the others; that is to say those which get only the reflection<br \/>\nof the sun.<\/p>\n<p>IX.<\/p>\n<p><em>The Practice of Painting.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>It is hardly necessary to offer any excuses for the division<br \/>\ncarried out in the arrangement of the text into practical<br \/>\nsuggestions and theoretical enquiries. It was evidently intended by<br \/>\nLeonardo himself as we conclude from incidental remarks in the MSS.<br \/>\n(for instance No<\/em> 110_). The fact that this arrangement was never<br \/>\ncarried out either in the old MS. copies or in any edition since, is<br \/>\neasily accounted for by the general disorder which results from the<br \/>\nprovisional distribution of the various chapters in the old copies.<br \/>\nWe have every reason to believe that the earliest copyists, in<br \/>\ndistributing the materials collected by them, did not in the least<br \/>\nconsider the order in which the original MS.lay before them._<\/p>\n<p><em>It is evident that almost all the chapters which refer to the<br \/>\ncalling and life of the painter&#8211;and which are here brought together<br \/>\nin the first section (Nos.<\/em> 482-508_)&#8211;may be referred to two<br \/>\ndistinct periods in Leonardo&#8217;s life; most of them can be dated as<br \/>\nbelonging to the year_ 1492 <em>or to<\/em> 1515. <em>At about this later time<br \/>\nLeonardo may have formed the project of completing his Libro della<br \/>\nPittura, after an interval of some years, as it would seem, during<br \/>\nwhich his interest in the subject had fallen somewhat into the<br \/>\nbackground.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>In the second section, which treats first of the artist&#8217;s studio,<br \/>\nthe construction of a suitable window forms the object of careful<br \/>\ninvestigations; the special importance attached to this by Leonardo<br \/>\nis sufficiently obvious. His theory of the incidence of light which<br \/>\nwas fully discussed in a former part of this work, was to him by no<br \/>\nmeans of mere abstract value, but, being deduced, as he says, from<br \/>\nexperience (or experiment) was required to prove its utility in<br \/>\npractice. Connected with this we find suggestions for the choice of<br \/>\na light with practical hints as to sketching a picture and some<br \/>\nother precepts of a practical character which must come under<br \/>\nconsideration in the course of completing the painting. In all this<br \/>\nI have followed the same principle of arrangement in the text as was<br \/>\ncarried out in the Theory of Painting, thus the suggestions for the<br \/>\nPerspective of a picture, (Nos.<\/em> 536-569_), are followed by the<br \/>\ntheory of light and shade for the practical method of optics (Nos._<br \/>\n548&#8211;566_) and this by the practical precepts or the treatment of<br \/>\naerial perspective (<em>567&#8211;570<\/em>)._<\/p>\n<p><em>In the passage on Portrait and Figure Painting the principles of<br \/>\npainting as applied to a bust and head are separated and placed<br \/>\nfirst, since the advice to figure painters must have some connection<br \/>\nwith the principles of the treatment of composition by which they<br \/>\nare followed.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>But this arrangement of the text made it seem advisable not to pick<br \/>\nout the practical precepts as to the representation of trees and<br \/>\nlandscape from the close connection in which they were originally<br \/>\nplaced&#8211;unlike the rest of the practical precepts&#8211;with the theory<br \/>\nof this branch of the subject. They must therefore be sought under<br \/>\nthe section entitled Botany for Painters.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>As a supplement to the<\/em> Libro di Pittura <em>I have here added those<br \/>\ntexts which treat of the Painter&#8217;s materials,&#8211;as chalk, drawing<br \/>\npaper, colours and their preparation, of the management of oils and<br \/>\nvarnishes; in the appendix are some notes on chemical substances.<br \/>\nPossibly some of these, if not all, may have stood in connection<br \/>\nwith the preparation of colours. It is in the very nature of things<br \/>\nthat Leonardo&#8217;s incidental indications as to colours and the like<br \/>\nshould be now-a-days extremely obscure and could only be explained<br \/>\nby professional experts&#8211;by them even in but few instances. It might<br \/>\ntherefore have seemed advisable to reproduce exactly the original<br \/>\ntext without offering any translation. The rendering here given is<br \/>\nmerely an attempt to suggest what Leonardo&#8217;s meaning may have been.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>LOMAZZO tells us in his<\/em> Trattato dell&#8217;arte della Pittura, Scultura<br \/>\ned Architettura (Milano 1584, libro II, Cap. XIV): &#8220;Va discorrendo<br \/>\ned argomentando Leonardo Vinci in un suo libro letto da me (?)<br \/>\nquesti anni passati, ch&#8217;egli scrisse di mano stanca ai prieghi di<br \/>\nLUDOVICO SFORZA duca di Milano, in determinazione di questa<br \/>\nquestione, se e piu nobile la pittura o la scultura; dicendo che<br \/>\nquanto piu un&#8217;arte porta seco fatica di corpo, e sudore, tanto piu e<br \/>\nvile, e men pregiata&#8221;. <em>But the existence of any book specially<br \/>\nwritten for Lodovico il Moro on the superiority of Painting over<br \/>\nsculpture is perhaps mythical. The various passages in praise of<br \/>\nPainting as compared not merely with Sculpture but with Poetry, are<br \/>\nscattered among MSS. of very different dates.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Besides, the way, in which the subject is discussed appears not to<br \/>\nsupport the supposition, that these texts were prepared at a special<br \/>\nrequest of the Duke.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>MORAL PRECEPTS FOR THE STUDENT OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>How to ascertain the dispositions for an artistic career.<\/p>\n<p>482.<\/p>\n<p>A WARNING CONCERNING YOUTHS WISHING TO BE PAINTERS.<\/p>\n<p>Many are they who have a taste and love for drawing, but no talent;<br \/>\nand this will be discernible in boys who are not diligent and never<br \/>\nfinish their drawings with shading.<\/p>\n<p>The course of instruction for an artist (483-485).<\/p>\n<p>483.<\/p>\n<p>The youth should first learn perspective, then the proportions of<br \/>\nobjects. Then he may copy from some good master, to accustom himself<br \/>\nto fine forms. Then from nature, to confirm by practice the rules he<br \/>\nhas learnt. Then see for a time the works of various masters. Then<br \/>\nget the habit of putting his art into practice and work.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The Vatican copy and numerous abridgements all place this<br \/>\nchapter at the beginning of the <em>Trattato<\/em>, and in consequence<br \/>\nDUFRESNE and all subsequent editors have done the same. In the<br \/>\nVatican copy however all the general considerations on the relation<br \/>\nof painting to the other arts are placed first, as introductory.]<\/p>\n<p>484.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE ORDER OF LEARNING TO DRAW.<\/p>\n<p>First draw from drawings by good masters done from works of art and<br \/>\nfrom nature, and not from memory; then from plastic work, with the<br \/>\nguidance of the drawing done from it; and then from good natural<br \/>\nmodels and this you must put into practice.<\/p>\n<p>485.<\/p>\n<p>PRECEPTS FOR DRAWING.<\/p>\n<p>The artist ought first to exercise his hand by copying drawings from<br \/>\nthe hand of a good master. And having acquired that practice, under<br \/>\nthe criticism of his master, he should next practise drawing objects<br \/>\nin relief of a good style, following the rules which will presently<br \/>\nbe given.<\/p>\n<p>The study of the antique (486. 487).<\/p>\n<p>486.<\/p>\n<p>OF DRAWING.<\/p>\n<p>Which is best, to draw from nature or from the antique? and which is<br \/>\nmore difficult to do outlines or light and shade?<\/p>\n<p>487.<\/p>\n<p>It is better to imitate [copy] the antique than modern work.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 486, 487: These are the only two passages in which<br \/>\nLeonardo alludes to the importance of antique art in the training of<br \/>\nan artist. The question asked in No. 486 remains unanswered by him<br \/>\nand it seems to me very doubtful whether the opinion stated in No.<br \/>\n487 is to be regarded as a reply to it. This opinion stands in the<br \/>\nMS. in a connection&#8211;as will be explained later on&#8211;which seems to<br \/>\nrequire us to limit its application to a single special case. At any<br \/>\nrate we may suspect that when Leonardo put the question, he felt<br \/>\nsome hesitation as to the answer. Among his very numerous drawings I<br \/>\nhave not been able to find a single study from the antique, though a<br \/>\ndrawing in black chalk, at Windsor, of a man on horseback (PI.<br \/>\nLXXIII) may perhaps be a reminiscence of the statue of Marcus<br \/>\nAurelius at Rome. It seems to me that the drapery in a pen and ink<br \/>\ndrawing of a bust, also at Windsor, has been borrowed from an<br \/>\nantique model (Pl. XXX). G. G. Rossi has, I believe, correctly<br \/>\ninterpreted Leonardo&#8217;s feeling towards the antique in the following<br \/>\nnote on this passage in manzi&#8217;s edition, p. 501: &#8220;Sappiamo dalla<br \/>\nstoria, che i valorosi artisti Toscani dell&#8217;et\u00c3\u00a0 dell&#8217;oro dell&#8217;arte<br \/>\nstudiarono sugli antichi marmi raccolti dal Magnifico LORENZO DE&#8217;<br \/>\nMEDICI. Pare che il Vinci a tali monumenti non si accostasse. Quest&#8217;<br \/>\nuomo sempre riconosce per maestra la natura, e questo principio lo<br \/>\nstringeva alla sola imitazione d\u00c3\u00ac essa&#8221;&#8211;Compare No. 10, 26&#8211;28<br \/>\nfootnote.]<\/p>\n<p>The necessity of anatomical knowledge (488. 489).<\/p>\n<p>488.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>It is indispensable to a Painter who would be thoroughly familiar<br \/>\nwith the limbs in all the positions and actions of which they are<br \/>\ncapable, in the nude, to know the anatomy of the sinews, bones,<br \/>\nmuscles and tendons so that, in their various movements and<br \/>\nexertions, he may know which nerve or muscle is the cause of each<br \/>\nmovement and show those only as prominent and thickened, and not the<br \/>\nothers all over [the limb], as many do who, to seem great<br \/>\ndraughtsmen, draw their nude figures looking like wood, devoid of<br \/>\ngrace; so that you would think you were looking at a sack of walnuts<br \/>\nrather than the human form, or a bundle of radishes rather than the<br \/>\nmuscles of figures.<\/p>\n<p>489.<\/p>\n<p>HOW IT IS NECESSARY TO A PAINTER THAT HE SHOULD KNOW THE INTRINSIC<br \/>\nFORMS [STRUCTURE] OF MAN.<\/p>\n<p>The painter who is familiar with the nature of the sinews, muscles,<br \/>\nand tendons, will know very well, in giving movement to a limb, how<br \/>\nmany and which sinews cause it; and which muscle, by swelling,<br \/>\ncauses the contraction of that sinew; and which sinews, expanded<br \/>\ninto the thinnest cartilage, surround and support the said muscle.<br \/>\nThus he will variously and constantly demonstrate the different<br \/>\nmuscles by means of the various attitudes of his figures, and will<br \/>\nnot do, as many who, in a variety of movements, still display the<br \/>\nvery same things [modelling] in the arms, back, breast and legs. And<br \/>\nthese things are not to be regarded as minor faults.<\/p>\n<p>How to acquire practice.<\/p>\n<p>490.<\/p>\n<p>OF STUDY AND THE ORDER OF STUDY.<\/p>\n<p>I say that first you ought to learn the limbs and their mechanism,<br \/>\nand having this knowledge, their actions should come next, according<br \/>\nto the circumstances in which they occur in man. And thirdly to<br \/>\ncompose subjects, the studies for which should be taken from natural<br \/>\nactions and made from time to time, as circumstances allow; and pay<br \/>\nattention to them in the streets and <em>piazze<\/em> and fields, and note<br \/>\nthem down with a brief indication of the forms; [Footnote 5: Lines<br \/>\n5-7 explained by the lower portion of the sketch No. 1 on Pl. XXXI.]<br \/>\nthus for a head make an o, and for an arm a straight or a bent line,<br \/>\nand the same for the legs and the body, [Footnote 7: Lines 5-7<br \/>\nexplained by the lower portion of the sketch No. 1 on Pl. XXXI.] and<br \/>\nwhen you return home work out these notes in a complete form. The<br \/>\nAdversary says that to acquire practice and do a great deal of work<br \/>\nit is better that the first period of study should be employed in<br \/>\ndrawing various compositions done on paper or on walls by divers<br \/>\nmasters, and that in this way practice is rapidly gained, and good<br \/>\nmethods; to which I reply that the method will be good, if it is<br \/>\nbased on works of good composition and by skilled masters. But since<br \/>\nsuch masters are so rare that there are but few of them to be found,<br \/>\nit is a surer way to go to natural objects, than to those which are<br \/>\nimitated from nature with great deterioration, and so form bad<br \/>\nmethods; for he who can go to the fountain does not go to the<br \/>\nwater-jar.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This passage has been published by Dr. M. JORDAN, <em>Das<br \/>\nMalerbuck des L. da Vinci<\/em>, p. 89; his reading however varies<br \/>\nslightly from mine.]<\/p>\n<p>Industry and thoroughness the first conditions (491-493.)<\/p>\n<p>491.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT RULES SHOULD BE GIVEN TO BOYS LEARNING TO PAINT.<\/p>\n<p>We know for certain that sight is one of the most rapid actions we<br \/>\ncan perform. In an instant we see an infinite number of forms, still<br \/>\nwe only take in thoroughly one object at a time. Supposing that you,<br \/>\nReader, were to glance rapidly at the whole of this written page,<br \/>\nyou would instantly perceive that it was covered with various<br \/>\nletters; but you could not, in the time, recognise what the letters<br \/>\nwere, nor what they were meant to tell. Hence you would need to see<br \/>\nthem word by word, line by line to be able to understand the<br \/>\nletters. Again, if you wish to go to the top of a building you must<br \/>\ngo up step by step; otherwise it will be impossible that you should<br \/>\nreach the top. Thus I say to you, whom nature prompts to pursue this<br \/>\nart, if you wish to have a sound knowledge of the forms of objects<br \/>\nbegin with the details of them, and do not go on to the second<br \/>\n[step] till you have the first well fixed in memory and in practice.<br \/>\nAnd if you do otherwise you will throw away your time, or certainly<br \/>\ngreatly prolong your studies. And remember to acquire diligence<br \/>\nrather than rapidity.<\/p>\n<p>492.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THAT DILIGENCE [ACCURACY] SHOULD FIRST BE LEARNT RATHER THAN<br \/>\nRAPID EXECUTION.<\/p>\n<p>If you, who draw, desire to study well and to good purpose, always<br \/>\ngo slowly to work in your drawing; and discriminate in. the lights,<br \/>\nwhich have the highest degree of brightness, and to what extent and<br \/>\nlikewise in the shadows, which are those that are darker than the<br \/>\nothers and in what way they intermingle; then their masses and the<br \/>\nrelative proportions of one to the other. And note in their<br \/>\noutlines, which way they tend; and which part of the lines is curved<br \/>\nto one side or the other, and where they are more or less<br \/>\nconspicuous and consequently broad or fine; and finally, that your<br \/>\nlight and shade blend without strokes and borders [but] looking like<br \/>\nsmoke. And when you have thus schooled your hand and your judgment<br \/>\nby such diligence, you will acquire rapidity before you are aware.<\/p>\n<p>The artist&#8217;s private life and choice of company (493-494).<\/p>\n<p>493.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE LIFE OF THE PAINTER IN THE COUNTRY.<\/p>\n<p>A painter needs such mathematics as belong to painting. And the<br \/>\nabsence of all companions who are alienated from his studies; his<br \/>\nbrain must be easily impressed by the variety of objects, which<br \/>\nsuccessively come before him, and also free from other cares<br \/>\n[Footnote 6: Leonardo here seems to be speaking of his own method of<br \/>\nwork as displayed in his MSS. and this passage explains, at least in<br \/>\npart, the peculiarities in their arrangement.]. And if, when<br \/>\nconsidering and defining one subject, a second subject<br \/>\nintervenes&#8211;as happens when an object occupies the mind, then he<br \/>\nmust decide which of these cases is the more difficult to work out,<br \/>\nand follow that up until it becomes quite clear, and then work out<br \/>\nthe explanation of the other [Footnote 11: Leonardo here seems to be<br \/>\nspeaking of his own method of work as displayed in his MSS. and this<br \/>\npassage explains, at least in part, the peculiarities in their<br \/>\narrangement.]. And above all he must keep his mind as clear as the<br \/>\nsurface of a mirror, which assumes colours as various as those of<br \/>\nthe different objects. And his companions should be like him as to<br \/>\ntheir studies, and if such cannot be found he should keep his<br \/>\nspeculations to himself alone, so that at last he will find no more<br \/>\nuseful company [than his own].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the title line Leonardo had originally written <em>del<br \/>\npictore filosofo<\/em> (the philosophical painter), but he himself struck<br \/>\nout_filosofo_. Compare in No. 363 <em>pictora notomista<\/em> (anatomical<br \/>\npainter). The original text is partly reproduced on Pl. CI.]<\/p>\n<p>494.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE LIFE OF THE PAINTER IN HIS STUDIO.<\/p>\n<p>To the end that well-being of the body may not injure that of the<br \/>\nmind, the painter or draughtsman must remain solitary, and<br \/>\nparticularly when intent on those studies and reflections which will<br \/>\nconstantly rise up before his eye, giving materials to be well<br \/>\nstored in the memory. While you are alone you are entirely your own<br \/>\n[master] and if you have one companion you are but half your own,<br \/>\nand the less so in proportion to the indiscretion of his behaviour.<br \/>\nAnd if you have many companions you will fall deeper into the same<br \/>\ntrouble. If you should say: &#8220;I will go my own way and withdraw<br \/>\napart, the better to study the forms of natural objects&#8221;, I tell<br \/>\nyou, you will not be able to help often listening to their chatter.<br \/>\nAnd so, since one cannot serve two masters, you will badly fill the<br \/>\npart of a companion, and carry out your studies of art even worse.<br \/>\nAnd if you say: &#8220;I will withdraw so far that their words cannot<br \/>\nreach me and they cannot disturb me&#8221;, I can tell you that you will<br \/>\nbe thought mad. But, you see, you will at any rate be alone. And if<br \/>\nyou must have companions ship find it in your studio. This may<br \/>\nassist you to have the advantages which arise from various<br \/>\nspeculations. All other company may be highly mischievous.<\/p>\n<p>The distribution of time for studying (495-497).<\/p>\n<p>495.<\/p>\n<p>OF WHETHER IT IS BETTER TO DRAW WITH COMPANIONS OR NOT.<\/p>\n<p>I say and insist that drawing in company is much better than alone,<br \/>\nfor many reasons. The first is that you would be ashamed to be seen<br \/>\nbehindhand among the students, and such shame will lead you to<br \/>\ncareful study. Secondly, a wholesome emulation will stimulate you to<br \/>\nbe among those who are more praised than yourself, and this praise<br \/>\nof others will spur you on. Another is that you can learn from the<br \/>\ndrawings of others who do better than yourself; and if you are<br \/>\nbetter than they, you can profit by your contempt for their defects,<br \/>\nwhile the praise of others will incite you to farther merits.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The contradiction by this passage of the foregoing<br \/>\nchapter is only apparent. It is quite clear, from the nature of the<br \/>\nreasoning which is here used to prove that it is more improving to<br \/>\nwork with others than to work alone, that the studies of pupils only<br \/>\nare under consideration here.]<\/p>\n<p>496.<\/p>\n<p>OF STUDYING, IN THE DARK, WHEN YOU WAKE, OR IN BED BEFORE YOU GO TO<br \/>\nSLEEP.<\/p>\n<p>I myself have proved it to be of no small use, when in bed in the<br \/>\ndark, to recall in fancy the external details of forms previously<br \/>\nstudied, or other noteworthy things conceived by subtle speculation;<br \/>\nand this is certainly an admirable exercise, and useful for<br \/>\nimpressing things on the memory.<\/p>\n<p>497.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE TIME FOR STUDYING SELECTION OF SUBJECTS.<\/p>\n<p>Winter evenings ought to be employed by young students in looking<br \/>\nover the things prepared during the summer; that is, all the<br \/>\ndrawings from the nude done in the summer should be brought together<br \/>\nand a choice made of the best [studies of] limbs and bodies among<br \/>\nthem, to apply in practice and commit to memory.<\/p>\n<p>OF POSITIONS.<\/p>\n<p>After this in the following summer you should select some one who is<br \/>\nwell grown and who has not been brought up in doublets, and so may<br \/>\nnot be of stiff carriage, and make him go through a number of agile<br \/>\nand graceful actions; and if his muscles do not show plainly within<br \/>\nthe outlines of his limbs that does not matter at all. It is enough<br \/>\nthat you can see good attitudes and you can correct [the drawing of]<br \/>\nthe limbs by those you studied in the winter.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: An injunction to study in the evening occurs also in No.<br \/>\n524.]<\/p>\n<p>On the productive power of minor artists (498-501).<\/p>\n<p>498.<\/p>\n<p>He is a poor disciple who does not excel his master.<\/p>\n<p>499.<\/p>\n<p>Nor is the painter praiseworthy who does but one thing well, as the<br \/>\nnude figure, heads, draperies, animals, landscapes or other such<br \/>\ndetails, irrespective of other work; for there can be no mind so<br \/>\ninept, that after devoting itself to one single thing and doing it<br \/>\nconstantly, it should fail to do it well.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In MANZI&#8217;S edition (p. 502) the painter G. G. Bossi<br \/>\nindignantly remarks on this passage. &#8220;<em>Parla il Vince in questo<br \/>\nluogo come se tutti gli artisti avessero quella sublimita d&#8217;ingegno<br \/>\ncapace di abbracciare tutte le cose, di cui era egli dotato&#8221;<\/em> And he<br \/>\nthen mentions the case of CLAUDE LORRAIN. But he overlooks the fact<br \/>\nthat in Leonardo&#8217;s time landscape painting made no pretensions to<br \/>\nindependence but was reckoned among the details (<em>particulari<\/em>,<br \/>\nlines 3, 4).]<\/p>\n<p>500.<\/p>\n<p>THAT A PAINTER IS NOT ADMIRABLE UNLESS HE IS UNIVERSAL.<\/p>\n<p>Some may distinctly assert that those persons are under a delusion<br \/>\nwho call that painter a good master who can do nothing well but a<br \/>\nhead or a figure. Certainly this is no great achievement; after<br \/>\nstudying one single thing for a life-time who would not have<br \/>\nattained some perfection in it? But, since we know that painting<br \/>\nembraces and includes in itself every object produced by nature or<br \/>\nresulting from the fortuitous actions of men, in short, all that the<br \/>\neye can see, he seems to me but a poor master who can only do a<br \/>\nfigure well. For do you not perceive how many and various actions<br \/>\nare performed by men only; how many different animals there are, as<br \/>\nwell as trees, plants, flowers, with many mountainous regions and<br \/>\nplains, springs and rivers, cities with public and private<br \/>\nbuildings, machines, too, fit for the purposes of men, divers<br \/>\ncostumes, decorations and arts? And all these things ought to be<br \/>\nregarded as of equal importance and value, by the man who can be<br \/>\ntermed a good painter.<\/p>\n<p>501.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MISERABLE PRETENCES MADE BY THOSE WHO FALSELY AND UNWORTHILY<br \/>\nACQUIRE THE NAME OF PAINTERS.<\/p>\n<p>Now there is a certain race of painters who, having studied but<br \/>\nlittle, must need take as their standard of beauty mere gold and<br \/>\nazure, and these, with supreme conceit, declare that they will not<br \/>\ngive good work for miserable payment, and that they could do as well<br \/>\nas any other if they were well paid. But, ye foolish folks! cannot<br \/>\nsuch artists keep some good work, and then say: this is a costly<br \/>\nwork and this more moderate and this is average work and show that<br \/>\nthey can work at all prices?<\/p>\n<p>A caution against one-sided study.<\/p>\n<p>502.<\/p>\n<p>HOW, IN IMPORTANT WORKS, A MAN SHOULD NOT TRUST ENTIRELY TO HIS<br \/>\nMEMORY WITHOUT CONDESCENDING TO DRAW FROM NATURE.<\/p>\n<p>Any master who should venture to boast that he could remember all<br \/>\nthe forms and effects of nature would certainly appear to me to be<br \/>\ngraced with extreme ignorance, inasmuch as these effects are<br \/>\ninfinite and our memory is not extensive enough to retain them.<br \/>\nHence, O! painter, beware lest the lust of gain should supplant in<br \/>\nyou the dignity of art; for the acquisition of glory is a much<br \/>\ngreater thing than the glory of riches. Hence, for these and other<br \/>\nreasons which might be given, first strive in drawing to represent<br \/>\nyour intention to the eye by expressive forms, and the idea<br \/>\noriginally formed in your imagination; then go on taking out or<br \/>\nputting in, until you have satisfied yourself. Then have living men,<br \/>\ndraped or nude, as you may have purposed in your work, and take care<br \/>\nthat in dimensions and size, as determined by perspective, nothing<br \/>\nis left in the work which is not in harmony with reason and the<br \/>\neffects in nature. And this will be the way to win honour in your<br \/>\nart.<\/p>\n<p>How to acquire universality (503-506).<\/p>\n<p>503.<\/p>\n<p>OF VARIETY IN THE FIGURES.<\/p>\n<p>The painter should aim at universality, because there is a great<br \/>\nwant of self-respect in doing one thing well and another badly, as<br \/>\nmany do who study only the [rules of] measure and proportion in the<br \/>\nnude figure and do not seek after variety; for a man may be well<br \/>\nproportioned, or he may be fat and short, or tall and thin, or<br \/>\nmedium. And a painter who takes no account of these varieties always<br \/>\nmakes his figures on one pattern so that they might all be taken for<br \/>\nbrothers; and this is a defect that demands stern reprehension.<\/p>\n<p>504.<\/p>\n<p>HOW SOMETHING MAY BE LEARNT EVERYWHERE.<\/p>\n<p>Nature has beneficently provided that throughout the world you may<br \/>\nfind something to imitate.<\/p>\n<p>505.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MEANS OF ACQUIRING UNIVERSALITY.<\/p>\n<p>It is an easy matter to men to acquire universality, for all<br \/>\nterrestrial animals resemble each other as to their limbs, that is<br \/>\nin their muscles, sinews and bones; and they do not vary excepting<br \/>\nin length or in thickness, as will be shown under Anatomy. But then<br \/>\nthere are aquatic animals which are of great variety; I will not try<br \/>\nto convince the painter that there is any rule for them for they are<br \/>\nof infinite variety, and so is the insect tribe.<\/p>\n<p>506.<\/p>\n<p>PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The mind of the painter must resemble a mirror, which always takes<br \/>\nthe colour of the object it reflects and is completely occupied by<br \/>\nthe images of as many objects as are in front of it. Therefore you<br \/>\nmust know, Oh Painter! that you cannot be a good one if you are not<br \/>\nthe universal master of representing by your art every kind of form<br \/>\nproduced by nature. And this you will not know how to do if you do<br \/>\nnot see them, and retain them in your mind. Hence as you go through<br \/>\nthe fields, turn your attention to various objects, and, in turn<br \/>\nlook now at this thing and now at that, collecting a store of divers<br \/>\nfacts selected and chosen from those of less value. But do not do<br \/>\nlike some painters who, when they are wearied with exercising their<br \/>\nfancy dismiss their work from their thoughts and take exercise in<br \/>\nwalking for relaxation, but still keep fatigue in their mind which,<br \/>\nthough they see various objects [around them], does not apprehend<br \/>\nthem; but, even when they meet friends or relations and are saluted<br \/>\nby them, although they see and hear them, take no more cognisance of<br \/>\nthem than if they had met so much empty air.<\/p>\n<p>Useful games and exercises (507. 508).<\/p>\n<p>507.<\/p>\n<p>OF GAMES TO BE PLAYED BY THOSE WHO DRAW.<\/p>\n<p>When, Oh draughtsmen, you desire to find relaxation in games you<br \/>\nshould always practise such things as may be of use in your<br \/>\nprofession, by giving your eye good practice in judging accurately<br \/>\nof the breadth and length of objects. Thus, to accustom your mind to<br \/>\nsuch things, let one of you draw a straight line at random on a<br \/>\nwall, and each of you, taking a blade of grass or of straw in his<br \/>\nhand, try to cut it to the length that the line drawn appears to him<br \/>\nto be, standing at a distance of 10 braccia; then each one may go up<br \/>\nto the line to measure the length he has judged it to be. And he who<br \/>\nhas come nearest with his measure to the length of the pattern is<br \/>\nthe best man, and the winner, and shall receive the prize you have<br \/>\nsettled beforehand. Again you should take forshortened measures:<br \/>\nthat is take a spear, or any other cane or reed, and fix on a point<br \/>\nat a certain distance; and let each one estimate how many times he<br \/>\njudges that its length will go into that distance. Again, who will<br \/>\ndraw best a line one braccio long, which shall be tested by a<br \/>\nthread. And such games give occasion to good practice for the eye,<br \/>\nwhich is of the first importance in painting.<\/p>\n<p>508.<\/p>\n<p>A WAY OF DEVELOPING AND AROUSING THE MIND TO VARIOUS INVENTIONS.<\/p>\n<p>I cannot forbear to mention among these precepts a new device for<br \/>\nstudy which, although it may seem but trivial and almost ludicrous,<br \/>\nis nevertheless extremely useful in arousing the mind to various<br \/>\ninventions. And this is, when you look at a wall spotted with<br \/>\nstains, or with a mixture of stones, if you have to devise some<br \/>\nscene, you may discover a resemblance to various landscapes,<br \/>\nbeautified with mountains, rivers, rocks, trees, plains, wide<br \/>\nvalleys and hills in varied arrangement; or again you may see<br \/>\nbattles and figures in action; or strange faces and costumes, and an<br \/>\nendless variety of objects, which you could reduce to complete and<br \/>\nwell drawn forms. And these appear on such walls confusedly, like<br \/>\nthe sound of bells in whose jangle you may find any name or word you<br \/>\nchoose to imagine.<\/p>\n<p>II.<\/p>\n<p>THE ARTIST&#8217;S STUDIO.&#8211;INSTRUMENTS AND HELPS FOR THE APPLICATION OF<br \/>\nPERSPECTIVE.&#8211;ON JUDGING OF A PICTURE.<\/p>\n<p>On the size of the studio.<\/p>\n<p>509.<\/p>\n<p>Small rooms or dwellings discipline the mind, large ones weaken it.<\/p>\n<p>On the construction of windows (510-512).<\/p>\n<p>510.<\/p>\n<p>The larger the wall the less the light will be.<\/p>\n<p>511.<\/p>\n<p>The different kinds of light afforded in cellars by various forms of<br \/>\nwindows. The least useful and the coldest is the window at <em>a<\/em>. The<br \/>\nmost useful, the lightest and warmest and most open to the sky is<br \/>\nthe window at <em>b<\/em>. The window at <em>c<\/em> is of medium utility.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: From a reference to the notes on the right light for<br \/>\npainting it becomes evident that the observations made on<br \/>\ncellar-windows have a direct bearing on the construction of the<br \/>\nstudio-window. In the diagram <em>b<\/em> as well as in that under No. 510<br \/>\nthe window-opening is reduced to a minimum, but only, it would seem,<br \/>\nin order to emphasize the advantage of walls constructed on the plan<br \/>\nthere shown.]<\/p>\n<p>512.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE PAINTER&#8217;S WINDOW AND ITS ADVANTAGE.<\/p>\n<p>The painter who works from nature should have a window, which he can<br \/>\nraise and lower. The reason is that sometimes you will want to<br \/>\nfinish a thing you are drawing, close to the light.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>a b c d<\/em> be the chest on which the work may be raised or<br \/>\nlowered, so that the work moves up and down and not the painter. And<br \/>\nevery evening you can let down the work and shut it up above so that<br \/>\nin the evening it may be in the fashion of a chest which, when shut<br \/>\nup, may serve the purpose of a bench.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI, No. 2. In this plate the lines have<br \/>\nunfortunately lost their sharpness, for the accidental loss of the<br \/>\nnegative has necessitated a reproduction from a positive. But having<br \/>\nformerly published this sketch by another process, in VON LUTZOW&#8217;S<br \/>\n<em>Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst<\/em> (Vol. XVII, pg. 13) I have<br \/>\nreproduced it here in the text. The sharpness of the outline in the<br \/>\noriginal sketch is here preserved but it gives it from the reversed<br \/>\nside.]<\/p>\n<p>On the best light for painting (513-520).<\/p>\n<p>513.<\/p>\n<p>Which light is best for drawing from nature; whether high or low, or<br \/>\nlarge or small, or strong and broad, or strong and small, or broad<br \/>\nand weak or small and weak?<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The question here put is unanswered in the original MS.]<\/p>\n<p>514.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE QUALITY OF THE LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>A broad light high up and not too strong will render the details of<br \/>\nobjects very agreeable.<\/p>\n<p>515.<\/p>\n<p>THAT THE LIGHT FOR DRAWING FROM NATURE SHOULD BE HIGH UP.<\/p>\n<p>The light for drawing from nature should come from the North in<br \/>\norder that it may not vary. And if you have it from the South, keep<br \/>\nthe window screened with cloth, so that with the sun shining the<br \/>\nwhole day the light may not vary. The height of the light should be<br \/>\nso arranged as that every object shall cast a shadow on the ground<br \/>\nof the same length as itself.<\/p>\n<p>516.<\/p>\n<p>THE KIND OF LIGHT REQUISITE FOR PAINTING LIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>An object will display the greatest difference of light and shade<br \/>\nwhen it is seen in the strongest light, as by sunlight, or, at<br \/>\nnight, by the light of a fire. But this should not be much used in<br \/>\npainting because the works remain crude and ungraceful.<\/p>\n<p>An object seen in a moderate light displays little difference in the<br \/>\nlight and shade; and this is the case towards evening or when the<br \/>\nday is cloudy, and works then painted are tender and every kind of<br \/>\nface becomes graceful. Thus, in every thing extremes are to be<br \/>\navoided: Too much light gives crudeness; too little prevents our<br \/>\nseeing. The medium is best.<\/p>\n<p>OF SMALL LIGHTS.<\/p>\n<p>Again, lights cast from a small window give strong differences of<br \/>\nlight and shade, all the more if the room lighted by it be large,<br \/>\nand this is not good for painting.<\/p>\n<p>517.<\/p>\n<p>PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The luminous air which enters by passing through orifices in walls<br \/>\ninto dark rooms will render the place less dark in proportion as the<br \/>\nopening cuts into the walls which surround and cover in the<br \/>\npavement.<\/p>\n<p>518.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE QUALITY OF LIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>In proportion to the number of times that <em>a b<\/em> goes into <em>c d<\/em> will<br \/>\nit be more luminous than <em>c d<\/em>. And similarly, in proportion as the<br \/>\npoint <em>e<\/em> goes into <em>c d<\/em> will it be more luminous than <em>c d;<\/em> and<br \/>\nthis light is useful for carvers of delicate work. [Footnote 5: For<br \/>\nthe same reason a window thus constructed would be convenient for an<br \/>\nilluminator or a miniature painter.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: M. RAVAISSON in his edition of the Paris MS. A remarks on<br \/>\nthis passage: <em>&#8220;La figure porte les lettres<\/em> f <em>et<\/em> g, <em>auxquelles<br \/>\nrien ne renvoie dans l&#8217;explication; par consequent, cette<br \/>\nexplication est incomplete. La figure semblerait, d&#8217;ailleurs, se<br \/>\nrapporter a l&#8217;effet de la reflexion par un miroir concave.&#8221;<\/em> So far<br \/>\nas I can see the text is not imperfect, nor is the sense obscure. It<br \/>\nis hardly necessary to observe that <em>c d<\/em> here indicate the wall of<br \/>\nthe room opposite to the window <em>e<\/em> and the semicircle described by<br \/>\n<em>f g<\/em> stands for the arch of the sky; this occurs in various<br \/>\ndiagrams, for example under 511. A similar semicircle, Pl III, No. 2<br \/>\n(and compare No. 149) is expressly called &#8216;<em>orizonte<\/em>&#8216; in writing.]<\/p>\n<p>519.<\/p>\n<p>That the light should fall upon a picture from one window only. This<br \/>\nmay be seen in the case of objects in this form. If you want to<br \/>\nrepresent a round ball at a certain height you must make it oval in<br \/>\nthis shape, and stand so far off as that by foreshortening it<br \/>\nappears round.<\/p>\n<p>520.<\/p>\n<p>OF SELECTING THE LIGHT WHICH GIVES MOST GRACE TO FACES.<\/p>\n<p>If you should have a court yard that you can at pleasure cover with<br \/>\na linen awning that light will be good. Or when you want to take a<br \/>\nportrait do it in dull weather, or as evening falls, making the<br \/>\nsitter stand with his back to one of the walls of the court yard.<br \/>\nNote in the streets, as evening falls, the faces of the men and<br \/>\nwomen, and when the weather is dull, what softness and delicacy you<br \/>\nmay perceive in them. Hence, Oh Painter! have a court arranged with<br \/>\nthe walls tinted black and a narrow roof projecting within the<br \/>\nwalls. It should be 10 braccia wide and 20 braccia long and 10<br \/>\nbraccia high and covered with a linen awning; or else paint a work<br \/>\ntowards evening or when it is cloudy or misty, and this is a perfect<br \/>\nlight.<\/p>\n<p>On various helps in preparing a picture (521-530).<\/p>\n<p>521.<\/p>\n<p>To draw a nude figure from nature, or any thing else, hold in your<br \/>\nhand a plumb-line to enable you to judge of the relative position<br \/>\nof objects.<\/p>\n<p>522.<\/p>\n<p>OF DRAWING AN OBJECT.<\/p>\n<p>When you draw take care to set up a principal line which you must<br \/>\nobserve all throughout the object you are drawing; every thing<br \/>\nshould bear relation to the direction of this principal line.<\/p>\n<p>523.<\/p>\n<p>OF A MODE OF DRAWING A PLACE ACCURATELY.<\/p>\n<p>Have a piece of glass as large as a half sheet of royal folio paper<br \/>\nand set thus firmly in front of your eyes that is, between your eye<br \/>\nand the thing you want to draw; then place yourself at a distance of<br \/>\n2\/3 of a braccia from the glass fixing your head with a machine in<br \/>\nsuch a way that you cannot move it at all. Then shut or entirely<br \/>\ncover one eye and with a brush or red chalk draw upon the glass that<br \/>\nwhich you see beyond it; then trace it on paper from the glass,<br \/>\nafterwards transfer it onto good paper, and paint it if you like,<br \/>\ncarefully attending to the arial perspective.<\/p>\n<p>HOW TO LEARN TO PLACE YOUR FIGURES CORRECTLY.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to acquire a practice of good and correct attitudes for<br \/>\nyour figures, make a square frame or net, and square it out with<br \/>\nthread; place this between your eye and the nude model you are<br \/>\ndrawing, and draw these same squares on the paper on which you mean<br \/>\nto draw the figure, but very delicately. Then place a pellet of wax<br \/>\non a spot of the net which will serve as a fixed point, which,<br \/>\nwhenever you look at your model, must cover the pit of the throat;<br \/>\nor, if his back is turned, it may cover one of the vertebrae of the<br \/>\nneck. Thus these threads will guide you as to each part of the body<br \/>\nwhich, in any given attitude will be found below the pit of the<br \/>\nthroat, or the angles of the shoulders, or the nipples, or hips and<br \/>\nother parts of the body; and the transverse lines of the net will<br \/>\nshow you how much the figure is higher over the leg on which it is<br \/>\nposed than over the other, and the same with the hips, and the knees<br \/>\nand the feet. But always fix the net perpendicularly so that all the<br \/>\ndivisions that you see the model divided into by the net work<br \/>\ncorrespond with your drawing of the model on the net work you have<br \/>\nsketched. The squares you draw may be as much smaller than those of<br \/>\nthe net as you wish that your figure should be smaller than nature.<br \/>\nAfterwards remember when drawing figures, to use the rule of the<br \/>\ncorresponding proportions of the limbs as you have learnt it from<br \/>\nthe frame and net. This should be 3 braccia and a half high and 3<br \/>\nbraccia wide; 7 braccia distant from you and 1 braccio from the<br \/>\nmodel.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Leonardo is commonly credited with the invention of the<br \/>\narrangement of a plate of glass commonly known as the &#8220;vertical<br \/>\nplane.&#8221; Professor E. VON BRUCKE in his <em>&#8220;Bruchstucke aus der Theorie<br \/>\nder bildenden Kunste,&#8221;<\/em> Leipzig 1877, pg. 3, writes on this<br \/>\ncontrivance. <em>&#8220;Unsere Glastafel ist die sogenannte Glastafel des<br \/>\nLeonardo da Vinci, die in Gestalt einer Glastafel vorgestellte<br \/>\nBildflache.&#8221;<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>524.<\/p>\n<p>A METHOD OF DRAWING AN OBJECT IN RELIEF AT NIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>Place a sheet of not too transparent paper between the relievo and<br \/>\nthe light and you can draw thus very well.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Bodies thus illuminated will show on the surface of the<br \/>\npaper how the copyist has to distribute light and shade.]<\/p>\n<p>525.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to represent a figure on a wall, the wall being<br \/>\nforeshortened, while the figure is to appear in its proper form, and<br \/>\nas standing free from the wall, you must proceed thus: have a thin<br \/>\nplate of iron and make a small hole in the centre; this hole must be<br \/>\nround. Set a light close to it in such a position as that it shines<br \/>\nthrough the central hole, then place any object or figure you please<br \/>\nso close to the wall that it touches it and draw the outline of the<br \/>\nshadow on the wall; then fill in the shade and add the lights; place<br \/>\nthe person who is to see it so that he looks through that same hole<br \/>\nwhere at first the light was; and you will never be able to persuade<br \/>\nyourself that the image is not detached from the wall.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>uno piccolo spiracelo nel mezzo<\/em>. M. RAVAISSON, in his<br \/>\nedition of MS. A (Paris), p. 52, reads <em>nel muro<\/em>&#8211;evidently a<br \/>\nmistake for <em>nel mezzo<\/em> which is quite plainly written; and he<br \/>\ntranslates it <em>&#8220;fait lui une petite ouverture dans le mur,&#8221;<\/em> adding<br \/>\nin a note: <em>&#8220;les mots &#8216;dans le mur&#8217; paraissent etre de trop.<br \/>\nLeonardo a du les ecrire par distraction&#8221;<\/em> But <em>&#8216;nel mezzo&#8217;<\/em> is<br \/>\nclearly legible even on the photograph facsimile given by Ravaisson<br \/>\nhimself, and the objection he raises disappears at once. It is not<br \/>\nalways wise or safe to try to prove our author&#8217;s absence of mind or<br \/>\ninadvertence by apparent difficulties in the sense or connection of<br \/>\nthe text.]<\/p>\n<p>526.<\/p>\n<p>TO DRAW A FIGURE ON A WALL 12 BRACCIA HIGH WHICH SHALL LOOK 24<br \/>\nBRACCIA HIGH.<\/p>\n<p>If you wish to draw a figure or any other object to look 24 braccia<br \/>\nhigh you must do it in this way. First, on the surface <em>m r<\/em> draw<br \/>\nhalf the man you wish to represent; then the other half; then put on<br \/>\nthe vault <em>m n<\/em> [the rest of] the figure spoken of above; first set<br \/>\nout the vertical plane on the floor of a room of the same shape as<br \/>\nthe wall with the coved part on which you are to paint your figure.<br \/>\nThen, behind it, draw a figure set out in profile of whatever size<br \/>\nyou please, and draw lines from it to the point <em>f<\/em> and, as these<br \/>\nlines cut <em>m n<\/em> on the vertical plane, so will the figure come on<br \/>\nthe wall, of which the vertical plane gives a likeness, and you will<br \/>\nhave all the [relative] heights and prominences of the figure. And<br \/>\nthe breadth or thickness which are on the upright wall <em>m n<\/em> are to<br \/>\nbe drawn in their proper form, since, as the wall recedes the figure<br \/>\nwill be foreshortened by itself; but [that part of] the figure which<br \/>\ngoes into the cove you must foreshorten, as if it were standing<br \/>\nupright; this diminution you must set out on a flat floor and there<br \/>\nmust stand the figure which is to be transferred from the vertical<br \/>\nplane <em>r n<\/em>[Footnote 17: <em>che leverai dalla pariete r n<\/em>. The<br \/>\nletters refer to the larger sketch, No. 3 on Pl. XXXI.] in its real<br \/>\nsize and reduce it once more on a vertical plane; and this will be a<br \/>\ngood method [Footnote 18: Leonardo here says nothing as to how the<br \/>\nimage foreshortened by perspective and thus produced on the vertical<br \/>\nplane is to be transferred to the wall; but from what is said in<br \/>\nNos. 525 and 523 we may conclude that he was familiar with the<br \/>\nprocess of casting the enlarged shadow of a squaring net on the<br \/>\nsurface of a wall to guide him in drawing the figure.<\/p>\n<p><em>Pariete di rilieuo; &#8220;sur une parai en relief&#8221;<\/em> (RAVAISSON). <em>&#8220;Auf<br \/>\neiner Schnittlinie zum Aufrichten&#8221;<\/em> (LUDWIG). The explanation of<br \/>\nthis puzzling expression must be sought in No. 545, lines 15-17.].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI. 3. The second sketch, which in the plate is<br \/>\nincomplete, is here reproduced and completed from the original to<br \/>\nillustrate the text. In the original the larger diagram is placed<br \/>\nbetween lines 5 and 6.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>\n<ol>\n<li>C. A. 157a; 463a has the similar heading: &#8216;<em>del cressciere<br \/>\ndella figura<\/em>&#8216;, and the text begins: &#8220;<em>Se voli fare 1a figura<br \/>\ngrande<\/em> b c&#8221; but here it breaks off. The translation here given<br \/>\nrenders the meaning of the passage as I think it must be understood.<br \/>\nThe MS. is perfectly legible and the construction of the sentence is<br \/>\nsimple and clear; difficulties can only arise from the very fullness<br \/>\nof the meaning, particularly towards the end of the passage.]<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>527.<\/p>\n<p>If you would to draw a cube in an angle of a wall, first draw the<br \/>\nobject in its own proper shape and raise it onto a vertical plane<br \/>\nuntil it resembles the angle in which the said object is to be<br \/>\nrepresented.<\/p>\n<p>528.<\/p>\n<p>Why are paintings seen more correctly in a mirror than out of it?<\/p>\n<p>529.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THE MIRROR IS THE MASTER [AND GUIDE] OF PAINTERS.<\/p>\n<p>When you want to see if your picture corresponds throughout with the<br \/>\nobjects you have drawn from nature, take a mirror and look in that<br \/>\nat the reflection of the real things, and compare the reflected<br \/>\nimage with your picture, and consider whether the subject of the two<br \/>\nimages duly corresponds in both, particularly studying the mirror.<br \/>\nYou should take the mirror for your guide&#8211;that is to say a flat<br \/>\nmirror&#8211;because on its surface the objects appear in many respects<br \/>\nas in a painting. Thus you see, in a painting done on a flat<br \/>\nsurface, objects which appear in relief, and in the mirror&#8211;also a<br \/>\nflat surface&#8211;they look the same. The picture has one plane surface<br \/>\nand the same with the mirror. The picture is intangible, in so far<br \/>\nas that which appears round and prominent cannot be grasped in the<br \/>\nhands; and it is the same with the mirror. And since you can see<br \/>\nthat the mirror, by means of outlines, shadows and lights, makes<br \/>\nobjects appear in relief, you, who have in your colours far stronger<br \/>\nlights and shades than those in the mirror, can certainly, if you<br \/>\ncompose your picture well, make that also look like a natural scene<br \/>\nreflected in a large mirror.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: I understand the concluding lines of this passage as<br \/>\nfollows: If you draw the upper half a figure on a large sheet of<br \/>\npaper laid out on the floor of a room (<em>sala be piana<\/em>) to the same<br \/>\nscale (<em>con le sue vere grosseze<\/em>) as the lower half, already drawn<br \/>\nupon the wall (lines 10, 11)you must then reduce them on a &#8216;<em>pariete<br \/>\ndi rilievo<\/em>,&#8217; a curved vertical plane which serves as a model to<br \/>\nreproduce the form of the vault.]<\/p>\n<p>530.<\/p>\n<p>OF JUDGING YOUR OWN PICTURES.<\/p>\n<p>We know very well that errors are better recognised in the works of<br \/>\nothers than in our own; and that often, while reproving little<br \/>\nfaults in others, you may ignore great ones in yourself. To avoid<br \/>\nsuch ignorance, in the first place make yourself a master of<br \/>\nperspective, then acquire perfect knowledge of the proportions of<br \/>\nmen and other animals, and also, study good architecture, that is so<br \/>\nfar as concerns the forms of buildings and other objects which are<br \/>\non the face of the earth; these forms are infinite, and the better<br \/>\nyou know them the more admirable will your work be. And in cases<br \/>\nwhere you lack experience do not shrink from drawing them from<br \/>\nnature. But, to carry out my promise above [in the title]&#8211;I say<br \/>\nthat when you paint you should have a flat mirror and often look at<br \/>\nyour work as reflected in it, when you will see it reversed, and it<br \/>\nwill appear to you like some other painter&#8217;s work, so you will be<br \/>\nbetter able to judge of its faults than in any other way. Again, it<br \/>\nis well that you should often leave off work and take a little<br \/>\nrelaxation, because, when you come back to it you are a better<br \/>\njudge; for sitting too close at work may greatly deceive you. Again,<br \/>\nit is good to retire to a distance because the work looks smaller<br \/>\nand your eye takes in more of it at a glance and sees more easily<br \/>\nthe discords or disproportion in the limbs and colours of the<br \/>\nobjects.<\/p>\n<p>On the management of works (531. 532).<\/p>\n<p>531.<\/p>\n<p>OF A METHOD OF LEARNING WELL BY HEART.<\/p>\n<p>When you want to know a thing you have studied in your memory<br \/>\nproceed in this way: When you have drawn the same thing so many<br \/>\ntimes that you think you know it by heart, test it by drawing it<br \/>\nwithout the model; but have the model traced on flat thin glass and<br \/>\nlay this on the drawing you have made without the model, and note<br \/>\ncarefully where the tracing does not coincide with your drawing, and<br \/>\nwhere you find you have gone wrong; and bear in mind not to repeat<br \/>\nthe same mistakes. Then return to the model, and draw the part in<br \/>\nwhich you were wrong again and again till you have it well in your<br \/>\nmind. If you have no flat glass for tracing on, take some very thin<br \/>\nkidts-kin parchment, well oiled and dried. And when you have used it<br \/>\nfor one drawing you can wash it clean with a sponge and make a<br \/>\nsecond.<\/p>\n<p>532.<\/p>\n<p>THAT A PAINTER OUGHT TO BE CURIOUS TO HEAR THE OPINIONS OF EVERY ONE<br \/>\nON HIS WORK.<\/p>\n<p>Certainly while a man is painting he ought not to shrink from<br \/>\nhearing every opinion. For we know very well that a man, though he<br \/>\nmay not be a painter, is familiar with the forms of other men and<br \/>\nvery capable of judging whether they are hump backed, or have one<br \/>\nshoulder higher or lower than the other, or too big a mouth or nose,<br \/>\nand other defects; and, as we know that men are competent to judge<br \/>\nof the works of nature, how much more ought we to admit that they<br \/>\ncan judge of our errors; since you know how much a man may be<br \/>\ndeceived in his own work. And if you are not conscious of this in<br \/>\nyourself study it in others and profit by their faults. Therefore be<br \/>\ncurious to hear with patience the opinions of others, consider and<br \/>\nweigh well whether those who find fault have ground or not for<br \/>\nblame, and, if so amend; but, if not make as though you had not<br \/>\nheard, or if he should be a man you esteem show him by argument the<br \/>\ncause of his mistake.<\/p>\n<p>On the limitations of painting (533-535)<\/p>\n<p>533.<\/p>\n<p>HOW IN SMALL OBJECTS ERRORS ARE LESS EVIDENT THAN IN LARGE ONES.<\/p>\n<p>In objects of minute size the extent of error is not so perceptible<br \/>\nas in large ones; and the reason is that if this small object is a<br \/>\nrepresentation of a man or of some other animal, from the immense<br \/>\ndiminution the details cannot be worked out by the artist with the<br \/>\nfinish that is requisite. Hence it is not actually complete; and,<br \/>\nnot being complete, its faults cannot be determined. For instance:<br \/>\nLook at a man at a distance of 300 braccia and judge attentively<br \/>\nwhether he be handsome or ugly, or very remarkable or of ordinary<br \/>\nappearance. You will find that with the utmost effort you cannot<br \/>\npersuade yourself to decide. And the reason is that at such a<br \/>\ndistance the man is so much diminished that the character of the<br \/>\ndetails cannot be determined. And if you wish to see how much this<br \/>\nman is diminished [by distance] hold one of your fingers at a span&#8217;s<br \/>\ndistance from your eye, and raise or lower it till the top joint<br \/>\ntouches the feet of the figure you are looking at, and you will see<br \/>\nan incredible reduction. For this reason we often doubt as to the<br \/>\nperson of a friend at a distance.<\/p>\n<p>534.<\/p>\n<p>WHY A PAINTING CAN NEVER APPEAR DETACHED AS NATURAL OBJECTS DO.<\/p>\n<p>Painters often fall into despair of imitating nature when they see<br \/>\ntheir pictures fail in that relief and vividness which objects have<br \/>\nthat are seen in a mirror; while they allege that they have colours<br \/>\nwhich for brightness or depth far exceed the strength of light and<br \/>\nshade in the reflections in the mirror, thus displaying their own<br \/>\nignorance rather than the real cause, because they do not know it.<br \/>\nIt is impossible that painted objects should appear in such relief<br \/>\nas to resemble those reflected in the mirror, although both are seen<br \/>\non a flat surface, unless they are seen with only one eye; and the<br \/>\nreason is that two eyes see one object behind another as <em>a<\/em> and <em>b<\/em><br \/>\nsee <em>m<\/em> and <em>n<\/em>. <em>m<\/em> cannot exactly occupy [the space of] <em>n<\/em><br \/>\nbecause the base of the visual lines is so broad that the second<br \/>\nbody is seen beyond the first. But if you close one eye, as at <em>s<\/em><br \/>\nthe body <em>f<\/em> will conceal <em>r<\/em>, because the line of sight proceeds<br \/>\nfrom a single point and makes its base in the first body, whence the<br \/>\nsecond, of the same size, can never be seen.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This passage contains the solution of the problem<br \/>\nproposed in No. 29, lines 10-14. Leonardo was evidently familiar<br \/>\nwith the law of optics on which the construction of the stereoscope<br \/>\ndepends. Compare E. VON BRUCKE, <em>Bruchstucke aus der Theorie der<br \/>\nbildenden Kunste<\/em>, pg. 69: &#8220;<em>Schon Leonardo da Vinci wusste, dass<br \/>\nein noch so gut gemaltes Bild nie den vollen Eindruck der<br \/>\nKorperlichkeit geben kann, wie ihn die Natur selbst giebt. Er<br \/>\nerklart dies auch in Kap. LIII und Kap. CCCXLI<\/em> (ed. DU FRESNE)<br \/>\n<em>des<\/em> &#8216;Trattato&#8217; <em>in sachgemasser Weise aus dem Sehen mit beiden<br \/>\nAugen<\/em>.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Chap. 53 of DU FRESNE&#8217;S edition corresponds to No. 534 of this<br \/>\nwork.]<\/p>\n<p>535.<\/p>\n<p>WHY OF TWO OBJECTS OF EQUAL SIZE A PAINTED ONE WILL LOOK LARGER THAN<br \/>\nA SOLID ONE.<\/p>\n<p>The reason of this is not so easy to demonstrate as many others.<br \/>\nStill I will endeavour to accomplish it, if not wholly, at any rate<br \/>\nin part. The perspective of diminution demonstrates by reason, that<br \/>\nobjects diminish in proportion as they are farther from the eye, and<br \/>\nthis reasoning is confirmed by experience. Hence, the lines of sight<br \/>\nthat extend between the object and the eye, when they are directed<br \/>\nto the surface of a painting are all intersected at uniform limits,<br \/>\nwhile those lines which are directed towards a piece of sculpture<br \/>\nare intersected at various limits and are of various lengths. The<br \/>\nlines which are longest extend to a more remote limb than the others<br \/>\nand therefore that limb looks smaller. As there are numerous lines<br \/>\neach longer than the others&#8211;since there are numerous parts, each<br \/>\nmore remote than the others and these, being farther off,<br \/>\nnecessarily appear smaller, and by appearing smaller it follows that<br \/>\ntheir diminution makes the whole mass of the object look smaller.<br \/>\nBut this does not occur in painting; since the lines of sight all<br \/>\nend at the same distance there can be no diminution, hence the parts<br \/>\nnot being diminished the whole object is undiminished, and for this<br \/>\nreason painting does not diminish, as a piece of sculpture does.<\/p>\n<p>On the choice of a position (536-537)<\/p>\n<p>536.<\/p>\n<p>HOW HIGH THE POINT OF SIGHT SHOULD BE PLACED.<\/p>\n<p>The point of sight must be at the level of the eye of an ordinary<br \/>\nman, and the farthest limit of the plain where it touches the sky<br \/>\nmust be placed at the level of that line where the earth and sky<br \/>\nmeet; excepting mountains, which are independent of it.<\/p>\n<p>537.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE WAY TO DRAW FIGURES FOR HISTORICAL PICTURES.<\/p>\n<p>The painter must always study on the wall on which he is to picture<br \/>\na story the height of the position where he wishes to arrange his<br \/>\nfigures; and when drawing his studies for them from nature he must<br \/>\nplace himself with his eye as much below the object he is drawing<br \/>\nas, in the picture, it will have to be above the eye of the<br \/>\nspectator. Otherwise the work will look wrong.<\/p>\n<p>The apparent size of figures in a picture (538-539)<\/p>\n<p>538.<\/p>\n<p>OF PLACING A FIGURE IN THE FOREGROUND OF A HISTORICAL PICTURE.<\/p>\n<p>You must make the foremost figure in the picture less than the size<br \/>\nof nature in proportion to the number of braccia at which you place<br \/>\nit from the front line, and make the others in proportion by the<br \/>\nabove rule.<\/p>\n<p>539.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>You are asked, O Painter, why the figures you draw on a small scale<br \/>\naccording to the laws of perspective do not appear&#8211;notwithstanding<br \/>\nthe demonstration of distance&#8211;as large as real ones&#8211;their height<br \/>\nbeing the same as in those painted on the wall.<\/p>\n<p>And why [painted] objects seen at a small distance appear larger<br \/>\nthan the real ones?<\/p>\n<p>The right position of the artist, when painting, and of the<br \/>\nspectator (540-547)<\/p>\n<p>540.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>When you draw from nature stand at a distance of 3 times the height<br \/>\nof the object you wish to draw.<\/p>\n<p>541.<\/p>\n<p>OF DRAWING FROM RELIEF.<\/p>\n<p>In drawing from the round the draughtsman should so place himself<br \/>\nthat the eye of the figure he is drawing is on a level with his own.<br \/>\nThis should be done with any head he may have to represent from<br \/>\nnature because, without exception, the figures or persons you meet<br \/>\nin the streets have their eyes on the same level as your own; and if<br \/>\nyou place them higher or lower you will see that your drawing will<br \/>\nnot be true.<\/p>\n<p>542.<\/p>\n<p>WHY GROUPS OF FIGURES ONE ABOVE ANOTHER ARE TO BE AVOIDED.<\/p>\n<p>The universal practice which painters adopt on the walls of chapels<br \/>\nis greatly and reasonably to be condemned. Inasmuch as they<br \/>\nrepresent one historical subject on one level with a landscape and<br \/>\nbuildings, and then go up a step and paint another, varying the<br \/>\npoint [of sight], and then a third and a fourth, in such a way as<br \/>\nthat on one wall there are 4 points of sight, which is supreme folly<br \/>\nin such painters. We know that the point of sight is opposite the<br \/>\neye of the spectator of the scene; and if you would [have me] tell<br \/>\nyou how to represent the life of a saint divided into several<br \/>\npictures on one and the same wall, I answer that you must set out<br \/>\nthe foreground with its point of sight on a level with the eye of<br \/>\nthe spectator of the scene, and upon this plane represent the more<br \/>\nimportant part of the story large and then, diminishing by degrees<br \/>\nthe figures, and the buildings on various hills and open spaces, you<br \/>\ncan represent all the events of the history. And on the remainder of<br \/>\nthe wall up to the top put trees, large as compared with the<br \/>\nfigures, or angels if they are appropriate to the story, or birds or<br \/>\nclouds or similar objects; otherwise do not trouble yourself with it<br \/>\nfor your whole work will be wrong.<\/p>\n<p>543.<\/p>\n<p>A PICTURE OF OBJECTS IN PERSPECTIVE WILL LOOK MORE LIFELIKE WHEN<br \/>\nSEEN FROM THE POINT FROM WHICH THE OBJECTS WERE DRAWN.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to represent an object near to you which is to have the<br \/>\neffect of nature, it is impossible that your perspective should not<br \/>\nlook wrong, with every false relation and disagreement of proportion<br \/>\nthat can be imagined in a wretched work, unless the spectator, when<br \/>\nhe looks at it, has his eye at the very distance and height and<br \/>\ndirection where the eye or the point of sight was placed in doing<br \/>\nthis perspective. Hence it would be necessary to make a window, or<br \/>\nrather a hole, of the size of your face through which you can look<br \/>\nat the work; and if you do this, beyond all doubt your work, if it<br \/>\nis correct as to light and shade, will have the effect of nature;<br \/>\nnay you will hardly persuade yourself that those objects are<br \/>\npainted; otherwise do not trouble yourself about it, unless indeed<br \/>\nyou make your view at least 20 times as far off as the greatest<br \/>\nwidth or height of the objects represented, and this will satisfy<br \/>\nany spectator placed anywhere opposite to the picture.<\/p>\n<p>If you want the proof briefly shown, take a piece of wood in the<br \/>\nform of a little column, eight times as high as it is thick, like a<br \/>\ncolumn without any plinth or capital; then mark off on a flat wall<br \/>\n40 equal spaces, equal to its width so that between them they make<br \/>\n40 columns resembling your little column; you then must fix,<br \/>\nopposite the centre space, and at 4 braccia from the wall, a thin<br \/>\nstrip of iron with a small round hole in the middle about as large<br \/>\nas a big pearl. Close to this hole place a light touching it. Then<br \/>\nplace your column against each mark on the wall and draw the outline<br \/>\nof its shadow; afterwards shade it and look through the hole in the<br \/>\niron plate.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original there is a wide space between lines 3 and<br \/>\n4 in which we find two sketches not belonging to the text. It is<br \/>\nunnecessary to give prominence to the points in which my reading<br \/>\ndiffers from that of M. RAVAISSON or to justify myself, since they<br \/>\nare all of secondary importance and can also be immediately verified<br \/>\nfrom the photograph facsimile in his edition.]<\/p>\n<p>544.<\/p>\n<p>A diminished object should be seen from the same distance, height<br \/>\nand direction as the point of sight of your eye, or else your<br \/>\nknowledge will produce no good effect.<\/p>\n<p>And if you will not, or cannot, act on this principle&#8211;because as<br \/>\nthe plane on which you paint is to be seen by several persons you<br \/>\nwould need several points of sight which would make it look<br \/>\ndiscordant and wrong&#8211;place yourself at a distance of at least 10<br \/>\ntimes the size of the objects.<\/p>\n<p>The lesser fault you can fall into then, will be that of<br \/>\nrepresenting all the objects in the foreground of their proper size,<br \/>\nand on whichever side you are standing the objects thus seen will<br \/>\ndiminish themselves while the spaces between them will have no<br \/>\ndefinite ratio. For, if you place yourself in the middle of a<br \/>\nstraight row [of objects], and look at several columns arranged in a<br \/>\nline you will see, beyond a few columns separated by intervals, that<br \/>\nthe columns touch; and beyond where they touch they cover each<br \/>\nother, till the last column projects but very little beyond the last<br \/>\nbut one. Thus the spaces between the columns are by degrees entirely<br \/>\nlost. So, if your method of perspective is good, it will produce the<br \/>\nsame effect; this effect results from standing near the line in<br \/>\nwhich the columns are placed. This method is not satisfactory unless<br \/>\nthe objects seen are viewed from a small hole, in the middle of<br \/>\nwhich is your point of sight; but if you proceed thus your work will<br \/>\nbe perfect and will deceive the beholder, who will see the columns<br \/>\nas they are here figured.<\/p>\n<p>Here the eye is in the middle, at the point <em>a<\/em> and near to the<br \/>\ncolumns.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The diagram which stands above this chapter in the<br \/>\noriginal with the note belonging to it: &#8220;a b <em>e la ripruova<\/em>&#8221; (<em>a b<\/em><br \/>\nis the proof) has obviously no connection with the text. The second<br \/>\nsketch alone is reproduced and stands in the original between lines<br \/>\n22 and 23.]<\/p>\n<p>545.<\/p>\n<p>If you cannot arrange that those who look at your work should stand<br \/>\nat one particular point, when constructing your work, stand back<br \/>\nuntil your eye is at least 20 times as far off as the greatest<br \/>\nheight and width of your work. This will make so little difference<br \/>\nwhen the eye of the spectator moves, that it will be hardly<br \/>\nappreciable, and it will look very good.<\/p>\n<p>If the point of sight is at <em>t<\/em> you would make the figures on the<br \/>\ncircle <em>d b e<\/em> all of one size, as each of them bears the same<br \/>\nrelation to the point <em>t<\/em>. But consider the diagram given below and<br \/>\nyou will see that this is wrong, and why I shall make <em>b<\/em> smaller<br \/>\nthan <em>d e<\/em> [Footnote 8: The second diagram of this chapter stands in<br \/>\nthe original between lines 8 and 9.].<\/p>\n<p>It is easy to understand that if 2 objects equal to each other are<br \/>\nplaced side by side the one at 3 braccia distance looks smaller than<br \/>\nthat placed at 2 braccia. This however is rather theoretical than<br \/>\nfor practice, because you stand close by [Footnote 11: Instead of<br \/>\n&#8216;<em>se preso<\/em>&#8216; (=<em>sie presso<\/em>) M. RAVAISSON reads &#8216;<em>sempre se<\/em>&#8216; which<br \/>\ngives rise to the unmeaning rendering: &#8216;<em>parceque toujours<\/em> &#8230;&#8217;].<\/p>\n<p>All the objects in the foreground, whether large or small, are to be<br \/>\ndrawn of their proper size, and if you see them from a distance they<br \/>\nwill appear just as they ought, and if you see them close they will<br \/>\ndiminish of themselves.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 15: Compare No. 526 line 18.] Take care that the vertical<br \/>\nplan on which you work out the perspective of the objects seen is of<br \/>\nthe same form as the wall on which the work is to be executed.<\/p>\n<p>546.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The size of the figures represented ought to show you the distance<br \/>\nthey are seen from. If you see a figure as large as nature you know<br \/>\nit appears to be close to the eye.<\/p>\n<p>547.<\/p>\n<p>WHERE A SPECTATOR SHOULD STAND TO LOOK AT A PICTURE.<\/p>\n<p>Supposing <em>a b<\/em> to be the picture and <em>d<\/em> to be the light, I say<br \/>\nthat if you place yourself between <em>c<\/em> and <em>e<\/em> you will not<br \/>\nunderstand the picture well and particularly if it is done in oils,<br \/>\nor still more if it is varnished, because it will be lustrous and<br \/>\nsomewhat of the nature of a mirror. And for this reason the nearer<br \/>\nyou go towards the point <em>c<\/em>, the less you will see, because the<br \/>\nrays of light falling from the window on the picture are reflected<br \/>\nto that point. But if you place yourself between <em>e<\/em> and <em>d<\/em> you<br \/>\nwill get a good view of it, and the more so as you approach the<br \/>\npoint <em>d<\/em>, because that spot is least exposed to these reflected<br \/>\nrays of light.<\/p>\n<p>III.<\/p>\n<p>THE PRACTICAL METHODS OF LIGHT AND SHADE AND AERIAL PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Gradations of light and shade.<\/p>\n<p>548.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING: OF THE DARKNESS OF THE SHADOWS, OR I MAY SAY, THE<br \/>\nBRIGHTNESS OF THE LIGHTS.<\/p>\n<p>Although practical painters attribute to all shaded objects&#8211;trees,<br \/>\nfields, hair, beards and skin&#8211;four degrees of darkness in each<br \/>\ncolour they use: that is to say first a dark foundation, secondly a<br \/>\nspot of colour somewhat resembling the form of the details, thirdly<br \/>\na somewhat brighter and more defined portion, fourthly the lights<br \/>\nwhich are more conspicuous than other parts of the figure; still to<br \/>\nme it appears that these gradations are infinite upon a continuous<br \/>\nsurface which is in itself infinitely divisible, and I prove it<br \/>\nthus:&#8211;[Footnote 7: See Pl. XXXI, No. 1; the two upper sketches.]<br \/>\nLet <em>a g<\/em> be a continuous surface and let <em>d<\/em> be the light which<br \/>\nilluminates it; I say&#8211;by the 4th [proposition] which says that that<br \/>\nside of an illuminated body is most highly lighted which is nearest<br \/>\nto the source of light&#8211;that therefore <em>g<\/em> must be darker than <em>c<\/em><br \/>\nin proportion as the line <em>d g<\/em> is longer than the line <em>d c<\/em>, and<br \/>\nconsequently that these gradations of light&#8211;or rather of shadow,<br \/>\nare not 4 only, but may be conceived of as infinite, because <em>c d<\/em><br \/>\nis a continuous surface and every continuous surface is infinitely<br \/>\ndivisible; hence the varieties in the length of lines extending<br \/>\nbetween the light and the illuminated object are infinite, and the<br \/>\nproportion of the light will be the same as that of the length of<br \/>\nthe lines between them; extending from the centre of the luminous<br \/>\nbody to the surface of the illuminated object.<\/p>\n<p>On the choice of light for a picture (549-554).<\/p>\n<p>549.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THE PAINTER MUST PLACE HIMSELF WITH REFERENCE TO THE LIGHT, TO<br \/>\nGIVE THE EFFECT OF RELIEF.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>a b<\/em> be the window, <em>m<\/em> the point of light. I say that on<br \/>\nwhichever side the painter places himself he will be well placed if<br \/>\nonly his eye is between the shaded and the illuminated portions of<br \/>\nthe object he is drawing; and this place you will find by putting<br \/>\nyourself between the point <em>m<\/em> and the division between the shadow<br \/>\nand the light on the object to be drawn.<\/p>\n<p>550.<\/p>\n<p>THAT SHADOWS CAST BY A PARTICULAR LIGHT SHOULD BE AVOIDED, BECAUSE<br \/>\nTHEY ARE EQUALLY STRONG AT THE ENDS AND AT THE BEGINNING.<\/p>\n<p>The shadows cast by the sun or any other particular light have not a<br \/>\npleasing effect on the body to which they belong, because the parts<br \/>\nremain confuse, being divided by distinct outlines of light and<br \/>\nshade. And the shadows are of equal strength at the end and at the<br \/>\nbeginning.<\/p>\n<p>551.<\/p>\n<p>HOW LIGHT SHOULD BE THROWN UPON FIGURES.<\/p>\n<p>The light must be arranged in accordance with the natural conditions<br \/>\nunder which you wish to represent your figures: that is, if you<br \/>\nrepresent them in the sunshine make the shadows dark with large<br \/>\nspaces of light, and mark their shadows and those of all the<br \/>\nsurrounding objects strongly on the ground. And if you represent<br \/>\nthem as in dull weather give little difference of light and shade,<br \/>\nwithout any shadows at their feet. If you represent them as within<br \/>\ndoors, make a strong difference between the lights and shadows, with<br \/>\nshadows on the ground. If the window is screened and the walls<br \/>\nwhite, there will be little difference of light. If it is lighted by<br \/>\nfirelight make the high lights ruddy and strong, and the shadows<br \/>\ndark, and those cast on the walls and on the floor will be clearly<br \/>\ndefined and the farther they are from the body the broader and<br \/>\nlonger will they be. If the light is partly from the fire and partly<br \/>\nfrom the outer day, that of day will be the stronger and that of the<br \/>\nfire almost as red as fire itself. Above all see that the figures<br \/>\nyou paint are broadly lighted and from above, that is to say all<br \/>\nliving persons that you paint; for you will see that all the people<br \/>\nyou meet out in the street are lighted from above, and you must know<br \/>\nthat if you saw your most intimate friend with a light [on his face]<br \/>\nfrom below you would find it difficult to recognise him.<\/p>\n<p>552.<\/p>\n<p>OF HELPING THE APPARENT RELIEF OF A PICTURE BY GIVING IT ARTIFICIAL<br \/>\nLIGHT AND SHADE.<\/p>\n<p>To increase relief of a picture you may place, between your figure<br \/>\nand the solid object on which its shadow falls, a line of bright<br \/>\nlight, dividing the figure from the object in shadow. And on the<br \/>\nsame object you shall represent two light parts which will surround<br \/>\nthe shadow cast upon the wall by the figure placed opposite [6]; and<br \/>\ndo this frequently with the limbs which you wish should stand out<br \/>\nsomewhat from the body they belong to; particularly when the arms<br \/>\ncross the front of the breast show, between the shadow cast by the<br \/>\narms on the breast and the shadow on the arms themselves, a little<br \/>\nlight seeming to fall through a space between the breast and the<br \/>\narms; and the more you wish the arm to look detached from the breast<br \/>\nthe broader you must make the light; always contrive also to arrange<br \/>\nthe figures against the background in such a way as that the parts<br \/>\nin shadow are against a light background and the illuminated<br \/>\nportions against a dark background.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 6: Compare the two diagrams under No. 565.]<\/p>\n<p>553.<\/p>\n<p>OF SITUATION.<\/p>\n<p>Remember [to note] the situation of your figures; for the light and<br \/>\nshade will be one thing if the object is in a dark place with a<br \/>\nparticular light, and another thing if it is in a light place with<br \/>\ndirect sunlight; one thing in a dark place with a diffused evening<br \/>\nlight or a cloudy sky, and another in the diffused light of the<br \/>\natmosphere lighted by the sun.<\/p>\n<p>554.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE JUDGMENT TO BE MADE OF A PAINTER&#8217;S WORK.<\/p>\n<p>First you must consider whether the figures have the relief required<br \/>\nby their situation and the light which illuminates them; for the<br \/>\nshadows should not be the same at the extreme ends of the<br \/>\ncomposition as in the middle, because it is one thing when figures<br \/>\nare surrounded by shadows and another when they have shadows only on<br \/>\none side. Those which are in the middle of the picture are<br \/>\nsurrounded by shadows, because they are shaded by the figures which<br \/>\nstand between them and the light. And those are lighted on one side<br \/>\nonly which stand between the principal group and the light, because<br \/>\nwhere they do not look towards the light they face the group and the<br \/>\ndarkness of the group is thrown on them: and where they do not face<br \/>\nthe group they face the brilliant light and it is their own darkness<br \/>\nshadowing them, which appears there.<\/p>\n<p>In the second place observe the distribution or arrangement of<br \/>\nfigures, and whether they are distributed appropriately to the<br \/>\ncircumstances of the story. Thirdly, whether the figures are<br \/>\nactively intent on their particular business.<\/p>\n<p>555.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE TREATMENT OF THE LIGHTS.<\/p>\n<p>First give a general shadow to the whole of that extended part which<br \/>\nis away from the light. Then put in the half shadows and the strong<br \/>\nshadows, comparing them with each other and, in the same way give<br \/>\nthe extended light in half tint, afterwards adding the half lights<br \/>\nand the high lights, likewise comparing them together.<\/p>\n<p>The distribution of light and shade (556-559)<\/p>\n<p>556.<\/p>\n<p>OF SHADOWS ON BODIES.<\/p>\n<p>When you represent the dark shadows in bodies in light and shade,<br \/>\nalways show the cause of the shadow, and the same with reflections;<br \/>\nbecause the dark shadows are produced by dark objects and the<br \/>\nreflections by objects only moderately lighted, that is with<br \/>\ndiminished light. And there is the same proportion between the<br \/>\nhighly lighted part of a body and the part lighted by a reflection<br \/>\nas between the origin of the lights on the body and the origin of<br \/>\nthe reflections.<\/p>\n<p>557.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHTS AND SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>I must remind you to take care that every portion of a body, and<br \/>\nevery smallest detail which is ever so little in relief, must be<br \/>\ngiven its proper importance as to light and shade.<\/p>\n<p>558.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE WAY TO MAKE THE SHADOW ON FIGURES CORRESPOND TO THE LIGHT AND<br \/>\nTO [THE COLOUR] OF THE BODY.<\/p>\n<p>When you draw a figure and you wish to see whether the shadow is the<br \/>\nproper complement to the light, and neither redder nor yellower than<br \/>\nis the nature of the colour you wish to represent in shade, proceed<br \/>\nthus. Cast a shadow with your finger on the illuminated portion, and<br \/>\nif the accidental shadow that you have made is like the natural<br \/>\nshadow cast by your finger on your work, well and good; and by<br \/>\nputting your finger nearer or farther off, you can make darker or<br \/>\nlighter shadows, which you must compare with your own.<\/p>\n<p>559.<\/p>\n<p>OF SURROUNDING BODIES BY VARIOUS FORMS OF SHADOW.<\/p>\n<p>Take care that the shadows cast upon the surface of the bodies by<br \/>\ndifferent objects must undulate according to the various curves of<br \/>\nthe limbs which cast the shadows, and of the objects on which they<br \/>\nare cast.<\/p>\n<p>The juxtaposition of light and shade (560, 561).<\/p>\n<p>560.<\/p>\n<p>ON PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The comparison of the various qualities of shadows and lights not<br \/>\ninfrequently seems ambiguous and confused to the painter who desires<br \/>\nto imitate and copy the objects he sees. The reason is this: If you<br \/>\nsee a white drapery side by side with a black one, that part of the<br \/>\nwhite drapery which lies against the black one will certainly look<br \/>\nmuch whiter than the part which lies against something whiter than<br \/>\nitself. [Footnote: It is evident from this that so early as in 1492<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s writing in perspective was so far advanced that he could<br \/>\nquote his own statements.&#8211;As bearing on this subject compare what<br \/>\nis said in No. 280.] And the reason of this is shown in my [book on]<br \/>\nperspective.<\/p>\n<p>561.<\/p>\n<p>OF SHADOWS.<\/p>\n<p>Where a shadow ends in the light, note carefully where it is paler<br \/>\nor deeper and where it is more or less indistinct towards the light;<br \/>\nand, above all, in [painting] youthful figures I remind you not to<br \/>\nmake the shadow end like a stone, because flesh has a certain<br \/>\ntransparency, as may be seen by looking at a hand held between the<br \/>\neye and the sun, which shines through it ruddy and bright. Place the<br \/>\nmost highly coloured part between the light and shadow. And to see<br \/>\nwhat shadow tint is needed on the flesh, cast a shadow on it with<br \/>\nyour finger, and according as you wish to see it lighter or darker<br \/>\nhold your finger nearer to or farther from your picture, and copy<br \/>\nthat [shadow].<\/p>\n<p>On the lighting of the background (562-565).<\/p>\n<p>562.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE BACKGROUNDS FOR PAINTED FIGURES.<\/p>\n<p>The ground which surrounds the forms of any object you paint should<br \/>\nbe darker than the high lights of those figures, and lighter than<br \/>\ntheir shadowed part: &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>563.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE BACKGROUND THAT THE PAINTER SHOULD ADOPT IN HIS WORKS.<\/p>\n<p>Since experience shows us that all bodies are surrounded by light<br \/>\nand shade it is necessary that you, O Painter, should so arrange<br \/>\nthat the side which is in light shall terminate against a dark body<br \/>\nand likewise that the shadow side shall terminate against a light<br \/>\nbody. And by [following] this rule you will add greatly to the<br \/>\nrelief of your figures.<\/p>\n<p>564.<\/p>\n<p>A most important part of painting consists in the backgrounds of the<br \/>\nobjects represented; against these backgrounds the outlines of<br \/>\nthose natural objects which are convex are always visible, and also<br \/>\nthe forms of these bodies against the background, even though the<br \/>\ncolours of the bodies should be the same as that of the background.<br \/>\nThis is caused by the convex edges of the objects not being<br \/>\nilluminated in the same way as, by the same light, the background is<br \/>\nilluminated, since these edges will often be lighter or darker than<br \/>\nthe background. But if the edge is of the same colour as the<br \/>\nbackground, beyond a doubt it will in that part of the picture<br \/>\ninterfere with your perception of the outline, and such a choice in<br \/>\na picture ought to be rejected by the judgment of good painters,<br \/>\ninasmuch as the purpose of the painter is to make his figures appear<br \/>\ndetached from the background; while in the case here described the<br \/>\ncontrary occurs, not only in the picture, but in the objects<br \/>\nthemselves.<\/p>\n<p>565.<\/p>\n<p>That you ought, when representing objects above the eye and on one<br \/>\nside&#8211;if you wish them to look detached from the wall&#8211;to show,<br \/>\nbetween the shadow on the object and the shadow it casts a middle<br \/>\nlight, so that the body will appear to stand away from the wall.<\/p>\n<p>On the lighting of white objects.<\/p>\n<p>566.<\/p>\n<p>HOW WHITE BODIES SHOULD BE REPRESENTED.<\/p>\n<p>If you are representing a white body let it be surrounded by ample<br \/>\nspace, because as white has no colour of its own, it is tinged and<br \/>\naltered in some degree by the colour of the objects surrounding it.<br \/>\nIf you see a woman dressed in white in the midst of a landscape,<br \/>\nthat side which is towards the sun is bright in colour, so much so<br \/>\nthat in some portions it will dazzle the eyes like the sun itself;<br \/>\nand the side which is towards the atmosphere,&#8211;luminous through<br \/>\nbeing interwoven with the sun&#8217;s rays and penetrated by them&#8211;since<br \/>\nthe atmosphere itself is blue, that side of the woman&#8217;s figure will<br \/>\nappear steeped in blue. If the surface of the ground about her be<br \/>\nmeadows and if she be standing between a field lighted up by the sun<br \/>\nand the sun itself, you will see every portion of those folds which<br \/>\nare towards the meadow tinged by the reflected rays with the colour<br \/>\nof that meadow. Thus the white is transmuted into the colours of the<br \/>\nluminous and of the non-luminous objects near it.<\/p>\n<p>The methods of aerial (567&#8211;570).<\/p>\n<p>567.<\/p>\n<p>WHY FACES [SEEN] AT A DISTANCE LOOK DARK.<\/p>\n<p>We see quite plainly that all the images of visible objects that lie<br \/>\nbefore us, whether large or small, reach our sense by the minute<br \/>\naperture of the eye; and if, through so small a passage the image<br \/>\ncan pass of the vast extent of sky and earth, the face of a<br \/>\nman&#8211;being by comparison with such large images almost nothing by<br \/>\nreason of the distance which diminishes it,&#8211;fills up so little of<br \/>\nthe eye that it is indistinguishable. Having, also, to be<br \/>\ntransmitted from the surface to the sense through a dark medium,<br \/>\nthat is to say the crystalline lens which looks dark, this image,<br \/>\nnot being strong in colour becomes affected by this darkness on its<br \/>\npassage, and on reaching the sense it appears dark; no other reason<br \/>\ncan in any way be assigned. If the point in the eye is black, it is<br \/>\nbecause it is full of a transparent humour as clear as air and acts<br \/>\nlike a perforation in a board; on looking into it it appears dark<br \/>\nand the objects seen through the bright air and a dark one become<br \/>\nconfused in this darkness.<\/p>\n<p>WHY A MAN SEEN AT A CERTAIN DISTANCE IS NOT RECOGNISABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The perspective of diminution shows us that the farther away an<br \/>\nobject is the smaller it looks. If you look at a man at a distance<br \/>\nfrom you of an arrow&#8217;s flight, and hold the eye of a small needle<br \/>\nclose to your own eye, you can see through it several men whose<br \/>\nimages are transmitted to the eye and will all be comprised within<br \/>\nthe size of the needle&#8217;s eye; hence, if the man who is at the<br \/>\ndistance of an arrow&#8217;s flight can send his whole image to your eye,<br \/>\noccupying only a small space in the needle&#8217;s eye how can you<br \/>\n[expect] in so small a figure to distinguish or see the nose or<br \/>\nmouth or any detail of his person? and, not seeing these you cannot<br \/>\nrecognise the man, since these features, which he does not show, are<br \/>\nwhat give men different aspects.<\/p>\n<p>568.<\/p>\n<p>THE REASON WHY SMALL FIGURES SHOULD NOT BE MADE FINISHED.<\/p>\n<p>I say that the reason that objects appear diminished in size is<br \/>\nbecause they are remote from the eye; this being the case it is<br \/>\nevident that there must be a great extent of atmosphere between the<br \/>\neye and the objects, and this air interferes with the distinctness<br \/>\nof the forms of the object. Hence the minute details of these<br \/>\nobjects will be indistinguishable and unrecognisable. Therefore, O<br \/>\nPainter, make your smaller figures merely indicated and not highly<br \/>\nfinished, otherwise you will produce effects the opposite to nature,<br \/>\nyour supreme guide. The object is small by reason of the great<br \/>\ndistance between it and the eye, this great distance is filled with<br \/>\nair, that mass of air forms a dense body which intervenes and<br \/>\nprevents the eye seeing the minute details of objects.<\/p>\n<p>569.<\/p>\n<p>Whenever a figure is placed at a considerable distance you lose<br \/>\nfirst the distinctness of the smallest parts; while the larger parts<br \/>\nare left to the last, losing all distinctness of detail and outline;<br \/>\nand what remains is an oval or spherical figure with confused edges.<\/p>\n<p>570.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The density of a body of smoke looks white below the horizon while<br \/>\nabove the horizon it is dark, even if the smoke is in itself of a<br \/>\nuniform colour, this uniformity will vary according to the variety<br \/>\nin the ground on which it is seen.<\/p>\n<p>IV.<\/p>\n<p>OF PORTRAIT AND FIGURE PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Of sketching figures and portraits (571-572).<\/p>\n<p>571.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE WAY TO LEARN TO COMPOSE FIGURES [IN GROUPS] IN HISTORICAL<br \/>\nPICTURES.<\/p>\n<p>When you have well learnt perspective and have by heart the parts<br \/>\nand forms of objects, you must go about, and constantly, as you go,<br \/>\nobserve, note and consider the circumstances and behaviour of men in<br \/>\ntalking, quarrelling or laughing or fighting together: the action of<br \/>\nthe men themselves and the actions of the bystanders, who separate<br \/>\nthem or who look on. And take a note of them with slight strokes<br \/>\nthus, in a little book which you should always carry with you. And<br \/>\nit should be of tinted paper, that it may not be rubbed out, but<br \/>\nchange the old [when full] for a new one; since these things should<br \/>\nnot be rubbed out but preserved with great care; for the forms, and<br \/>\npositions of objects are so infinite that the memory is incapable of<br \/>\nretaining them, wherefore keep these [sketches] as your guides and<br \/>\nmasters.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Among Leonardo&#8217;s numerous note books of pocket size not<br \/>\none has coloured paper, so no sketches answering to this description<br \/>\ncan be pointed out. The fact that most of the notes are written in<br \/>\nink, militates against the supposition that they were made in the<br \/>\nopen air.]<\/p>\n<p>572.<\/p>\n<p>OF A METHOD OF KEEPING IN MIND THE FORM OF A FACE.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to acquire facility for bearing in mind the expression<br \/>\nof a face, first make yourself familiar with a variety of [forms of]<br \/>\nseveral heads, eyes, noses, mouths, chins and cheeks and necks and<br \/>\nshoulders: And to put a case: Noses are of 10 types: straight,<br \/>\nbulbous, hollow, prominent above or below the middle, aquiline,<br \/>\nregular, flat, round or pointed. These hold good as to profile. In<br \/>\nfull face they are of 11 types; these are equal thick in the middle,<br \/>\nthin in the middle, with the tip thick and the root narrow, or<br \/>\nnarrow at the tip and wide at the root; with the nostrils wide or<br \/>\nnarrow, high or low, and the openings wide or hidden by the point;<br \/>\nand you will find an equal variety in the other details; which<br \/>\nthings you must draw from nature and fix them in your mind. Or else,<br \/>\nwhen you have to draw a face by heart, carry with you a little book<br \/>\nin which you have noted such features; and when you have cast a<br \/>\nglance at the face of the person you wish to draw, you can look, in<br \/>\nprivate, which nose or mouth is most like, or there make a little<br \/>\nmark to recognise it again at home. Of grotesque faces I need say<br \/>\nnothing, because they are kept in mind without difficulty.<\/p>\n<p>The position of the head.<\/p>\n<p>573.<\/p>\n<p>HOW YOU SHOULD SET TO WORK TO DRAW A HEAD OF WHICH ALL THE PARTS<br \/>\nSHALL AGREE WITH THE POSITION GIVEN TO IT.<\/p>\n<p>To draw a head in which the features shall agree with the turn and<br \/>\nbend of the head, pursue this method. You know that the eyes,<br \/>\neyebrows, nostrils, corners of the mouth, and sides of the chin, the<br \/>\njaws, cheeks, ears and all the parts of a face are squarely and<br \/>\nstraightly set upon the face.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare the drawings and the text belonging to them on<br \/>\nPl. IX. (No. 315), Pl. X (No. 316), Pl. XL (No. 318) and Pl. XII.<br \/>\n(No. 319).]<\/p>\n<p>Therefore when you have sketched the face draw lines passing from<br \/>\none corner of the eye to the other; and so for the placing of each<br \/>\nfeature; and after having drawn the ends of the lines beyond the two<br \/>\nsides of the face, look if the spaces inside the same parallel lines<br \/>\non the right and on the left are equal [12]. But be sure to remember<br \/>\nto make these lines tend to the point of sight.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI, No. 4, the slight sketch on the left hand<br \/>\nside. The text of this passage is written by the side of it. In this<br \/>\nsketch the lines seem intentionally incorrect and converging to the<br \/>\nright (compare I. 12) instead of parallel. Compare too with this<br \/>\ntext the drawing in red chalk from Windsor Castle which is<br \/>\nreproduced on Pl. XL, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>Of the light on the face (574-576).<\/p>\n<p>574.<\/p>\n<p>HOW TO KNOW WHICH SIDE OF AN OBJECT IS TO BE MORE OR LESS LUMINOUS<br \/>\nTHAN THE OTHER.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>f<\/em> be the light, the head will be the object illuminated by it<br \/>\nand that side of the head on which the rays fall most directly will<br \/>\nbe the most highly lighted, and those parts on which the rays fall<br \/>\nmost aslant will be less lighted. The light falls as a blow might,<br \/>\nsince a blow which falls perpendicularly falls with the greatest<br \/>\nforce, and when it falls obliquely it is less forcible than the<br \/>\nformer in proportion to the width of the angle. <em>Exempli gratia<\/em> if<br \/>\nyou throw a ball at a wall of which the extremities are equally far<br \/>\nfrom you the blow will fall straight, and if you throw the ball at<br \/>\nthe wall when standing at one end of it the ball will hit it<br \/>\nobliquely and the blow will not tell.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI. No. 4; the sketch on the right hand side.]<\/p>\n<p>575.<\/p>\n<p>THE PROOF AND REASON WHY AMONG THE ILLUMINATED PARTS CERTAIN<br \/>\nPORTIONS ARE IN HIGHER LIGHT THAN OTHERS.<\/p>\n<p>Since it is proved that every definite light is, or seems to be,<br \/>\nderived from one single point the side illuminated by it will have<br \/>\nits highest light on the portion where the line of radiance falls<br \/>\nperpendicularly; as is shown above in the lines <em>a g<\/em>, and also in<br \/>\n<em>a h<\/em> and in <em>l a<\/em>; and that portion of the illuminated side will be<br \/>\nleast luminous, where the line of incidence strikes it between two<br \/>\nmore dissimilar angles, as is seen at <em>b c d<\/em>. And by this means you<br \/>\nmay also know which parts are deprived of light as is seen at <em>m k<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Where the angles made by the lines of incidence are most equal there<br \/>\nwill be the highest light, and where they are most unequal it will<br \/>\nbe darkest.<\/p>\n<p>I will make further mention of the reason of reflections.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXXII. The text, here given complete, is on the<br \/>\nright hand side. The small circles above the beginning of lines 5<br \/>\nand 11 as well as the circle above the text on Pl. XXXI, are in a<br \/>\npaler ink and evidently added by a later hand in order to<br \/>\ndistinguish the text as belonging to the <em>Libro di Pittura<\/em> (see<br \/>\nProlegomena. No. 12, p. 3). The text on the left hand side of this<br \/>\npage is given as Nos. 577 and 137.]<\/p>\n<p>576.<\/p>\n<p>Where the shadow should be on the face.<\/p>\n<p>General suggestions for historical pictures (577-581).<\/p>\n<p>577.<\/p>\n<p>When you compose a historical picture take two points, one the point<br \/>\nof sight, and the other the source of light; and make this as<br \/>\ndistant as possible.<\/p>\n<p>578.<\/p>\n<p>Historical pictures ought not to be crowded and confused with too<br \/>\nmany figures.<\/p>\n<p>579.<\/p>\n<p>PRECEPTS IN PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Let you sketches of historical pictures be swift and the working out<br \/>\nof the limbs not be carried too far, but limited to the position of<br \/>\nthe limbs, which you can afterwards finish as you please and at your<br \/>\nleisure.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. XXXVIII, No. 2. The pen and ink drawing given<br \/>\nthere as No. 3 may also be compared with this passage. It is in the<br \/>\nWindsor collection where it is numbered 101.]<\/p>\n<p>580.<\/p>\n<p>The sorest misfortune is when your views are in advance of your<br \/>\nwork.<\/p>\n<p>581.<\/p>\n<p>Of composing historical pictures. Of not considering the limbs in<br \/>\nthe figures in historical pictures; as many do who, in the wish to<br \/>\nrepresent the whole of a figure, spoil their compositions. And when<br \/>\nyou place one figure behind another take care to draw the whole of<br \/>\nit so that the limbs which come in front of the nearer figures may<br \/>\nstand out in their natural size and place.<\/p>\n<p>How to represent the differences of age and sex (582-583).<\/p>\n<p>582.<\/p>\n<p>How the ages of man should be depicted: that is, Infancy, Childhood,<br \/>\nYouth, Manhood, Old age, Decrepitude.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: No answer is here given to this question, in the original<br \/>\nMS.]<\/p>\n<p>583.<\/p>\n<p>Old men ought to be represented with slow and heavy movements, their<br \/>\nlegs bent at the knees, when they stand still, and their feet placed<br \/>\nparallel and apart; bending low with the head leaning forward, and<br \/>\ntheir arms but little extended.<\/p>\n<p>Women must be represented in modest attitudes, their legs close<br \/>\ntogether, their arms closely folded, their heads inclined and<br \/>\nsomewhat on one side.<\/p>\n<p>Old women should be represented with eager, swift and furious<br \/>\ngestures, like infernal furies; but the action should be more<br \/>\nviolent in their arms and head than in their legs.<\/p>\n<p>Little children, with lively and contorted movements when sitting,<br \/>\nand, when standing still, in shy and timid attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>bracci raccolte<\/em>. Compare Pl. XXXIII. This drawing, in<br \/>\nsilver point on yellowish tinted paper, the lights heightened with<br \/>\nwhite, represents two female hands laid together in a lap. Above is<br \/>\na third finished study of a right hand, apparently holding a veil<br \/>\nfrom the head across the bosom. This drawing evidently dates from<br \/>\nbefore 1500 and was very probably done at Florence, perhaps as a<br \/>\npreparatory study for some picture. The type of hand with its<br \/>\nslender thin forms is more like the style of the <em>Vierge aux<br \/>\nRochers<\/em> in the Louvre than any later works&#8211;as the Mona Lisa for<br \/>\ninstance.]<\/p>\n<p>Of representing the emotions.<\/p>\n<p>584.<\/p>\n<p>THAT A FIGURE IS NOT ADMIRABLE UNLESS IT EXPRESSES BY ITS ACTION THE<br \/>\nPASSION OF ITS SENTIMENT.<\/p>\n<p>That figure is most admirable which by its actions best expresses<br \/>\nthe passion that animates it.<\/p>\n<p>HOW AN ANGRY MAN IS TO BE FIGURED.<\/p>\n<p>You must make an angry person holding someone by the hair, wrenching<br \/>\nhis head against the ground, and with one knee on his ribs; his<br \/>\nright arm and fist raised on high. His hair must be thrown up, his<br \/>\nbrow downcast and knit, his teeth clenched and the two corners of<br \/>\nhis mouth grimly set; his neck swelled and bent forward as he leans<br \/>\nover his foe, and full of furrows.<\/p>\n<p>HOW TO REPRESENT A MAN IN DESPAIR.<\/p>\n<p>You must show a man in despair with a knife, having already torn<br \/>\nopen his garments, and with one hand tearing open the wound. And<br \/>\nmake him standing on his feet and his legs somewhat bent and his<br \/>\nwhole person leaning towards the earth; his hair flying in disorder.<\/p>\n<p>Of representing imaginary animals.<\/p>\n<p>585.<\/p>\n<p>HOW YOU SHOULD MAKE AN IMAGINARY ANIMAL LOOK NATURAL.<\/p>\n<p>You know that you cannot invent animals without limbs, each of<br \/>\nwhich, in itself, must resemble those of some other animal. Hence if<br \/>\nyou wish to make an animal, imagined by you, appear natural&#8211;let us<br \/>\nsay a Dragon, take for its head that of a mastiff or hound, with the<br \/>\neyes of a cat, the ears of a porcupine, the nose of a greyhound, the<br \/>\nbrow of a lion, the temples of an old cock, the neck of a water<br \/>\ntortoise.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketch here inserted of two men on horseback fighting<br \/>\na dragon is the facsimile of a pen and ink drawing belonging to<br \/>\nBARON EDMOND DE ROTHSCHILD of Paris.]<\/p>\n<p>The selection of forms.<\/p>\n<p>586.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DELUSIONS WHICH ARISE IN JUDGING OF THE LIMBS.<\/p>\n<p>A painter who has clumsy hands will paint similar hands in his<br \/>\nworks, and the same will occur with any limb, unless long study has<br \/>\ntaught him to avoid it. Therefore, O Painter, look carefully what<br \/>\npart is most ill-favoured in your own person and take particular<br \/>\npains to correct it in your studies. For if you are coarse, your<br \/>\nfigures will seem the same and devoid of charm; and it is the same<br \/>\nwith any part that may be good or poor in yourself; it will be shown<br \/>\nin some degree in your figures.<\/p>\n<p>587.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SELECTION OF BEAUTIFUL FACES.<\/p>\n<p>It seems to me to be no small charm in a painter when he gives his<br \/>\nfigures a pleasing air, and this grace, if he have it not by nature,<br \/>\nhe may acquire by incidental study in this way: Look about you and<br \/>\ntake the best parts of many beautiful faces, of which the beauty is<br \/>\nconfirmed rather by public fame than by your own judgment; for you<br \/>\nmight be mistaken and choose faces which have some resemblance to<br \/>\nyour own. For it would seem that such resemblances often please us;<br \/>\nand if you should be ugly, you would select faces that were not<br \/>\nbeautiful and you would then make ugly faces, as many painters do.<br \/>\nFor often a master&#8217;s work resembles himself. So select beauties as I<br \/>\ntell you, and fix them in your mind.<\/p>\n<p>588.<\/p>\n<p>Of the limbs, which ought to be carefully selected, and of all the<br \/>\nother parts with regard to painting.<\/p>\n<p>589.<\/p>\n<p>When selecting figures you should choose slender ones rather than<br \/>\nlean and wooden ones.<\/p>\n<p>590.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MUSCLES OF ANIMALS.<\/p>\n<p>The hollow spaces interposed between the muscles must not be of such<br \/>\na character as that the skin should seem to cover two sticks laid<br \/>\nside by side like <em>c<\/em>, nor should they seem like two sticks somewhat<br \/>\nremote from such contact so that the skin hangs in an empty loose<br \/>\ncurve as at <em>f<\/em>; but it should be like <em>i<\/em>, laid over the spongy fat<br \/>\nthat lies in the angles as the angle <em>n m o<\/em>; which angle is formed<br \/>\nby the contact of the ends of the muscles and as the skin cannot<br \/>\nfold down into such an angle, nature has filled up such angles with<br \/>\na small quantity of spongy and, as I may say, vesicular fat, with<br \/>\nminute bladders [in it] full of air, which is condensed or rarefied<br \/>\nin them according to the increase or the diminution of the substance<br \/>\nof the muscles; in which latter case the concavity <em>i<\/em> always has a<br \/>\nlarger curve than the muscle.<\/p>\n<p>591.<\/p>\n<p>OF UNDULATING MOVEMENTS AND EQUIPOISE IN FIGURES AND OTHER ANIMALS.<\/p>\n<p>When representing a human figure or some graceful animal, be careful<br \/>\nto avoid a wooden stiffness; that is to say make them move with<br \/>\nequipoise and balance so as not to look like a piece of wood; but<br \/>\nthose you want to represent as strong you must not make so,<br \/>\nexcepting in the turn of the head.<\/p>\n<p>How to pose figures.<\/p>\n<p>592.<\/p>\n<p>OF GRACE IN THE LIMBS.<\/p>\n<p>The limbs should be adapted to the body with grace and with<br \/>\nreference to the effect that you wish the figure to produce. And if<br \/>\nyou wish to produce a figure that shall of itself look light and<br \/>\ngraceful you must make the limbs elegant and extended, and without<br \/>\ntoo much display of the muscles; and those few that are needed for<br \/>\nyour purpose you must indicate softly, that is, not very prominent<br \/>\nand without strong shadows; the limbs, and particularly the arms<br \/>\neasy; that is, none of the limbs should be in a straight line with<br \/>\nthe adjoining parts. And if the hips, which are the pole of a man,<br \/>\nare by reason of his position, placed so, that the right is higher<br \/>\nthan the left, make the point of the higher shoulder in a<br \/>\nperpendicular line above the highest prominence of the hip, and let<br \/>\nthis right shoulder be lower than the left. Let the pit of the<br \/>\nthroat always be over the centre of the joint of the foot on which<br \/>\nthe man is leaning. The leg which is free should have the knee lower<br \/>\nthan the other, and near the other leg. The positions of the head<br \/>\nand arms are endless and I shall therefore not enlarge on any rules<br \/>\nfor them. Still, let them be easy and pleasing, with various turns<br \/>\nand twists, and the joints gracefully bent, that they may not look<br \/>\nlike pieces of wood.<\/p>\n<p>Of appropriate gestures (593-600).<\/p>\n<p>593.<\/p>\n<p>A picture or representation of human figures, ought to be done in<br \/>\nsuch a way as that the spectator may easily recognise, by means of<br \/>\ntheir attitudes, the purpose in their minds. Thus, if you have to<br \/>\nrepresent a man of noble character in the act of speaking, let his<br \/>\ngestures be such as naturally accompany good words; and, in the same<br \/>\nway, if you wish to depict a man of a brutal nature, give him fierce<br \/>\nmovements; as with his arms flung out towards the listener, and his<br \/>\nhead and breast thrust forward beyond his feet, as if following the<br \/>\nspeaker&#8217;s hands. Thus it is with a deaf and dumb person who, when he<br \/>\nsees two men in conversation&#8211;although he is deprived of<br \/>\nhearing&#8211;can nevertheless understand, from the attitudes and<br \/>\ngestures of the speakers, the nature of their discussion. I once saw<br \/>\nin Florence a man who had become deaf who, when you spoke very loud<br \/>\ndid not understand you, but if you spoke gently and without making<br \/>\nany sound, understood merely from the movement of the lips. Now<br \/>\nperhaps you will say that the lips of a man who speaks loudly do not<br \/>\nmove like those of one speaking softly, and that if they were to<br \/>\nmove them alike they would be alike understood. As to this argument,<br \/>\nI leave the decision to experiment; make a man speak to you gently<br \/>\nand note [the motion of] his lips.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The first ten lines of this text have already been<br \/>\npublished, but with a slightly different reading by Dr. M. JORDAN:<br \/>\n<em>Das Malerbuch Leonardo da Vinci&#8217;s<\/em> p. 86.]<\/p>\n<p>594.<\/p>\n<p>OF REPRESENTING A MAN SPEAKING TO A MULTITUDE.<\/p>\n<p>When you wish to represent a man speaking to a number of people,<br \/>\nconsider the matter of which he has to treat and adapt his action to<br \/>\nthe subject. Thus, if he speaks persuasively, let his action be<br \/>\nappropriate to it. If the matter in hand be to set forth an<br \/>\nargument, let the speaker, with the fingers of the right hand hold<br \/>\none finger of the left hand, having the two smaller ones closed; and<br \/>\nhis face alert, and turned towards the people with mouth a little<br \/>\nopen, to look as though he spoke; and if he is sitting let him<br \/>\nappear as though about to rise, with his head forward. If you<br \/>\nrepresent him standing make him leaning slightly forward with body<br \/>\nand head towards the people. These you must represent as silent and<br \/>\nattentive, all looking at the orator&#8217;s face with gestures of<br \/>\nadmiration; and make some old men in astonishment at the things they<br \/>\nhear, with the corners of their mouths pulled down and drawn in,<br \/>\ntheir cheeks full of furrows, and their eyebrows raised, and<br \/>\nwrinkling the forehead where they meet. Again, some sitting with<br \/>\ntheir fingers clasped holding their weary knees. Again, some bent<br \/>\nold man, with one knee crossed over the other; on which let him hold<br \/>\nhis hand with his other elbow resting in it and the hand supporting<br \/>\nhis bearded chin.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketches introduced here are a facsimile of a pen and<br \/>\nink drawing in the Louvre which Herr CARL BRUN considers as studies<br \/>\nfor the Last Supper in the church of <em>Santa Maria delle Grazie<\/em> (see<br \/>\nLeonardo da Vinci, LXI, pp. 21, 27 and 28 in DOHME&#8217;S <em>Kunst und<br \/>\nKunstler<\/em>, Leipzig, Seemann). I shall not here enter into any<br \/>\ndiscussion of this suggestion; but as a justification for<br \/>\nintroducing the drawing in this place, I may point out that some of<br \/>\nthe figures illustrate this passage as perfectly as though they had<br \/>\nbeen drawn for that express purpose. I have discussed the<br \/>\nprobability of a connection between this sketch and the picture of<br \/>\nthe Last Supper on p. 335. The original drawing is 27 3\/4<br \/>\ncentimetres wide by 21 high.&#8211;The drawing in silver point on reddish<br \/>\npaper given on Pl. LII. No. 1&#8211;the original at Windsor Castle&#8211;may<br \/>\nalso serve to illustrate the subject of appropriate gestures,<br \/>\ntreated in Nos. 593 and 594.]<\/p>\n<p>595.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DISPOSITION OF LIMBS.<\/p>\n<p>As regards the disposition of limbs in movement you will have to<br \/>\nconsider that when you wish to represent a man who, by some chance,<br \/>\nhas to turn backwards or to one side, you must not make him move his<br \/>\nfeet and all his limbs towards the side to which he turns his head.<br \/>\nRather must you make the action proceed by degrees and through the<br \/>\ndifferent joints; that is, those of the foot, the knee and the hip<br \/>\nand the neck. And if you set him on the right leg, you must make the<br \/>\nleft knee bend inwards, and let his foot be slightly raised on the<br \/>\noutside, and the left shoulder be somewhat lower than the right,<br \/>\nwhile the nape of the neck is in a line directly over the outer<br \/>\nancle of the left foot. And the left shoulder will be in a<br \/>\nperpendicular line above the toes of the right foot. And always set<br \/>\nyour figures so that the side to which the head turns is not the<br \/>\nside to which the breast faces, since nature for our convenience has<br \/>\nmade us with a neck which bends with ease in many directions, the<br \/>\neye wishing to turn to various points, the different joints. And if<br \/>\nat any time you make a man sitting with his arms at work on<br \/>\nsomething which is sideways to him, make the upper part of his body<br \/>\nturn upon the hips.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare Pl. VII, No. 5. The original drawing at Windsor<br \/>\nCastle is numbered 104.]<\/p>\n<p>596.<\/p>\n<p>When you draw the nude always sketch the whole figure and then<br \/>\nfinish those limbs which seem to you the best, but make them act<br \/>\nwith the other limbs; otherwise you will get a habit of never<br \/>\nputting the limbs well together on the body.<\/p>\n<p>Never make the head turn the same way as the torso, nor the arm and<br \/>\nleg move together on the same side. And if the face is turned to the<br \/>\nright shoulder, make all the parts lower on the left side than on<br \/>\nthe right; and when you turn the body with the breast outwards, if<br \/>\nthe head turns to the left side make the parts on the right side<br \/>\nhigher than those on the left.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original MS. a much defaced sketch is to be seen<br \/>\nby the side of the second part of this chapter; its faded condition<br \/>\nhas rendered reproduction impossible. In M. RAVAISSON&#8217;S facsimile<br \/>\nthe outlines of the head have probably been touched up. This passage<br \/>\nhowever is fitly illustrated by the drawings on Pl. XXI.]<\/p>\n<p>597.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Of the nature of movements in man. Do not repeat the same gestures<br \/>\nin the limbs of men unless you are compelled by the necessity of<br \/>\ntheir action, as is shown in <em>a b<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. V, where part of the text is also reproduced. The<br \/>\neffaced figure to the extreme left has evidently been cancelled by<br \/>\nLeonardo himself as unsatisfactory.]<\/p>\n<p>598.<\/p>\n<p>The motions of men must be such as suggest their dignity or their<br \/>\nbaseness.<\/p>\n<p>599.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Make your work carry out your purpose and meaning. That is when you<br \/>\ndraw a figure consider well who it is and what you wish it to be<br \/>\ndoing.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>With regard to any action which you give in a picture to an old man<br \/>\nor to a young one, you must make it more energetic in the young man<br \/>\nin proportion as he is stronger than the old one; and in the same<br \/>\nway with a young man and an infant.<\/p>\n<p>600.<\/p>\n<p>OF SETTING ON THE LIMBS.<\/p>\n<p>The limbs which are used for labour must be muscular and those which<br \/>\nare not much used you must make without muscles and softly rounded.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE ACTION OF THE FIGURES.<\/p>\n<p>Represent your figures in such action as may be fitted to express<br \/>\nwhat purpose is in the mind of each; otherwise your art will not be<br \/>\nadmirable.<\/p>\n<p>V.<\/p>\n<p>SUGGESTIONS FOR COMPOSITIONS.<\/p>\n<p>Of painting battle pieces (601-603).<\/p>\n<p>601.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE WAY OF REPRESENTING A BATTLE.<\/p>\n<p>First you must represent the smoke of artillery mingling in the air<br \/>\nwith the dust and tossed up by the movement of horses and the<br \/>\ncombatants. And this mixture you must express thus: The dust, being<br \/>\na thing of earth, has weight; and although from its fineness it is<br \/>\neasily tossed up and mingles with the air, it nevertheless readily<br \/>\nfalls again. It is the finest part that rises highest; hence that<br \/>\npart will be least seen and will look almost of the same colour as<br \/>\nthe air. The higher the smoke mixed with the dust-laden air rises<br \/>\ntowards a certain level, the more it will look like a dark cloud;<br \/>\nand it will be seen that at the top, where the smoke is more<br \/>\nseparate from the dust, the smoke will assume a bluish tinge and the<br \/>\ndust will tend to its colour. This mixture of air, smoke and dust<br \/>\nwill look much lighter on the side whence the light comes than on<br \/>\nthe opposite side. The more the combatants are in this turmoil the<br \/>\nless will they be seen, and the less contrast will there be in their<br \/>\nlights and shadows. Their faces and figures and their appearance,<br \/>\nand the musketeers as well as those near them you must make of a<br \/>\nglowing red. And this glow will diminish in proportion as it is<br \/>\nremote from its cause.<\/p>\n<p>The figures which are between you and the light, if they be at a<br \/>\ndistance, will appear dark on a light background, and the lower part<br \/>\nof their legs near the ground will be least visible, because there<br \/>\nthe dust is coarsest and densest [19]. And if you introduce horses<br \/>\ngalloping outside the crowd, make the little clouds of dust distant<br \/>\nfrom each other in proportion to the strides made by the horses; and<br \/>\nthe clouds which are furthest removed from the horses, should be<br \/>\nleast visible; make them high and spreading and thin, and the nearer<br \/>\nones will be more conspicuous and smaller and denser [23]. The air<br \/>\nmust be full of arrows in every direction, some shooting upwards,<br \/>\nsome falling, some flying level. The balls from the guns must have a<br \/>\ntrain of smoke following their flight. The figures in the foreground<br \/>\nyou must make with dust on the hair and eyebrows and on other flat<br \/>\nplaces likely to retain it. The conquerors you will make rushing<br \/>\nonwards with their hair and other light things flying on the wind,<br \/>\nwith their brows bent down,<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 19&#8211;23. Compare 608. 57&#8211;75.]<\/p>\n<p>602.<\/p>\n<p>and with the opposite limbs thrust forward; that is where a man puts<br \/>\nforward the right foot the left arm must be advanced. And if you<br \/>\nmake any one fallen, you must show the place where he has slipped<br \/>\nand been dragged along the dust into blood stained mire; and in the<br \/>\nhalf-liquid earth arround show the print of the tramping of men and<br \/>\nhorses who have passed that way. Make also a horse dragging the dead<br \/>\nbody of his master, and leaving behind him, in the dust and mud, the<br \/>\ntrack where the body was dragged along. You must make the conquered<br \/>\nand beaten pale, their brows raised and knit, and the skin above<br \/>\ntheir brows furrowed with pain, the sides of the nose with wrinkles<br \/>\ngoing in an arch from the nostrils to the eyes, and make the<br \/>\nnostrils drawn up&#8211;which is the cause of the lines of which I<br \/>\nspeak&#8211;, and the lips arched upwards and discovering the upper<br \/>\nteeth; and the teeth apart as with crying out and lamentation. And<br \/>\nmake some one shielding his terrified eyes with one hand, the palm<br \/>\ntowards the enemy, while the other rests on the ground to support<br \/>\nhis half raised body. Others represent shouting with their mouths<br \/>\nopen, and running away. You must scatter arms of all sorts among the<br \/>\nfeet of the combatants, as broken shields, lances, broken swords and<br \/>\nother such objects. And you must make the dead partly or entirely<br \/>\ncovered with dust, which is changed into crimson mire where it has<br \/>\nmingled with the flowing blood whose colour shows it issuing in a<br \/>\nsinuous stream from the corpse. Others must be represented in the<br \/>\nagonies of death grinding their teeth, rolling their eyes, with<br \/>\ntheir fists clenched against their bodies and their legs contorted.<br \/>\nSome might be shown disarmed and beaten down by the enemy, turning<br \/>\nupon the foe, with teeth and nails, to take an inhuman and bitter<br \/>\nrevenge. You might see some riderless horse rushing among the enemy,<br \/>\nwith his mane flying in the wind, and doing no little mischief with<br \/>\nhis heels. Some maimed warrior may be seen fallen to the earth,<br \/>\ncovering himself with his shield, while the enemy, bending over him,<br \/>\ntries to deal him a deathstroke. There again might be seen a number<br \/>\nof men fallen in a heap over a dead horse. You would see some of the<br \/>\nvictors leaving the fight and issuing from the crowd, rubbing their<br \/>\neyes and cheeks with both hands to clean them of the dirt made by<br \/>\ntheir watering eyes smarting from the dust and smoke. The reserves<br \/>\nmay be seen standing, hopeful but cautious; with watchful eyes,<br \/>\nshading them with their hands and gazing through the dense and murky<br \/>\nconfusion, attentive to the commands of their captain. The captain<br \/>\nhimself, his staff raised, hurries towards these auxiliaries,<br \/>\npointing to the spot where they are most needed. And there may be a<br \/>\nriver into which horses are galloping, churning up the water all<br \/>\nround them into turbulent waves of foam and water, tossed into the<br \/>\nair and among the legs and bodies of the horses. And there must not<br \/>\nbe a level spot that is not trampled with gore.<\/p>\n<p>603.<\/p>\n<p>OF LIGHTING THE LOWER PARTS OF BODIES CLOSE TOGETHER, AS OF MEN IN<br \/>\nBATTLE.<\/p>\n<p>As to men and horses represented in battle, their different parts<br \/>\nwill be dark in proportion as they are nearer to the ground on which<br \/>\nthey stand. And this is proved by the sides of wells which grow<br \/>\ndarker in proportion to their depth, the reason of which is that the<br \/>\ndeepest part of the well sees and receives a smaller amount of the<br \/>\nluminous atmosphere than any other part.<\/p>\n<p>And the pavement, if it be of the same colour as the legs of these<br \/>\nsaid men and horses, will always be more lighted and at a more<br \/>\ndirect angle than the said legs &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>604.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE WAY TO REPRESENT A NIGHT [SCENE].<\/p>\n<p>That which is entirely bereft of light is all darkness; given a<br \/>\nnight under these conditions and that you want to represent a night<br \/>\nscene,&#8211;arrange that there shall be a great fire, then the objects<br \/>\nwhich are nearest to this fire will be most tinged with its colour;<br \/>\nfor those objects which are nearest to a coloured light participate<br \/>\nmost in its nature; as therefore you give the fire a red colour, you<br \/>\nmust make all the objects illuminated by it ruddy; while those which<br \/>\nare farther from the fire are more tinted by the black hue of night.<br \/>\nThe figures which are seen against the fire look dark in the glare<br \/>\nof the firelight because that side of the objects which you see is<br \/>\ntinged by the darkness of the night and not by the fire; and those<br \/>\nwho stand at the side are half dark and half red; while those who<br \/>\nare visible beyond the edges of the flame will be fully lighted by<br \/>\nthe ruddy glow against a black background. As to their gestures,<br \/>\nmake those which are near it screen themselves with their hands and<br \/>\ncloaks as a defence against the intense heat, and with their faces<br \/>\nturned away as if about to retire. Of those farther off represent<br \/>\nseveral as raising their hands to screen their eyes, hurt by the<br \/>\nintolerable glare.<\/p>\n<p>Of depicting a tempest (605. 606).<\/p>\n<p>605.<\/p>\n<p>Describe a wind on land and at sea. Describe a storm of rain.<\/p>\n<p>606.<\/p>\n<p>HOW TO REPRESENT A TEMPEST.<\/p>\n<p>If you wish to represent a tempest consider and arrange well its<br \/>\neffects as seen, when the wind, blowing over the face of the sea and<br \/>\nearth, removes and carries with it such things as are not fixed to<br \/>\nthe general mass. And to represent the storm accurately you must<br \/>\nfirst show the clouds scattered and torn, and flying with the wind,<br \/>\naccompanied by clouds of sand blown up from the sea shore, and<br \/>\nboughs and leaves swept along by the strength and fury of the blast<br \/>\nand scattered with other light objects through the air. Trees and<br \/>\nplants must be bent to the ground, almost as if they would follow<br \/>\nthe course of the gale, with their branches twisted out of their<br \/>\nnatural growth and their leaves tossed and turned about [Footnote<br \/>\n11: See Pl. XL, No. 2.]. Of the men who are there some must have<br \/>\nfallen to the ground and be entangled in their garments, and hardly<br \/>\nto be recognized for the dust, while those who remain standing may<br \/>\nbe behind some tree, with their arms round it that the wind may not<br \/>\ntear them away; others with their hands over their eyes for the<br \/>\ndust, bending to the ground with their clothes and hair streaming in<br \/>\nthe wind. [Footnote 15: See Pl. XXXIV, the right hand lower sketch.]<br \/>\nLet the sea be rough and tempestuous and full of foam whirled among<br \/>\nthe lofty waves, while the wind flings the lighter spray through the<br \/>\nstormy air, till it resembles a dense and swathing mist. Of the<br \/>\nships that are therein some should be shown with rent sails and the<br \/>\ntatters fluttering through the air, with ropes broken and masts<br \/>\nsplit and fallen. And the ship itself lying in the trough of the sea<br \/>\nand wrecked by the fury of the waves with the men shrieking and<br \/>\nclinging to the fragments of the vessel. Make the clouds driven by<br \/>\nthe impetuosity of the wind and flung against the lofty mountain<br \/>\ntops, and wreathed and torn like waves beating upon rocks; the air<br \/>\nitself terrible from the deep darkness caused by the dust and fog<br \/>\nand heavy clouds.<\/p>\n<p>Of representing the deluge (607-609).<\/p>\n<p>607.<\/p>\n<p>TO REPRESENT THE DELUGE.<\/p>\n<p>The air was darkened by the heavy rain whose oblique descent driven<br \/>\naslant by the rush of the winds, flew in drifts through the air not<br \/>\notherwise than as we see dust, varied only by the straight lines of<br \/>\nthe heavy drops of falling water. But it was tinged with the colour<br \/>\nof the fire kindled by the thunder-bolts by which the clouds were<br \/>\nrent and shattered; and whose flashes revealed the broad waters of<br \/>\nthe inundated valleys, above which was seen the verdure of the<br \/>\nbending tree tops. Neptune will be seen in the midst of the water<br \/>\nwith his trident, and [15] let AEolus with his winds be shown<br \/>\nentangling the trees floating uprooted, and whirling in the huge<br \/>\nwaves. The horizon and the whole hemisphere were obscure, but lurid<br \/>\nfrom the flashes of the incessant lightning. Men and birds might be<br \/>\nseen crowded on the tall trees which remained uncovered by the<br \/>\nswelling waters, originators of the mountains which surround the<br \/>\ngreat abysses [Footnote 23: Compare Vol. II. No. 979.].<\/p>\n<p>608.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DELUGE AND HOW TO REPRESENT IT IN A PICTURE.<\/p>\n<p>Let the dark and gloomy air be seen buffeted by the rush of contrary<br \/>\nwinds and dense from the continued rain mingled with hail and<br \/>\nbearing hither and thither an infinite number of branches torn from<br \/>\nthe trees and mixed with numberless leaves. All round may be seen<br \/>\nvenerable trees, uprooted and stripped by the fury of the winds; and<br \/>\nfragments of mountains, already scoured bare by the torrents,<br \/>\nfalling into those torrents and choking their valleys till the<br \/>\nswollen rivers overflow and submerge the wide lowlands and their<br \/>\ninhabitants. Again, you might have seen on many of the hill-tops<br \/>\nterrified animals of different kinds, collected together and subdued<br \/>\nto tameness, in company with men and women who had fled there with<br \/>\ntheir children. The waters which covered the fields, with their<br \/>\nwaves were in great part strewn with tables, bedsteads, boats and<br \/>\nvarious other contrivances made from necessity and the fear of<br \/>\ndeath, on which were men and women with their children amid sounds<br \/>\nof lamentation and weeping, terrified by the fury of the winds which<br \/>\nwith their tempestuous violence rolled the waters under and over and<br \/>\nabout the bodies of the drowned. Nor was there any object lighter<br \/>\nthan the water which was not covered with a variety of animals<br \/>\nwhich, having come to a truce, stood together in a frightened<br \/>\ncrowd&#8211;among them wolves, foxes, snakes and others&#8211;fleing from<br \/>\ndeath. And all the waters dashing on their shores seemed to be<br \/>\nbattling them with the blows of drowned bodies, blows which killed<br \/>\nthose in whom any life remained [19]. You might have seen<br \/>\nassemblages of men who, with weapons in their hands, defended the<br \/>\nsmall spots that remained to them against lions, wolves and beasts<br \/>\nof prey who sought safety there. Ah! what dreadful noises were heard<br \/>\nin the air rent by the fury of the thunder and the lightnings it<br \/>\nflashed forth, which darted from the clouds dealing ruin and<br \/>\nstriking all that opposed its course. Ah! how many you might have<br \/>\nseen closing their ears with their hands to shut out the tremendous<br \/>\nsounds made in the darkened air by the raging of the winds mingling<br \/>\nwith the rain, the thunders of heaven and the fury of the<br \/>\nthunder-bolts. Others were not content with shutting their eyes, but<br \/>\nlaid their hands one over the other to cover them the closer that<br \/>\nthey might not see the cruel slaughter of the human race by the<br \/>\nwrath of God. Ah! how many laments! and how many in their terror<br \/>\nflung themselves from the rocks! Huge branches of great oaks loaded<br \/>\nwith men were seen borne through the air by the impetuous fury of<br \/>\nthe winds. How many were the boats upset, some entire, and some<br \/>\nbroken in pieces, on the top of people labouring to escape with<br \/>\ngestures and actions of grief foretelling a fearful death. Others,<br \/>\nwith desperate act, took their own lives, hopeless of being able to<br \/>\nendure such suffering; and of these, some flung themselves from<br \/>\nlofty rocks, others strangled themselves with their own hands, other<br \/>\nseized their own children and violently slew them at a blow; some<br \/>\nwounded and killed themselves with their own weapons; others,<br \/>\nfalling on their knees recommended themselves to God. Ah! how many<br \/>\nmothers wept over their drowned sons, holding them upon their knees,<br \/>\nwith arms raised spread out towards heaven and with words and<br \/>\nvarious threatening gestures, upbraiding the wrath of the gods.<br \/>\nOthers with clasped hands and fingers clenched gnawed them and<br \/>\ndevoured them till they bled, crouching with their breast down on<br \/>\ntheir knees in their intense and unbearable anguish. Herds of<br \/>\nanimals were to be seen, such as horses, oxen, goats and swine<br \/>\nalready environed by the waters and left isolated on the high peaks<br \/>\nof the mountains, huddled together, those in the middle climbing to<br \/>\nthe top and treading on the others, and fighting fiercely<br \/>\nthemselves; and many would die for lack of food. Already had the<br \/>\nbirds begun to settle on men and on other animals, finding no land<br \/>\nuncovered which was not occupied by living beings, and already had<br \/>\nfamine, the minister of death, taken the lives of the greater number<br \/>\nof the animals, when the dead bodies, now fermented, where leaving<br \/>\nthe depth of the waters and were rising to the top. Among the<br \/>\nbuffeting waves, where they were beating one against the other, and,<br \/>\nlike as balls full of air, rebounded from the point of concussion,<br \/>\nthese found a resting place on the bodies of the dead. And above<br \/>\nthese judgements, the air was seen covered with dark clouds, riven<br \/>\nby the forked flashes of the raging bolts of heaven, lighting up on<br \/>\nall sides the depth of the gloom.<\/p>\n<p>The motion of the air is seen by the motion of the dust thrown up by<br \/>\nthe horse&#8217;s running and this motion is as swift in again filling up<br \/>\nthe vacuum left in the air which enclosed the horse, as he is rapid<br \/>\nin passing away from the air.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps it will seem to you that you may reproach me with having<br \/>\nrepresented the currents made through the air by the motion of the<br \/>\nwind notwithstanding that the wind itself is not visible in the air.<br \/>\nTo this I must answer that it is not the motion of the wind but only<br \/>\nthe motion of the things carried along by it which is seen in the<br \/>\nair.<\/p>\n<p>THE DIVISIONS. [Footnote 76: These observations, added at the bottom<br \/>\nof the page containing the full description of the doluge seem to<br \/>\nindicate that it was Leonardo&#8217;s intention to elaborate the subject<br \/>\nstill farther in a separate treatise.]<\/p>\n<p>Darkness, wind, tempest at sea, floods of water, forests on fire,<br \/>\nrain, bolts from heaven, earthquakes and ruins of mountains,<br \/>\noverthrow of cities [Footnote 81: <em>Spianamenti di citta<\/em> (overthrow<br \/>\nof cities). A considerable number of drawings in black chalk, at<br \/>\nWindsor, illustrate this catastrophe. Most of them are much rubbed;<br \/>\none of the least injured is reproduced at Pl. XXXIX. Compare also<br \/>\nthe pen and ink sketch Pl. XXXVI.].<\/p>\n<p>Whirlwinds which carry water [spouts] branches of trees, and men<br \/>\nthrough the air.<\/p>\n<p>Boughs stripped off by the winds, mingling by the meeting of the<br \/>\nwinds, with people upon them.<\/p>\n<p>Broken trees loaded with people.<\/p>\n<p>Ships broken to pieces, beaten on rocks.<\/p>\n<p>Flocks of sheep. Hail stones, thunderbolts, whirlwinds.<\/p>\n<p>People on trees which are unable to to support them; trees and<br \/>\nrocks, towers and hills covered with people, boats, tables, troughs,<br \/>\nand other means of floating. Hills covered with men, women and<br \/>\nanimals; and lightning from the clouds illuminating every thing.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This chapter, which, with the next one, is written on a<br \/>\nloose sheet, seems to be the passage to which one of the compilers<br \/>\nof the Vatican copy alluded when he wrote on the margin of fol. 36:<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Qua mi ricordo della mirabile discritione del Diluuio dello<br \/>\nautore.<\/em>&#8221; It is scarcely necessary to point out that these chapters<br \/>\nare among those which have never before been published. The<br \/>\ndescription in No. 607 may be regarded as a preliminary sketch for<br \/>\nthis one. As the MS. G. (in which it is to be found) must be<br \/>\nattributed to the period of about 1515 we may deduce from it the<br \/>\napproximate date of the drawings on Pl. XXXIV, XXXV, Nos. 2 and 3,<br \/>\nXXXVI and XXXVII, since they obviously belong to this text. The<br \/>\ndrawings No. 2 on Pl. XXXV are, in the original, side by side with<br \/>\nthe text of No. 608; lines 57 to 76 are shown in the facsimile. In<br \/>\nthe drawing in Indian ink given on Pl. XXXIV we see Wind-gods in the<br \/>\nsky, corresponding to the allusion to Aeolus in No. 607 1.<br \/>\n15.-Plates XXXVI and XXXVII form one sheet in the original. The<br \/>\ntexts reproduced on these Plates have however no connection with the<br \/>\nsketches, excepting the sketches of clouds on the right hand side.<br \/>\nThese texts are given as No. 477. The group of small figures on Pl.<br \/>\nXXXVII, to the left, seems to be intended for a &#8216;<em>congregatione<br \/>\nd&#8217;uomini.<\/em>&#8216; See No. 608, 1. 19.]<\/p>\n<p>609.<\/p>\n<p>DESCRIPTION OF THE DELUGE.<\/p>\n<p>Let there be first represented the summit of a rugged mountain with<br \/>\nvalleys surrounding its base, and on its sides let the surface of<br \/>\nthe soil be seen to slide, together with the small roots of the<br \/>\nbushes, denuding great portions of the surrounding rocks. And<br \/>\ndescending ruinous from these precipices in its boisterous course,<br \/>\nlet it dash along and lay bare the twisted and gnarled roots of<br \/>\nlarge trees overthrowing their roots upwards; and let the mountains,<br \/>\nas they are scoured bare, discover the profound fissures made in<br \/>\nthem by ancient earthquakes. The base of the mountains may be in<br \/>\ngreat part clothed and covered with ruins of shrubs, hurled down<br \/>\nfrom the sides of their lofty peaks, which will be mixed with mud,<br \/>\nroots, boughs of trees, with all sorts of leaves thrust in with the<br \/>\nmud and earth and stones. And into the depth of some valley may have<br \/>\nfallen the fragments of a mountain forming a shore to the swollen<br \/>\nwaters of its river; which, having already burst its banks, will<br \/>\nrush on in monstrous waves; and the greatest will strike upon and<br \/>\ndestroy the walls of the cities and farmhouses in the valley [14].<br \/>\nThen the ruins of the high buildings in these cities will throw up a<br \/>\ngreat dust, rising up in shape like smoke or wreathed clouds against<br \/>\nthe falling rain; But the swollen waters will sweep round the pool<br \/>\nwhich contains them striking in eddying whirlpools against the<br \/>\ndifferent obstacles, and leaping into the air in muddy foam; then,<br \/>\nfalling back, the beaten water will again be dashed into the air.<br \/>\nAnd the whirling waves which fly from the place of concussion, and<br \/>\nwhose impetus moves them across other eddies going in a contrary<br \/>\ndirection, after their recoil will be tossed up into the air but<br \/>\nwithout dashing off from the surface. Where the water issues from<br \/>\nthe pool the spent waves will be seen spreading out towards the<br \/>\noutlet; and there falling or pouring through the air and gaining<br \/>\nweight and impetus they will strike on the water below piercing it<br \/>\nand rushing furiously to reach its depth; from which being thrown<br \/>\nback it returns to the surface of the lake, carrying up the air that<br \/>\nwas submerged with it; and this remains at the outlet in foam<br \/>\nmingled with logs of wood and other matters lighter than water.<br \/>\nRound these again are formed the beginnings of waves which increase<br \/>\nthe more in circumference as they acquire more movement; and this<br \/>\nmovement rises less high in proportion as they acquire a broader<br \/>\nbase and thus they are less conspicuous as they die away. But if<br \/>\nthese waves rebound from various objects they then return in direct<br \/>\nopposition to the others following them, observing the same law of<br \/>\nincrease in their curve as they have already acquired in the<br \/>\nmovement they started with. The rain, as it falls from the clouds is<br \/>\nof the same colour as those clouds, that is in its shaded side;<br \/>\nunless indeed the sun&#8217;s rays should break through them; in that case<br \/>\nthe rain will appear less dark than the clouds. And if the heavy<br \/>\nmasses of ruin of large mountains or of other grand buildings fall<br \/>\ninto the vast pools of water, a great quantity will be flung into<br \/>\nthe air and its movement will be in a contrary direction to that of<br \/>\nthe object which struck the water; that is to say: The angle of<br \/>\nreflection will be equal to the angle of incidence. Of the objects<br \/>\ncarried down by the current, those which are heaviest or rather<br \/>\nlargest in mass will keep farthest from the two opposite shores. The<br \/>\nwater in the eddies revolves more swiftly in proportion as it is<br \/>\nnearer to their centre. The crests of the waves of the sea tumble to<br \/>\ntheir bases falling with friction on the bubbles of their sides; and<br \/>\nthis friction grinds the falling water into minute particles and<br \/>\nthis being converted into a dense mist, mingles with the gale in the<br \/>\nmanner of curling smoke and wreathing clouds, and at last it, rises<br \/>\ninto the air and is converted into clouds. But the rain which falls<br \/>\nthrough the atmosphere being driven and tossed by the winds becomes<br \/>\nrarer or denser according to the rarity or density of the winds that<br \/>\nbuffet it, and thus there is generated in the atmosphere a moisture<br \/>\nformed of the transparent particles of the rain which is near to the<br \/>\neye of the spectator. The waves of the sea which break on the slope<br \/>\nof the mountains which bound it, will foam from the velocity with<br \/>\nwhich they fall against these hills; in rushing back they will meet<br \/>\nthe next wave as it comes and and after a loud noise return in a<br \/>\ngreat flood to the sea whence they came. Let great numbers of<br \/>\ninhabitants&#8211;men and animals of all kinds&#8211;be seen driven [54] by<br \/>\nthe rising of the deluge to the peaks of the mountains in the midst<br \/>\nof the waters aforesaid.<\/p>\n<p>The wave of the sea at Piombino is all foaming water. [Footnote 55.<br \/>\n56: These two lines are written below the bottom sketch on Pl. XXXV,<br \/>\n3. The MS. Leic. being written about the year 1510 or later, it does<br \/>\nnot seem to me to follow that the sketches must have been made at<br \/>\nPiombino, where Leonardo was in the year 1502 and possibly returned<br \/>\nthere subsequently (see Vol. II. Topographical notes).]<\/p>\n<p>Of the water which leaps up from the spot where great masses fall on<br \/>\nits surface. Of the winds of Piombino at Piombino. Eddies of wind<br \/>\nand rain with boughs and shrubs mixed in the air. Emptying the boats<br \/>\nof the rain water.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketches on Pl. XXXV 3 stand by the side of lines 14<br \/>\nto 54.]<\/p>\n<p>Of depicting natural phenomena (610. 611).<\/p>\n<p>610.<\/p>\n<p>The tremendous fury of the wind driven by the falling in of the<br \/>\nhills on the caves within&#8211;by the falling of the hills which served<br \/>\nas roofs to these caverns.<\/p>\n<p>A stone flung through the air leaves on the eye which sees it the<br \/>\nimpression of its motion, and the same effect is produced by the<br \/>\ndrops of water which fall from the clouds when it [16] rains.<\/p>\n<p>[17] A mountain falling on a town, will fling up dust in the form of<br \/>\nclouds; but the colour of this dust will differ from that of the<br \/>\nclouds. Where the rain is thickest let the colour of the dust be<br \/>\nless conspicuous and where the dust is thickest let the rain be less<br \/>\nconspicuous. And where the rain is mingled with the wind and with<br \/>\nthe dust the clouds created by the rain must be more transparent<br \/>\nthan those of dust [alone]. And when flames of fire are mingled with<br \/>\nclouds of smoke and water very opaque and dark clouds will be formed<br \/>\n[Footnote 26-28: Compare Pl. XL, 1&#8211;the drawing in Indian ink on the<br \/>\nleft hand side, which seems to be a reminiscence of his observations<br \/>\nof an eruption (see his remarks on Mount Etna in Vol II).]. And the<br \/>\nrest of this subject will be treated in detail in the book on<br \/>\npainting.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See the sketches and text on Pl. XXXVIII, No. 1. Lines<br \/>\n1-16 are there given on the left hand side, 17-30 on the right. The<br \/>\nfour lines at the bottom on the right are given as No. 472. Above<br \/>\nthese texts, which are written backwards, there are in the original<br \/>\nsixteen lines in a larger writing from left to right, but only half<br \/>\nof this is here visible. They treat of the physical laws of motion<br \/>\nof air and water. It does not seem to me that there is any reason<br \/>\nfor concluding that this writing from left to right is spurious.<br \/>\nCompare with it the facsimile of the rough copy of Leonardo&#8217;s letter<br \/>\nto Ludovico il Moro in Vol. II.]<\/p>\n<p>611.<\/p>\n<p>People were to be seen eagerly embarking victuals on various kinds<br \/>\nof hastily made barks. But little of the waves were visible in those<br \/>\nplaces where the dark clouds and rain were reflected.<\/p>\n<p>But where the flashes caused by the bolts of heaven were reflected,<br \/>\nthere were seen as many bright spots, caused by the image of the<br \/>\nflashes, as there were waves to reflect them to the eye of the<br \/>\nspectator.<\/p>\n<p>The number of the images produced by the flash of lightning on the<br \/>\nwaves of the water were multiplied in proportion to the distance of<br \/>\nthe spectator&#8217;s eye.<\/p>\n<p>So also the number of the images was diminished in proportion as<br \/>\nthey were nearer the eye which saw them [Footnote 22. 23: <em>Com&#8217;e<br \/>\nprovato<\/em>. See Vol. II, Nos. 874-878 and 892-901], as it has been<br \/>\nproved in the definition of the luminosity of the moon, and of our<br \/>\nmarine horizon when the sun&#8217;s rays are reflected in it and the eye<br \/>\nwhich receives the reflection is remote from the sea.<\/p>\n<p>VI.<\/p>\n<p>THE ARTIST&#8217;S MATERIALS.<\/p>\n<p>Of chalk and paper (612&#8211;617).<\/p>\n<p>612.<\/p>\n<p>To make points [crayons] for colouring dry. Temper with a little wax<br \/>\nand do not dry it; which wax you must dissolve with water: so that<br \/>\nwhen the white lead is thus tempered, the water being distilled, may<br \/>\ngo off in vapour and the wax may remain; you will thus make good<br \/>\ncrayons; but you must know that the colours must be ground with a<br \/>\nhot stone.<\/p>\n<p>613.<\/p>\n<p>Chalk dissolves in wine and in vinegar or in aqua fortis and can be<br \/>\nrecombined with gum.<\/p>\n<p>614.<\/p>\n<p>PAPER FOR DRAWING UPON IN BLACK BY THE AID OF YOUR SPITTLE.<\/p>\n<p>Take powdered gall nuts and vitriol, powder them and spread them on<br \/>\npaper like a varnish, then write on it with a pen wetted with<br \/>\nspittle and it will turn as black as ink.<\/p>\n<p>615.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to make foreshortened letters stretch the paper in a<br \/>\ndrawing frame and then draw your letters and cut them out, and make<br \/>\nthe sunbeams pass through the holes on to another stretched paper,<br \/>\nand then fill up the angles that are wanting.<\/p>\n<p>616.<\/p>\n<p>This paper should be painted over with candle soot tempered with<br \/>\nthin glue, then smear the leaf thinly with white lead in oil as is<br \/>\ndone to the letters in printing, and then print in the ordinary way.<br \/>\nThus the leaf will appear shaded in the hollows and lighted on the<br \/>\nparts in relief; which however comes out here just the contrary.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text, which accompanies a facsimile impression of a<br \/>\nleaf of sage, has already been published in the <em>Saggio delle Opere<br \/>\ndi L. da Vinci<\/em>, Milano 1872, p. 11. G. GOVI observes on this<br \/>\npassage: &#8220;_Forse aveva egli pensato ancora a farsi un erbario, od<br \/>\nalmeno a riprodurre facilmente su carta le forme e i particolari<br \/>\ndelle foglie di diverse piante; poiche (modificando un metodo che<br \/>\nprobabilmente gli eia stato insegnato da altri, e che piu tardi si<br \/>\nlegge ripetuto in molti ricettarii e libri di segreti), accanto a<br \/>\nuna foglia di Salvia impressa in nero su carta bianca, lascio<br \/>\nscritto: Questa carta &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Erano i primi tentativi di quella riproduzione immediata delle parti<br \/>\nvegetali, che poi sotto il nome d&#8217;Impressione Naturale, fu condotta<br \/>\na tanta perfezione in questi ultimi tempi dal signor de Hauer e da<br \/>\naltri_.&#8221;]<\/p>\n<p>617.<\/p>\n<p>Very excellent will be a stiff white paper, made of the usual<br \/>\nmixture and filtered milk of an herb called calves foot; and when<br \/>\nthis paper is prepared and damped and folded and wrapped up it may<br \/>\nbe mixed with the mixture and thus left to dry; but if you break it<br \/>\nbefore it is moistened it becomes somewhat like the thin paste<br \/>\ncalled <em>lasagne<\/em> and you may then damp it and wrap it up and put it<br \/>\nin the mixture and leave it to dry; or again this paper may be<br \/>\ncovered with stiff transparent white and <em>sardonio<\/em> and then damped<br \/>\nso that it may not form angles and then covered up with strong<br \/>\ntransparent size and as soon as it is firm cut it two fingers, and<br \/>\nleave it to dry; again you may make stiff cardboard of <em>sardonio<\/em><br \/>\nand dry it and then place it between two sheets of papyrus and break<br \/>\nit inside with a wooden mallet with a handle and then open it with<br \/>\ncare holding the lower sheet of paper flat and firm so that the<br \/>\nbroken pieces be not separated; then have a sheet of paper covered<br \/>\nwith hot glue and apply it on the top of all these pieces and let<br \/>\nthem stick fast; then turn it upside down and apply transparent size<br \/>\nseveral times in the spaces between the pieces, each time pouring in<br \/>\nfirst some black and then some stiff white and each time leaving it<br \/>\nto dry; then smooth it and polish it.<\/p>\n<p>On the preparation and use of colours (618-627).<\/p>\n<p>618.<\/p>\n<p>To make a fine green take green and mix it with bitumen and you will<br \/>\nmake the shadows darker. Then, for lighter [shades] green with<br \/>\nyellow ochre, and for still lighter green with yellow, and for the<br \/>\nhigh lights pure yellow; then mix green and turmeric together and<br \/>\nglaze every thing with it. To make a fine red take cinnabar or red<br \/>\nchalk or burnt ochre for the dark shadows and for the lighter ones<br \/>\nred chalk and vermilion and for the lights pure vermilion and then<br \/>\nglaze with fine lake. To make good oil for painting. One part of<br \/>\noil, one of the first refining and one of the second.<\/p>\n<p>619.<\/p>\n<p>Use black in the shadow, and in the lights white, yellow, green,<br \/>\nvermilion and lake. Medium shadows; take the shadow as above and mix<br \/>\nit with the flesh tints just alluded to, adding to it a little<br \/>\nyellow and a little green and occasionally some lake; for the<br \/>\nshadows take green and lake for the middle shades.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 618 and 619: If we may judge from the flourishes with<br \/>\nwhich the writing is ornamented these passages must have been<br \/>\nwritten in Leonardo&#8217;s youth.]<\/p>\n<p>620.<\/p>\n<p>You can make a fine ochre by the same method as you use to make<br \/>\nwhite.<\/p>\n<p>621.<\/p>\n<p>A FINE YELLOW.<\/p>\n<p>Dissolve realgar with one part of orpiment, with aqua fortis.<\/p>\n<p>WHITE.<\/p>\n<p>Put the white into an earthen pot, and lay it no thicker than a<br \/>\nstring, and let it stand in the sun undisturbed for 2 days; and in<br \/>\nthe morning when the sun has dried off the night dews.<\/p>\n<p>622.<\/p>\n<p>To make reddish black for flesh tints take red rock crystals from<br \/>\nRocca Nova or garnets and mix them a little; again armenian bole is<br \/>\ngood in part.<\/p>\n<p>623.<\/p>\n<p>The shadow will be burnt ,terra-verte&#8217;.<\/p>\n<p>624.<\/p>\n<p>THE PROPORTIONS OF COLOURS.<\/p>\n<p>If one ounce of black mixed with one ounce of white gives a certain<br \/>\nshade of darkness, what shade of darkness will be produced by 2<br \/>\nounces of black to 1 ounce of white?<\/p>\n<p>625.<\/p>\n<p>Remix black, greenish yellow and at the end blue.<\/p>\n<p>626.<\/p>\n<p>Verdigris with aloes, or gall or turmeric makes a fine green and so<br \/>\nit does with saffron or burnt orpiment; but I doubt whether in a<br \/>\nshort time they will not turn black. Ultramarine blue and glass<br \/>\nyellow mixed together make a beautiful green for fresco, that is<br \/>\nwall-painting. Lac and verdigris make a good shadow for blue in oil<br \/>\npainting.<\/p>\n<p>627.<\/p>\n<p>Grind verdigris many times coloured with lemon juice and keep it<br \/>\naway from yellow (?).<\/p>\n<p>Of preparing the panel.<\/p>\n<p>628.<\/p>\n<p>TO PREPARE A PANEL FOR PAINTING ON.<\/p>\n<p>The panel should be cypress or pear or service-tree or walnut. You<br \/>\nmust coat it over with mastic and turpentine twice distilled and<br \/>\nwhite or, if you like, lime, and put it in a frame so that it may<br \/>\nexpand and shrink according to its moisture and dryness. Then give<br \/>\nit [a coat] of aqua vitae in which you have dissolved arsenic or<br \/>\n[corrosive] sublimate, 2 or 3 times. Then apply boiled linseed oil<br \/>\nin such a way as that it may penetrate every part, and before it is<br \/>\ncold rub it well with a cloth to dry it. Over this apply liquid<br \/>\nvarnish and white with a stick, then wash it with urine when it is<br \/>\ndry, and dry it again. Then pounce and outline your drawing finely<br \/>\nand over it lay a priming of 30 parts of verdigris with one of<br \/>\nverdigris with two of yellow.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: M. RAVAISSON&#8217;S reading varies from mine in the following<br \/>\npassages:<\/p>\n<p>1.<em>opero allor [?] bo [alloro?]<\/em> = &#8220;<em>ou bien de [laurier]<\/em>.&#8221;<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><em>fregalo bene con un panno<\/em>. He reads <em>pane<\/em> for <em>panno<\/em> and<br \/>\nrenders it. &#8220;<em>Frotte le bien avec un pain de facon [jusqu&#8217;a ce]<br \/>\nqu&#8217;il<\/em>&#8221; etc.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p><em>colla stecca po laua<\/em>. He reads &#8220;<em>polacca<\/em>&#8221; = &#8220;<em>avec le couteau<br \/>\nde bois [?] polonais [?]<\/em>.&#8221;]<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>The preparation of oils (629&#8211;634).<\/p>\n<p>629.<\/p>\n<p>OIL.<\/p>\n<p>Make some oil of mustard seed; and if you wish to make it with<br \/>\ngreater ease mix the ground seeds with linseed oil and put it all<br \/>\nunder the press.<\/p>\n<p>630.<\/p>\n<p>TO REMOVE THE SMELL OF OIL.<\/p>\n<p>Take the rank oil and put ten pints into a jar and make a mark on<br \/>\nthe jar at the height of the oil; then add to it a pint of vinegar<br \/>\nand make it boil till the oil has sunk to the level of the mark and<br \/>\nthus you will be certain that the oil is returned to its original<br \/>\nquantity and the vinegar will have gone off in vapour, carrying with<br \/>\nit the evil smell; and I believe you may do the same with nut oil or<br \/>\nany other oil that smells badly.<\/p>\n<p>631.<\/p>\n<p>Since walnuts are enveloped in a thin rind, which partakes of the<br \/>\nnature of &#8230;, if you do not remove it when you make the oil from<br \/>\nthem, this skin tinges the oil, and when you work with it this skin<br \/>\nseparates from the oil and rises to the surface of the painting, and<br \/>\nthis is what makes it change.<\/p>\n<p>632.<\/p>\n<p>TO RESTORE OIL COLOURS THAT HAVE BECOME DRY.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to restore oil colours that have become dry keep them<br \/>\nsoaking in soft soap for a night and, with your finger, mix them up<br \/>\nwith the soft soap; then pour them into a cup and wash them with<br \/>\nwater, and in this way you can restore colours that have got dry.<br \/>\nBut take care that each colour has its own vessel to itself adding<br \/>\nthe colour by degrees as you restore it and mind that they are<br \/>\nthoroughly softened, and when you wish to use them for tempera wash<br \/>\nthem five and six times with spring water, and leave them to settle;<br \/>\nif the soft soap should be thick with any of the colours pass it<br \/>\nthrough a filter. [Footnote: The same remark applies to these<br \/>\nsections as to No. 618 and 619.]<\/p>\n<p>633.<\/p>\n<p>OIL.<\/p>\n<p>Mustard seed pounded with linseed oil.<\/p>\n<p>634.<\/p>\n<p>&#8230; outside the bowl 2 fingers lower than the level of the oil, and<br \/>\npass it into the neck of a bottle and let it stand and thus all the<br \/>\noil will separate from this milky liquid; it will enter the bottle<br \/>\nand be as clear as crystal; and grind your colours with this, and<br \/>\nevery coarse or viscid part will remain in the liquid. You must know<br \/>\nthat all the oils that have been created in seads or fruits are<br \/>\nquite clear by nature, and the yellow colour you see in them only<br \/>\ncomes of your not knowing how to draw it out. Fire or heat by its<br \/>\nnature has the power to make them acquire colour. See for example<br \/>\nthe exudation or gums of trees which partake of the nature of rosin;<br \/>\nin a short time they harden because there is more heat in them than<br \/>\nin oil; and after some time they acquire a certain yellow hue<br \/>\ntending to black. But oil, not having so much heat does not do so;<br \/>\nalthough it hardens to some extent into sediment it becomes finer.<br \/>\nThe change in oil which occurs in painting proceeds from a certain<br \/>\nfungus of the nature of a husk which exists in the skin which covers<br \/>\nthe nut, and this being crushed along with the nuts and being of a<br \/>\nnature much resembling oil mixes with it; it is of so subtle a<br \/>\nnature that it combines with all colours and then comes to the<br \/>\nsurface, and this it is which makes them change. And if you want the<br \/>\noil to be good and not to thicken, put into it a little camphor<br \/>\nmelted over a slow fire and mix it well with the oil and it will<br \/>\nnever harden.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The same remark applies to these sections as to No. 618<br \/>\nand 619.]<\/p>\n<p>On varnishes [or powders] (635-637).<\/p>\n<p>635.<\/p>\n<p>VARNISH [OR POWDER].<\/p>\n<p>Take cypress [oil] and distil it and have a large pitcher, and put<br \/>\nin the extract with so much water as may make it appear like amber,<br \/>\nand cover it tightly so that none may evaporate. And when it is<br \/>\ndissolved you may add in your pitcher as much of the said solution,<br \/>\nas shall make it liquid to your taste. And you must know that amber<br \/>\nis the gum of the cypress-tree.<\/p>\n<p>VARNISH [OR POWDER].<\/p>\n<p>And since varnish [powder] is the resin of juniper, if you distil<br \/>\njuniper you can dissolve the said varnish [powder] in the essence,<br \/>\nas explained above.<\/p>\n<p>636.<\/p>\n<p>VARNISH [OR POWDER].<\/p>\n<p>Notch a juniper tree and give it water at the roots, mix the liquor<br \/>\nwhich exudes with nut-oil and you will have a perfect varnish<br \/>\n[powder], made like amber varnish [powder], fine and of the best<br \/>\nquality make it in May or April.<\/p>\n<p>637.<\/p>\n<p>VARNISH [OR POWDER].<\/p>\n<p>Mercury with Jupiter and Venus,&#8211;a paste made of these must be<br \/>\ncorrected by the mould (?) continuously, until Mercury separates<br \/>\nitself entirely from Jupiter and Venus. [Footnote: Here, and in No.<br \/>\n641 <em>Mercurio<\/em> seems to mean quicksilver, <em>Giove<\/em> stands for iron,<br \/>\n<em>Venere<\/em> for copper and <em>Saturno<\/em> for lead.]<\/p>\n<p>On chemical materials (638-650).<\/p>\n<p>638.<\/p>\n<p>Note how aqua vitae absorbs into itself all the colours and smells<br \/>\nof flowers. If you want to make blue put iris flowers into it and<br \/>\nfor red solanum berries (?)<\/p>\n<p>639.<\/p>\n<p>Salt may be made from human excrement burnt and calcined and made<br \/>\ninto lees, and dried by a slow fire, and all dung in like manner<br \/>\nyields salt, and these salts when distilled are very pungent.<\/p>\n<p>640.<\/p>\n<p>Sea water filtered through mud or clay, leaves all its saltness in<br \/>\nit. Woollen stuffs placed on board ship absorb fresh water. If sea<br \/>\nwater is distilled under a retort it becomes of the first excellence<br \/>\nand any one who has a little stove in his kitchen can, with the same<br \/>\nwood as he cooks with, distil a great quantity of water if the<br \/>\nretort is a large one.<\/p>\n<p>641.<\/p>\n<p>MOULD(?).<\/p>\n<p>The mould (?) may be of Venus, or of Jupiter and Saturn and placed<br \/>\nfrequently in the fire. And it should be worked with fine emery and<br \/>\nthe mould (?) should be of Venus and Jupiter impasted over (?)<br \/>\nVenus. But first you will test Venus and Mercury mixed with Jove,<br \/>\nand take means to cause Mercury to disperse; and then fold them well<br \/>\ntogether so that Venus or Jupiter be connected as thinly as<br \/>\npossible.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See the note to 637.]<\/p>\n<p>642.<\/p>\n<p>Nitre, vitriol, cinnabar, alum, salt ammoniac, sublimated mercury,<br \/>\nrock salt, alcali salt, common salt, rock alum, alum schist (?),<br \/>\narsenic, sublimate, realgar, tartar, orpiment, verdegris.<\/p>\n<p>643.<\/p>\n<p>Pitch four ounces virgin wax, four ounces incense, two ounces oil of<br \/>\nroses one ounce.<\/p>\n<p>644.<\/p>\n<p>Four ounces virgin wax, four ounces Greek pitch, two ounces incense,<br \/>\none ounce oil of roses, first melt the wax and oil then the Greek<br \/>\npitch then the other things in powder.<\/p>\n<p>645.<\/p>\n<p>Very thin glass may be cut with scissors and when placed over inlaid<br \/>\nwork of bone, gilt, or stained of other colours you can saw it<br \/>\nthrough together with the bone and then put it together and it will<br \/>\nretain a lustre that will not be scratched nor worn away by rubbing<br \/>\nwith the hand.<\/p>\n<p>646.<\/p>\n<p>TO DILUTE WHITE WINE AND MAKE IT PURPLE.<\/p>\n<p>Powder gall nuts and let this stand 8 days in the white wine; and in<br \/>\nthe same way dissolve vitriol in water, and let the water stand and<br \/>\nsettle very clear, and the wine likewise, each by itself, and strain<br \/>\nthem well; and when you dilute the white wine with the water the<br \/>\nwine will become red.<\/p>\n<p>647.<\/p>\n<p>Put marcasite into aqua fortis and if it turns green, know that it<br \/>\nhas copper in it. Take it out with saltpetre and soft soap.<\/p>\n<p>648.<\/p>\n<p>A white horse may have the spots removed with the Spanish haematite<br \/>\nor with aqua fortis or with &#8230; Removes the black hair on a white<br \/>\nhorse with the singeing iron. Force him to the ground.<\/p>\n<p>649.<\/p>\n<p>FIRE.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to make a fire which will set a hall in a blaze without<br \/>\ninjury do this: first perfume the hall with a dense smoke of incense<br \/>\nor some other odoriferous substance: It is a good trick to play. Or<br \/>\nboil ten pounds of brandy to evaporate, but see that the hall is<br \/>\ncompletely closed and throw up some powdered varnish among the fumes<br \/>\nand this powder will be supported by the smoke; then go into the<br \/>\nroom suddenly with a lighted torch and at once it will be in a<br \/>\nblaze.<\/p>\n<p>650.<\/p>\n<p>FIRE.<\/p>\n<p>Take away that yellow surface which covers oranges and distill them<br \/>\nin an alembic, until the distillation may be said to be perfect.<\/p>\n<p>FIRE.<\/p>\n<p>Close a room tightly and have a brasier of brass or iron with fire<br \/>\nin it and sprinkle on it two pints of aqua vitae, a little at a<br \/>\ntime, so that it may be converted into smoke. Then make some one<br \/>\ncome in with a light and suddenly you will see the room in a blaze<br \/>\nlike a flash of lightning, and it will do no harm to any one.<\/p>\n<p>VII.<\/p>\n<p>PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY OF THE ART OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>The relation of art and nature (651. 652).<\/p>\n<p>651.<\/p>\n<p>What is fair in men, passes away, but not so in art.<\/p>\n<p>652.<\/p>\n<p>HE WHO DESPISES PAINTING LOVES NEITHER PHILOSOPHY NOR NATURE.<\/p>\n<p>If you condemn painting, which is the only imitator of all visible<br \/>\nworks of nature, you will certainly despise a subtle invention which<br \/>\nbrings philosophy and subtle speculation to the consideration of the<br \/>\nnature of all forms&#8211;seas and plains, trees, animals, plants and<br \/>\nflowers&#8211;which are surrounded by shade and light. And this is true<br \/>\nknowledge and the legitimate issue of nature; for painting is born<br \/>\nof nature&#8211;or, to speak more correctly, we will say it is the<br \/>\ngrandchild of nature; for all visible things are produced by nature,<br \/>\nand these her children have given birth to painting. Hence we may<br \/>\njustly call it the grandchild of nature and related to God.<\/p>\n<p>Painting is superior to poetry (653. 654).<\/p>\n<p>653.<\/p>\n<p>THAT PAINTING SURPASSES ALL HUMAN WORKS BY THE SUBTLE CONSIDERATIONS<br \/>\nBELONGING TO IT.<\/p>\n<p>The eye, which is called the window of the soul, is the principal<br \/>\nmeans by which the central sense can most completely and abundantly<br \/>\nappreciate the infinite works of nature; and the ear is the second,<br \/>\nwhich acquires dignity by hearing of the things the eye has seen. If<br \/>\nyou, historians, or poets, or mathematicians had not seen things<br \/>\nwith your eyes you could not report of them in writing. And if you,<br \/>\n0 poet, tell a story with your pen, the painter with his brush can<br \/>\ntell it more easily, with simpler completeness and less tedious to<br \/>\nbe understood. And if you call painting dumb poetry, the painter may<br \/>\ncall poetry blind painting. Now which is the worse defect? to be<br \/>\nblind or dumb? Though the poet is as free as the painter in the<br \/>\ninvention of his fictions they are not so satisfactory to men as<br \/>\npaintings; for, though poetry is able to describe forms, actions and<br \/>\nplaces in words, the painter deals with the actual similitude of the<br \/>\nforms, in order to represent them. Now tell me which is the nearer<br \/>\nto the actual man: the name of man or the image of the man. The name<br \/>\nof man differs in different countries, but his form is never changed<br \/>\nbut by death.<\/p>\n<p>654.<\/p>\n<p>And if the poet gratifies the sense by means of the ear, the painter<br \/>\ndoes so by the eye&#8211;the worthier sense; but I will say no more of<br \/>\nthis but that, if a good painter represents the fury of a battle,<br \/>\nand if a poet describes one, and they are both together put before<br \/>\nthe public, you will see where most of the spectators will stop, to<br \/>\nwhich they will pay most attention, on which they will bestow most<br \/>\npraise, and which will satisfy them best. Undoubtedly painting being<br \/>\nby a long way the more intelligible and beautiful, will please most.<br \/>\nWrite up the name of God [Christ] in some spot and setup His image<br \/>\nopposite and you will see which will be most reverenced. Painting<br \/>\ncomprehends in itself all the forms of nature, while you have<br \/>\nnothing but words, which are not universal as form is, and if you<br \/>\nhave the effects of the representation, we have the representation<br \/>\nof the effects. Take a poet who describes the beauty of a lady to<br \/>\nher lover and a painter who represents her and you will see to which<br \/>\nnature guides the enamoured critic. Certainly the proof should be<br \/>\nallowed to rest on the verdict of experience. You have ranked<br \/>\npainting among the mechanical arts but, in truth, if painters were<br \/>\nas apt at praising their own works in writing as you are, it would<br \/>\nnot lie under the stigma of so base a name. If you call it<br \/>\nmechanical because it is, in the first place, manual, and that it is<br \/>\nthe hand which produces what is to be found in the imagination, you<br \/>\ntoo writers, who set down manually with the pen what is devised in<br \/>\nyour mind. And if you say it is mechanical because it is done for<br \/>\nmoney, who falls into this error&#8211;if error it can be called&#8211;more<br \/>\nthan you? If you lecture in the schools do you not go to whoever<br \/>\npays you most? Do you do any work without pay? Still, I do not say<br \/>\nthis as blaming such views, for every form of labour looks for its<br \/>\nreward. And if a poet should say: &#8220;I will invent a fiction with a<br \/>\ngreat purpose,&#8221; the painter can do the same, as Apelles painted<br \/>\nCalumny. If you were to say that poetry is more eternal, I say the<br \/>\nworks of a coppersmith are more eternal still, for time preserves<br \/>\nthem longer than your works or ours; nevertheless they have not much<br \/>\nimagination [29]. And a picture, if painted on copper with enamel<br \/>\ncolours may be yet more permanent. We, by our arts may be called the<br \/>\ngrandsons of God. If poetry deals with moral philosophy, painting<br \/>\ndeals with natural philosophy. Poetry describes the action of the<br \/>\nmind, painting considers what the mind may effect by the motions [of<br \/>\nthe body]. If poetry can terrify people by hideous fictions,<br \/>\npainting can do as much by depicting the same things in action.<br \/>\nSupposing that a poet applies himself to represent beauty, ferocity,<br \/>\nor a base, a foul or a monstrous thing, as against a painter, he may<br \/>\nin his ways bring forth a variety of forms; but will the painter not<br \/>\nsatisfy more? are there not pictures to be seen, so like the actual<br \/>\nthings, that they deceive men and animals?<\/p>\n<p>Painting is superior to sculpture (655. 656).<\/p>\n<p>655.<\/p>\n<p>THAT SCULPTURE IS LESS INTELLECTUAL THAN PAINTING, AND LACKS MANY<br \/>\nCHARACTERISTICS OF NATURE.<\/p>\n<p>I myself, having exercised myself no less in sculpture than in<br \/>\npainting and doing both one and the other in the same degree, it<br \/>\nseems to me that I can, without invidiousness, pronounce an opinion<br \/>\nas to which of the two is of the greatest merit and difficulty and<br \/>\nperfection. In the first place sculpture requires a certain light,<br \/>\nthat is from above, a picture carries everywhere with it its own<br \/>\nlight and shade. Thus sculpture owes its importance to light and<br \/>\nshade, and the sculptor is aided in this by the nature, of the<br \/>\nrelief which is inherent in it, while the painter whose art<br \/>\nexpresses the accidental aspects of nature, places his effects in<br \/>\nthe spots where nature must necessarily produce them. The sculptor<br \/>\ncannot diversify his work by the various natural colours of objects;<br \/>\npainting is not defective in any particular. The sculptor when he<br \/>\nuses perspective cannot make it in any way appear true; that of the<br \/>\npainter can appear like a hundred miles beyond the picture itself.<br \/>\nTheir works have no aerial perspective whatever, they cannot<br \/>\nrepresent transparent bodies, they cannot represent luminous bodies,<br \/>\nnor reflected lights, nor lustrous bodies&#8211;as mirrors and the like<br \/>\npolished surfaces, nor mists, nor dark skies, nor an infinite number<br \/>\nof things which need not be told for fear of tedium. As regards the<br \/>\npower of resisting time, though they have this resistance [Footnote<br \/>\n19: From what is here said as to painting on copper it is very<br \/>\nevident that Leonardo was not acquainted with the method of painting<br \/>\nin oil on thin copper plates, introduced by the Flemish painters of<br \/>\nthe XVIIth century. J. LERMOLIEFF has already pointed out that in<br \/>\nthe various collections containing pictures by the great masters of<br \/>\nthe Italian Renaissance, those painted on copper (for instance the<br \/>\nfamous reading Magdalen in the Dresden Gallery) are the works of a<br \/>\nmuch later date (see <em>Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst<\/em>. Vol. X pg.<br \/>\n333, and: <em>Werke italienischer Master in den Galerien von Munchen,<br \/>\nDresden und Berlin<\/em>. Leipzig 1880, pg. 158 and 159.)&#8211;Compare No.<br \/>\n654, 29.], a picture painted on thick copper covered with white<br \/>\nenamel on which it is painted with enamel colours and then put into<br \/>\nthe fire again and baked, far exceeds sculpture in permanence. It<br \/>\nmay be said that if a mistake is made it is not easy to remedy it;<br \/>\nit is but a poor argument to try to prove that a work be the nobler<br \/>\nbecause oversights are irremediable; I should rather say that it<br \/>\nwill be more difficult to improve the mind of the master who makes<br \/>\nsuch mistakes than to repair the work he has spoilt.<\/p>\n<p>656.<\/p>\n<p>We know very well that a really experienced and good painter will<br \/>\nnot make such mistakes; on the contrary, with sound rules he will<br \/>\nremove so little at a time that he will bring his work to a good<br \/>\nissue. Again the sculptor if working in clay or wax, can add or<br \/>\nreduce, and when his model is finished it can easily be cast in<br \/>\nbronze, and this is the last operation and is the most permanent<br \/>\nform of sculpture. Inasmuch as that which is merely of marble is<br \/>\nliable to ruin, but not bronze. Hence a painting done on copper<br \/>\nwhich as I said of painting may be added to or altered, resembles<br \/>\nsculpture in bronze, which, having first been made in wax could then<br \/>\nbe altered or added to; and if sculpture in bronze is durable, this<br \/>\nwork in copper and enamel is absolutely imperishable. Bronze is but<br \/>\ndark and rough after all, but this latter is covered with various<br \/>\nand lovely colours in infinite variety, as has been said above; or<br \/>\nif you will have me only speak of painting on panel, I am content to<br \/>\npronounce between it and sculpture; saying that painting is the more<br \/>\nbeautiful and the more imaginative and the more copious, while<br \/>\nsculpture is the more durable but it has nothing else. Sculpture<br \/>\nshows with little labour what in painting appears a miraculous thing<br \/>\nto do; to make what is impalpable appear palpable, flat objects<br \/>\nappear in relief, distant objects seem close. In fact painting is<br \/>\nadorned with infinite possibilities which sculpture cannot command.<\/p>\n<p>Aphorisms (657-659).<\/p>\n<p>657.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>Men and words are ready made, and you, O Painter, if you do not know<br \/>\nhow to make your figures move, are like an orator who knows not how<br \/>\nto use his words.<\/p>\n<p>658.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as the poet ceases to represent in words what exists in<br \/>\nnature, he in fact ceases to resemble the painter; for if the poet,<br \/>\nleaving such representation, proceeds to describe the flowery and<br \/>\nflattering speech of the figure, which he wishes to make the<br \/>\nspeaker, he then is an orator and no longer a poet nor a painter.<br \/>\nAnd if he speaks of the heavens he becomes an astrologer, and<br \/>\nphilosopher; and a theologian, if he discourses of nature or God.<br \/>\nBut, if he restricts himself to the description of objects, he would<br \/>\nenter the lists against the painter, if with words he could satisfy<br \/>\nthe eye as the painter does.<\/p>\n<p>659.<\/p>\n<p>Though you may be able to tell or write the exact description of<br \/>\nforms, the painter can so depict them that they will appear alive,<br \/>\nwith the shadow and light which show the expression of a face; which<br \/>\nyou cannot accomplish with the pen though it can be achieved by the<br \/>\nbrush.<\/p>\n<p>On the history of painting (660. 661).<\/p>\n<p>660.<\/p>\n<p>THAT PAINTING DECLINES AND DETERIORATES FROM AGE TO AGE, WHEN<br \/>\nPAINTERS HAVE NO OTHER STANDARD THAN PAINTING ALREADY DONE.<\/p>\n<p>Hence the painter will produce pictures of small merit if he takes<br \/>\nfor his standard the pictures of others. But if he will study from<br \/>\nnatural objects he will bear good fruit; as was seen in the painters<br \/>\nafter the Romans who always imitated each other and so their art<br \/>\nconstantly declined from age to age. After these came Giotto the<br \/>\nFlorentine who&#8211;not content with imitating the works of Cimabue his<br \/>\nmaster&#8211;being born in the mountains and in a solitude inhabited only<br \/>\nby goats and such beasts, and being guided by nature to his art,<br \/>\nbegan by drawing on the rocks the movements of the goats of which he<br \/>\nwas keeper. And thus he began to draw all the animals which were to<br \/>\nbe found in the country, and in such wise that after much study he<br \/>\nexcelled not only all the masters of his time but all those of many<br \/>\nbygone ages. Afterwards this art declined again, because everyone<br \/>\nimitated the pictures that were already done; thus it went on from<br \/>\ncentury to century until Tomaso, of Florence, nicknamed Masaccio,<br \/>\nshowed by his perfect works how those who take for their standard<br \/>\nany one but nature&#8211;the mistress of all masters&#8211;weary themselves in<br \/>\nvain. And, I would say about these mathematical studies that those<br \/>\nwho only study the authorities and not the works of nature are<br \/>\ndescendants but not sons of nature the mistress of all good authors.<br \/>\nOh! how great is the folly of those who blame those who learn from<br \/>\nnature [Footnote 22: <em>lasciando stare li autori<\/em>. In this<br \/>\nobservation we may detect an indirect evidence that Leonardo<br \/>\nregarded his knowledge of natural history as derived from his own<br \/>\ninvestigations, as well as his theories of perspective and optics.<br \/>\nCompare what he says in praise of experience (Vol II; <em>XIX<\/em>).],<br \/>\nsetting aside those authorities who themselves were the disciples of<br \/>\nnature.<\/p>\n<p>661.<\/p>\n<p>That the first drawing was a simple line drawn round the shadow of a<br \/>\nman cast by the sun on a wall.<\/p>\n<p>The painter&#8217;s scope.<\/p>\n<p>662.<\/p>\n<p>The painter strives and competes with nature.<\/p>\n<p>_X.<\/p>\n<p>Studies and Sketches for Pictures and Decorations.<\/p>\n<p>An artist&#8217;s manuscript notes can hardly be expected to contain any<br \/>\nthing more than incidental references to those masterpieces of his<br \/>\nwork of which the fame, sounded in the writings of his<br \/>\ncontemporaries, has left a glorious echo to posterity. We need not<br \/>\ntherefore be surprised to find that the texts here reproduced do not<br \/>\nafford us such comprehensive information as we could wish. On the<br \/>\nother hand, the sketches and studies prepared by Leonardo for the<br \/>\ntwo grandest compositions he ever executed: The Fresco of the Last<br \/>\nSupper in the Refectory of Santa Maria delle Grazie at Milan, and<br \/>\nthe Cartoon of the Battle of Anghiari, for the Palazzo della<br \/>\nSignoria at Florence&#8211;have been preserved; and, though far from<br \/>\ncomplete, are so much more numerous than the manuscript notes, that<br \/>\nwe are justified in asserting that in value and interest they amply<br \/>\ncompensate for the meagerness of the written suggestions.<\/p>\n<p>The notes for the composition of the Last Supper, which are given<br \/>\nunder nos._ 665 <em>and<\/em> 666 <em>occur in a MS. at South Kensington, II2,<br \/>\nwritten in the years<\/em> 1494-1495. <em>This MS. sketch was noted down not<br \/>\nmore than three or four years before the painting was executed,<br \/>\nwhich justifies the inference that at the time when it was written<br \/>\nthe painter had not made up his mind definitely even as to the<br \/>\ngeneral scheme of the work; and from this we may also conclude that<br \/>\nthe drawings of apostles&#8217; heads at Windsor, in red chalk, must be<br \/>\nascribed to a later date. They are studies for the head of St.<br \/>\nMatthew, the fourth figure on Christ&#8217;s left hand&#8211;see Pl. XL VII,<br \/>\nthe sketch (in black chalk) for the head of St. Philip, the third<br \/>\nfigure on the left hand&#8211;see Pl. XL VIII, for St. Peter&#8217;s right<br \/>\narm&#8211;see Pl. XLIX, and for the expressive head of Judas which has<br \/>\nunfortunately somewhat suffered by subsequent restoration of<br \/>\noutlines,&#8211;see Pl. L. According to a tradition, as unfounded as it<br \/>\nis improbable, Leonardo made use of the head of Padre Bandelli, the<br \/>\nprior of the convent, as the prototype of his Judas; this however<br \/>\nhas already been contradicted by Amoretti &#8220;Memorie storiche&#8221; cap.<br \/>\nXIV. The study of the head of a criminal on Pl. LI has, it seems to<br \/>\nme, a better claim to be regarded as one of the preparatory sketches<br \/>\nfor the head of Judas. The Windsor collection contains two old<br \/>\ncopies of the head of St. Simon, the figure to the extreme left of<br \/>\nChrist, both of about equal merit (they are marked as Nos.<\/em> 21 <em>and<\/em><br \/>\n36_)&#8211;the second was reproduced on Pl. VIII of the Grosvenor<br \/>\nGallery Publication in_ 1878. <em>There is also at Windsor a drawing in<br \/>\nblack chalk of folded hands (marked with the old No.<\/em> 212; _No. LXI<br \/>\nof the Grosvenor Gallery Publication) which I believe to be a copy<br \/>\nof the hands of St. John, by some unknown pupil. A reproduction of<br \/>\nthe excellent drawings of heads of Apostles in the possession of H.<br \/>\nR. H. the Grand Duchess of Weimar would have been out of my province<br \/>\nin this work, and, with regard to them, I must confine myself to<br \/>\npointing out that the difference in style does not allow of our<br \/>\nplacing the Weimar drawings in the same category as those here<br \/>\nreproduced. The mode of grouping in the Weimar drawings is of itself<br \/>\nsufficient to indicate that they were not executed before the<br \/>\npicture was painted, but, on the contrary, afterwards, and it is, on<br \/>\nthe face of it, incredible that so great a master should thus have<br \/>\ncopied from his own work.<\/p>\n<p>The drawing of Christ&#8217;s head, in the Brera palace at Milan was<br \/>\nperhaps originally the work of Leonardo&#8217;s hand; it has unfortunately<br \/>\nbeen entirely retouched and re-drawn, so that no decisive opinion<br \/>\ncan be formed as to its genuineness.<\/p>\n<p>The red chalk drawing reproduced on Pl. XLVI is in the Accademia at<br \/>\nVenice; it was probably made before the text, Nos._ 664 <em>and<\/em> 665,<br \/>\n_was written.<\/p>\n<p>The two pen and ink sketches on Pl. XLV seem to belong to an even<br \/>\nearlier date; the more finished drawing of the two, on the right<br \/>\nhand, represents Christ with only St. John and Judas and a third<br \/>\ndisciple whose action is precisely that described in No._ 666,<br \/>\n<em>Pl.<\/em> 4. <em>It is hardly necessary to observe that the other sketches<br \/>\non this page and the lines of text below the circle (containing the<br \/>\nsolution of a geometrical problem) have no reference to the picture<br \/>\nof the Last Supper. With this figure of Christ may be compared a<br \/>\nsimilar pen and ink drawing reproduced on page<\/em> 297 <em>below on the<br \/>\nleft hand; the original is in the Louvre. On this page again the<br \/>\nrest of the sketches have no direct bearing on the composition of<br \/>\nthe Last Supper, not even, as it seems to me, the group of four men<br \/>\nat the bottom to the right hand&#8211;who are listening to a fifth, in<br \/>\ntheir midst addressing them. Moreover the writing on this page (an<br \/>\nexplanation of a disk shaped instrument) is certainly not in the<br \/>\nsame style as we find constantly used by Leonardo after the year<\/em><br \/>\n1489.<\/p>\n<p>_It may be incidentally remarked that no sketches are known for the<br \/>\nportrait of &#8220;Mona Lisa&#8221;, nor do the MS. notes ever allude to it,<br \/>\nthough according to Vasari the master had it in hand for fully four<br \/>\nyears.<\/p>\n<p>Leonardo&#8217;s cartoon for the picture of the battle of Anghiari has<br \/>\nshared the fate of the rival work, Michaelangelo&#8217;s &#8220;Bathers summoned<br \/>\nto Battle&#8221;. Both have been lost in some wholly inexplicable manner.<br \/>\nI cannot here enter into the remarkable history of this work; I can<br \/>\nonly give an account of what has been preserved to us of Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nscheme and preparations for executing it. The extent of the material<br \/>\nin studies and drawings was till now quite unknown. Their<br \/>\npublication here may give some adequate idea of the grandeur of this<br \/>\nfamous work. The text given as No._ 669 _contains a description of<br \/>\nthe particulars of the battle, but for the reasons given in the note<br \/>\nto this text, I must abandon the idea of taking this passage as the<br \/>\nbasis of my attempt to reconstruct the picture as the artist<br \/>\nconceived and executed it.<\/p>\n<p>I may here remind the reader that Leonardo prepared the cartoon in<br \/>\nthe Sala del Papa of Santa Maria Novella at Florence and worked<br \/>\nthere from the end of October 1503 till February 1504, and then was<br \/>\nbusied with the painting in the Sala del Consiglio in the Palazzo<br \/>\ndella Signoria, till the work was interrupted at the end of May<br \/>\n1506. (See Milanesi&#8217;s note to Vasari pp. 43&#8211;45 Vol. IV ed. 1880.)<br \/>\nVasari, as is well known, describes only one scene or episode of the<br \/>\ncartoon&#8211;the Battle for the Standard in the foreground of the<br \/>\ncomposition, as it would seem; and this only was ever finished as a<br \/>\nmural decoration in the Sala del Consiglio. This portion of the<br \/>\ncomposition is familiar to all from the disfigured copy engraved by<br \/>\nEdelinck. Mariette had already very acutely observed that Edelinck<br \/>\nmust surely have worked from a Flemish copy of the picture. There is<br \/>\nin the Louvre a drawing by Rubens (No. 565) which also represents<br \/>\nfour horsemen fighting round a standard and which agrees with<br \/>\nEdelinck&#8217;s engraving, but the engraving reverses the drawing. An<br \/>\nearlier Flemish drawing, such as may have served as the model for<br \/>\nboth Rubens and Edelinck, is in the Uffizi collection (see<br \/>\nPhilpots&#8217;s Photograph, No. 732). It seems to be a work of the second<br \/>\nhalf of the XVIth century, a time when both the picture and the<br \/>\ncartoon had already been destroyed. It is apparently the production<br \/>\nof a not very skilled hand. Raphael Trichet du Fresne, 1651,<br \/>\nmentions that a small picture by Leonardo himself of the Battle of<br \/>\nthe Standard was then extant in the Tuileries; by this he probably<br \/>\nmeans the painting on panel which is now in the possession of Madame<br \/>\nTimbal in Paris, and which has lately been engraved by Haussoullier<br \/>\nas a work by Leonardo. The picture, which is very carefully painted,<br \/>\nseems to me however to be the work of some unknown Florentine<br \/>\npainter, and probably executed within the first ten years of the<br \/>\nXVIth century. At the same time, it would seem to be a copy not from<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s cartoon, but from his picture in the Palazzo della<br \/>\nSignoria; at any rate this little picture, and the small Flemish<br \/>\ndrawing in Florence are the oldest finished copies of this episode<br \/>\nin the great composition of the Battle of Anghiari.<\/p>\n<p>In his Life of Raphael, Vasari tells us that Raphael copied certain<br \/>\nworks of Leonardo&#8217;s during his stay in Florence. Raphael&#8217;s first<br \/>\nvisit to Florence lasted from the middle of October 1504 till July<br \/>\n1505, and he revisited it in the summer of 1506. The hasty sketch,<br \/>\nnow in the possession of the University of Oxford and reproduced on<br \/>\npage 337 also represents the Battle of the Standard and seems to<br \/>\nhave been made during his first stay, and therefore not from the<br \/>\nfresco but from the cartoon; for, on the same sheet we also find,<br \/>\nbesides an old man&#8217;s head drawn in Leonardo&#8217;s style, some studies<br \/>\nfor the figure of St. John the Martyr which Raphael used in 1505 in<br \/>\nhis great fresco in the Church of San Severo at Perugia.<\/p>\n<p>Of Leonardo&#8217;s studies for the Battle of Anghiari I must in the first<br \/>\nplace point to five, on three of which&#8211;Pl. LII 2, Pl. LIII, Pl.<br \/>\nLVI&#8211;we find studies for the episode of the Standard. The standard<br \/>\nbearer, who, in the above named copies is seen stooping, holding on<br \/>\nto the staff across his shoulder, is immediately recognisable as the<br \/>\nleft-hand figure in Raphael&#8217;s sketch, and we find it in a similar<br \/>\nattitude in Leonardo&#8217;s pen and ink drawing in the British<br \/>\nMuseum&#8211;Pl. LII, 2&#8211;the lower figure to the right. It is not<br \/>\ndifficult to identify the same figure in two more complicated groups<br \/>\nin the pen and ink drawings, now in the Accademia at Venice&#8211;Pl.<br \/>\nLIII, and Pl. LIV&#8211;where we also find some studies of foot soldiers<br \/>\nfighting. On the sheet in the British Museum&#8211;Pl. LII, 2&#8211;we find,<br \/>\namong others, one group of three horses galloping forwards: one<br \/>\nhorseman is thrown and protects himself with his buckler against the<br \/>\nlance thrusts of two others on horseback, who try to pierce him as<br \/>\nthey ride past. The same action is repeated, with some variation, in<br \/>\ntwo sketches in pen and ink on a third sheet, in the Accademia at<br \/>\nVenice, Pl. LV; a coincidence which suggests the probability of such<br \/>\nan incident having actually been represented on the cartoon. We are<br \/>\nnot, it is true, in a position to declare with any certainty which<br \/>\nof these three dissimilar sketches may have been the nearest to the<br \/>\ngroup finally adopted in executing the cartoon.<\/p>\n<p>With regard, however, to one of the groups of horsemen it is<br \/>\npossible to determine with perfect certainty not only which<br \/>\narrangement was preferred, but the position it occupied in the<br \/>\ncomposition. The group of horsemen on Pl. LVII is a drawing in black<br \/>\nchalk at Windsor, which is there attributed to Leonardo, but which<br \/>\nappears to me to be the work of Cesare da Sesto, and the<br \/>\nCommendatore Giov. Morelli supports me in this view. It can hardly<br \/>\nbe doubted that da Sesto, as a pupil of Leonardo&#8217;s, made this<br \/>\ndrawing from his master&#8217;s cartoon, if we compare it with the copy<br \/>\nmade by Raphael&#8211;here reproduced, for just above the fighting<br \/>\nhorseman in Raphael&#8217;s copy it is possible to detect a horse which is<br \/>\nseen from behind, going at a slower pace, with his tail flying out<br \/>\nto the right and the same horse may be seen in the very same<br \/>\nattitude carrying a dimly sketched rider, in the foreground of<br \/>\nCesare da Sesto&#8217;s drawing._<\/p>\n<p><em>If a very much rubbed drawing in black chalk at Windsor&#8211;Pl.<br \/>\nLVI&#8211;is, as it appears to be, the reversed impression of an original<br \/>\ndrawing, it is not difficult to supplement from it the portions<br \/>\ndrawn by Cesare da Sesto. Nay, it may prove possible to reconstruct<br \/>\nthe whole of the lost cartoon from the mass of materials we now have<br \/>\nat hand which we may regard as the nucleus of the composition. A<br \/>\nlarge pen and ink drawing by Raphael in the Dresden collection,<br \/>\nrepresenting three horsemen fighting, and another, by Cesare da<br \/>\nSesto, in the Uffizi, of light horsemen fighting are a further<br \/>\ncontribution which will help us to reconstruct it.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The sketch reproduced on Pl. LV gives a suggestive example of the<br \/>\nway in which foot-soldiers may have been introduced into the cartoon<br \/>\nas fighting among the groups of horsemen; and I may here take the<br \/>\nopportunity of mentioning that, for reasons which it would be out of<br \/>\nplace to enlarge upon here, I believe the two genuine drawings by<br \/>\nRaphael&#8217;s hand in his &#8220;Venetian sketch-book&#8221; as it is called&#8211;one of<br \/>\na standard bearer marching towards the left, and one of two<br \/>\nfoot-soldiers armed with spears and fighting with a horseman&#8211;to be<br \/>\nundoubtedly copies from the cartoon of the Battle of Anghiari.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo&#8217;s two drawings, preserved in the museum at Buda-Pesth and<br \/>\nreproduced on pages 338 and 339 are preliminary studies for the<br \/>\nheads of fighting warriors. The two heads drawn in black chalk (pg.<br \/>\n338) and the one seen in profile, turned to the left, drawn in red<br \/>\nchalk (pg. 339), correspond exactly with those of two horsemen in<br \/>\nthe scene of the fight round the standard as we see them in Madame<br \/>\nTimbal&#8217;s picture and in the other finished copies. An old copy of<br \/>\nthe last named drawing by a pupil of Leonardo is in MS. C. A. 187b;<br \/>\n561b (See Saggio, Tav. XXII). Leonardo used to make such finished<br \/>\nstudies of heads as those, drawn on detached sheets, before<br \/>\nbeginning his pictures from his drawings&#8211;compare the preparatory<br \/>\nstudies for the fresco of the Last Supper, given on Pl. XLVII and<br \/>\nPl. L. Other drawings of heads, all characterised by the expression<br \/>\nof vehement excitement that is appropriate to men fighting, are to<br \/>\nbe seen at Windsor (No. 44) and at the Accademia at Venice (IV, 13);<br \/>\nat the back of one of the drawings at Buda-Pesth there is the bust<br \/>\nof a warrior carrying a spear on his left shoulder, holding up the<br \/>\nleft arm (See Csatakepek a XVI&#8211;lk Szazadbol osszeallitotta Pvlszky<br \/>\nKaroly). These drawings may have been made for other portions of the<br \/>\ncartoon, of which no copies exist, and thus we are unable to<br \/>\nidentify these preparatory drawings. Finally I may add that a sketch<br \/>\nof fighting horse and foot soldiers, formerly in the possession of<br \/>\nM. Thiers and published by Charles Blanc in his &#8220;Vies des Peintres&#8221;<br \/>\ncan hardly be accepted as genuine. It is not to be found, as I am<br \/>\ninformed, among the late President&#8217;s property, and no one appears to<br \/>\nknow where it now is.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>An attempted reconstruction of the Cartoon, which is not only<br \/>\nunsuccessful but perfectly unfounded, is to be seen in the<br \/>\nlithograph by Bergeret, published in Charles Blanc&#8217;s &#8220;Vies des<br \/>\npeintres&#8221; and reprinted in &#8220;The great Artists. L. da Vinci&#8221;, p. 80.<br \/>\nThis misleading pasticcio may now be rejected without hesitation.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>There are yet a few original drawings by Leonardo which might be<br \/>\nmentioned here as possibly belonging to the cartoon of the Battle;<br \/>\nsuch as the pen and ink sketches on Pl. XXI and on Pl. XXXVIII, No.<br \/>\n3, but we should risk too wide a departure from the domain of<br \/>\nascertained fact.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>With regard to the colours and other materials used by Leonardo the<br \/>\nreader may be referred to the quotations from the accounts for the<br \/>\npicture in question given by Milanesi in his edition of Vasari (Vol.<br \/>\nIV, p. 44, note) where we find entries of a similar character to<br \/>\nthose in Leonardo&#8217;s note books for the year 1505; S. K. M. 12 (see<br \/>\nNo. 636).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>That Leonardo was employed in designing decorations and other<br \/>\npreparations for high festivals, particularly for the court of<br \/>\nMilan, we learn not only from the writings of his contemporaries but<br \/>\nfrom his own incidental allusions; for instance in MS. C. l5b (1),<br \/>\nl. 9. In the arrangement of the texts referring to this I have<br \/>\nplaced those first, in which historical personages are named&#8211;Nos.<br \/>\n670-674. Among the descriptions of Allegorical subjects two texts<br \/>\nlately found at Oxford have been included, Nos. 676 and 677. They<br \/>\nare particularly interesting because they are accompanied by large<br \/>\nsketches which render the meaning of the texts perfectly clear. It<br \/>\nis very intelligible that in other cases, where there are no<br \/>\nillustrative sketches, the notes must necessarily remain obscure or<br \/>\nadmit of various interpretations. The literature of the time affords<br \/>\nample evidence of the use of such allegorical representations,<br \/>\nparticularly during the Carnival and in Leonardo&#8217;s notes we find the<br \/>\nCarnival expressly mentioned&#8211;Nos. 685 and 704. Vasari in his Life<br \/>\nof Pontormo, particularly describes that artist&#8217;s various<br \/>\nundertakings for Carnival festivities. These very graphic<br \/>\ndescriptions appear to me to throw great light in more ways than one<br \/>\non the meaning of Leonardo&#8217;s various notes as to allegorical<br \/>\nrepresentations and also on mottoes and emblems&#8211;Nos. 681-702. In<br \/>\npassing judgment on the allegorical sketches and emblems it must not<br \/>\nbe overlooked that even as pictures they were always accompanied by<br \/>\nexplanations in words. Several finished drawings of allegorical<br \/>\ncompositions or figures have been preserved, but as they have no<br \/>\ncorresponding explanation in the MSS. they had no claim to be<br \/>\nreproduced here. The female figure on Pl. XXVI may perhaps be<br \/>\nregarded as a study for such an allegorical painting, of which the<br \/>\npurport would have been explained by an inscription.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>On Madonna pictures.<\/p>\n<p>663.<\/p>\n<p>[In the autumn of] 1478 I began the two Madonna [pictures].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Photographs of this page have been published by BRAUN,<br \/>\nNo. 439, and PHILPOT, No. 718.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><em>Incominciai<\/em>. We have no other information as to the two<br \/>\npictures of the Madonna here spoken of. As Leonardo here tells us<br \/>\nthat he had begun two Madonnas at the same time, the word<br \/>\n&#8216;<em>incominciai<\/em>&#8216; may be understood to mean that he had begun at the<br \/>\nsame time preparatory studies for two pictures to be painted later.<br \/>\nIf this is so, the non-existence of the pictures may be explained by<br \/>\nsupposing that they were only planned and never executed. I may here<br \/>\nmention a few studies for pictures of the Madonna which probably<br \/>\nbelong to this early time; particularly a drawing in silver-point on<br \/>\nbluish tinted paper at Windsor&#8211;see Pl. XL, No. 3&#8211;, a drawing of<br \/>\nwhich the details have almost disappeared in the original but have<br \/>\nbeen rendered quite distinct in the reproduction; secondly a slight<br \/>\npen and ink sketch in, the Codex VALLARDI, in the Louvre, fol. 64,<br \/>\nNo. 2316; again a silver point drawing of a Virgin and child drawn<br \/>\nover again with the pen in the His de la Salle collection also in<br \/>\nthe Louvre, No. 101. (See Vicomte BOTH DE TAUZIA, <em>Notice des<br \/>\ndessins de la collection His de la Salle, exposes au Louvre<\/em>. Paris<br \/>\n1881, pp. 80, 81.) This drawing is, it is true, traditionally<br \/>\nascribed to Raphael, but the author of the catalogue very justly<br \/>\npoints out its great resemblance with the sketches for Madonnas in<br \/>\nthe British Museum which are indisputably Leonardo&#8217;s. Some of these<br \/>\nhave been published by Mr. HENRY WALLIS in the Art Journal, New Ser.<br \/>\nNo. 14, Feb. 1882. If the non-existence of the two pictures here<br \/>\nalluded to justifies my hypothesis that only studies for such<br \/>\npictures are meant by the text, it may also be supposed that the<br \/>\ndrawings were made for some comrade in VERROCCHIO&#8217;S atelier. (See<br \/>\nVASARI, Sansoni&#8217;s ed. Florence 1880. Vol. IV, p. 564): &#8220;<em>E perche a<br \/>\nLerenzo piaceva fuor di modo la maniera di Lionardo, la seppe cosi<br \/>\nbene imitare, che niuno fu che nella pulitezza e nel finir l&#8217;opere<br \/>\ncon diligenza l&#8217;imitasse pi\u00c3\u00b9 di lui<\/em>.&#8221; Leonardo&#8217;s notes give me no<br \/>\nopportunity of discussing the pictures executed by him in Florence,<br \/>\nbefore he moved to Milan. So the studies for the unfinished picture<br \/>\nof the Adoration of the Magi&#8211;in the Uffizi, Florence&#8211;cannot be<br \/>\ndescribed here, nor would any discussion about the picture in the<br \/>\nLouvre &#8220;<em>La Vierge aux Rochers<\/em>&#8221; be appropriate in the absence of<br \/>\nall allusion to it in the MSS. Therefore, when I presently add a few<br \/>\nremarks on this painting in explanation of the Master&#8217;s drawings for<br \/>\nit, it will be not merely with a view to facilitate critical<br \/>\nresearches about the picture now in the National Gallery, London,<br \/>\nwhich by some critics has been pronounced to be a replica of the<br \/>\nLouvre picture, but also because I take this opportunity of<br \/>\npublishing several finished studies of the Master&#8217;s which, even if<br \/>\nthey were not made in Florence but later in Milan, must have been<br \/>\nprior to the painting of the Last Supper. The original picture in<br \/>\nParis is at present so disfigured by dust and varnish that the<br \/>\ncurrent reproductions in photography actually give evidence more of<br \/>\nthe injuries to which the picture has been exposed than of the<br \/>\noriginal work itself. The wood-cut given on p. 344, is only intended<br \/>\nto give a general notion of the composition. It must be understood<br \/>\nthat the outline and expression of the heads, which in the picture<br \/>\nis obscured but not destroyed, is here altogether missed. The<br \/>\nfacsimiles which follow are from drawings which appear to me to be<br \/>\nstudies for &#8220;<em>La Vierge aux Rochers<\/em>.&#8221;<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p>A drawing in silver point on brown toned paper of a woman&#8217;s head<br \/>\nlooking to the left. In the Royal Library at Turin, apparently a<br \/>\nstudy from nature for the Angel&#8217;s head (Pl. XLII).<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p>A study of drapery for the left leg of the same figure, done with<br \/>\nthe brush, Indian ink on greenish paper, the lights heightened with<br \/>\nwhite.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>The original is at Windsor, No. 223. The reproduction Pl. XLIII is<br \/>\ndefective in the shadow on the upper part of the thigh, which is not<br \/>\nso deep as in the original; it should also be observed that the<br \/>\nfolds of the drapery near the hips are somewhat altered in the<br \/>\nfinished work in the Louvre, while the London copy shows a greater<br \/>\nresemblance to this study in that particular.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>A study in red chalk for the bust of the Infant Christ&#8211;No. 3 in<br \/>\nthe Windsor collection (Pl. XLIV). The well-known silver-point<br \/>\ndrawing on pale green paper, in the Louvre, of a boy&#8217;s head (No. 363<br \/>\nin REISET, <em>Notice des dessins, Ecoles d&#8217;Italie<\/em>) seems to me to be<br \/>\na slightly altered copy, either from the original picture or from<br \/>\nthis red chalk study.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p>A silver-point study on greenish paper, for the head of John the<br \/>\nBaptist, reproduced on p. 342. This was formerly in the Codex<br \/>\nVallardi and is now exhibited among the drawings in the Louvre. The<br \/>\nlights are, in the original, heightened with white; the outlines,<br \/>\nparticularly round the head and ear, are visibly restored.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>There is a study of an outstretched hand&#8211;No. 288 in the Windsor<br \/>\ncollection&#8211;which was published in the Grosvenor Gallery<br \/>\nPublication, 1878, simply under the title of: &#8220;No. 72 Study of a<br \/>\nhand, pointing&#8221; which, on the other hand, I regard as a copy by a<br \/>\npupil. The action occurs in the kneeling angel of the Paris picture<br \/>\nand not in the London copy.<\/p>\n<p>These four genuine studies form, I believe, a valuable substitute in<br \/>\nthe absence of any MS. notes referring to the celebrated Paris<br \/>\npicture.]<\/p>\n<p>Bernardo di Bandino&#8217;s Portrait.<\/p>\n<p>664.<\/p>\n<p>A tan-coloured small cap, A doublet of black serge, A black jerkin<br \/>\nlined A blue coat lined, with fur of foxes&#8217; breasts, and the collar<br \/>\nof the jerkin covered with black and white stippled velvet Bernardo<br \/>\ndi Bandino Baroncelli; black hose.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: These eleven lines of text are by the side of the pen and<br \/>\nink drawing of a man hanged&#8211;Pl. LXII, No. 1. This drawing was<br \/>\nexhibited in 1879 at the <em>Ecole des Beaux-Arts<\/em> in Paris and the<br \/>\ncompilers of the catalogue amused themselves by giving the victim&#8217;s<br \/>\nname as follows: &#8220;<em>Un pendu, vetu d&#8217;une longue robe, les mains li\u00c3\u00a9es<br \/>\nsur le dos &#8230; Bernardo di Bendino Barontigni, marchand de<br \/>\npantalons<\/em>&#8221; (see <em>Catalogue descriptif des Dessins de Mailres<br \/>\nanciens exposes a l&#8217;Ecole des Beaux Arts<\/em>, Paris 1879; No. 83, pp.<br \/>\n9-10). Now, the criminal represented here, is none other than<br \/>\nBernardino di Bandino Baroncelli the murderer of Giuliano de&#8217;Medici,<br \/>\nwhose name as a coadjutor in the conspiracy of the Pazzi has gained<br \/>\na melancholy notoriety by the tragedy of the 26th April 1478.<br \/>\nBernardo was descended from an ancient family and the son of the man<br \/>\nwho, under King Ferrante, was President of the High Court of Justice<br \/>\nin Naples. His ruined fortunes, it would seem, induced him to join<br \/>\nthe Pazzi; he and Francesco Pazzi were entrusted with the task of<br \/>\nmurdering Giuliano de&#8217;Medici on the fixed day. Their victim not<br \/>\nappearing in the cathedral at the hour when they expected him, the<br \/>\ntwo conspirators ran to the palace of the Medici and induced him to<br \/>\naccompany them. Giuliano then took his place in the chancel of the<br \/>\nCathedral, and as the officiating priest raised the Host&#8211;the sign<br \/>\nagreed upon&#8211;Bernardo stabbed the unsuspecting Giuliano in the<br \/>\nbreast with a short sword; Giuliano stepped backwards and fell dead.<br \/>\nThe attempt on Lorenzo&#8217;s life however, by the other conspirators at<br \/>\nthe same moment, failed of success. Bernardo no sooner saw that<br \/>\nLorenzo tried to make his escape towards the sacristy, than he<br \/>\nrushed upon him, and struck down Francesco Nori who endeavoured to<br \/>\nprotect Lorenzo. How Lorenzo then took refuge behind the brazen<br \/>\ndoors of the sacristy, and how, as soon as Giuliano&#8217;s death was made<br \/>\nknown, the further plans of the conspirators were defeated, while a<br \/>\nterrible vengeance overtook all the perpetrators and accomplices,<br \/>\nthis is no place to tell. Bernardo Bandini alone seemed to be<br \/>\nfavoured by fortune; he hid first in the tower of the Cathedral, and<br \/>\nthen escaped undiscovered from Florence. Poliziano, who was with<br \/>\nLorenzo in the Cathedral, says in his &#8216;Conjurationis Pactianae<br \/>\nCommentarium&#8217;: &#8220;<em>Bandinus fugitans in Tiphernatem incidit, a quo in<br \/>\naciem receptus Senas pervenit<\/em>.&#8221; And Gino Capponi in summing up the<br \/>\nreports of the numerous contemporary narrators of the event, says:<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Bernardo Bandini ricoverato in Costantinopoli, fu per ordine del<br \/>\nSultano preso e consegnato a un Antonio di Bernardino dei Medici,<br \/>\nche Lorenzo aveva mandato apposta in Turchia: cos\u00c3\u00ac era grande la<br \/>\npotenza di quest&#8217; uomo e grande la voglia di farne mostra e che non<br \/>\nrestasse in vita chi aveagli ucciso il fratello, fu egli applicato<br \/>\nappena giunto<\/em>&#8221; (<em>Storia della Republica di Firenze II<\/em>, 377, 378).<br \/>\nDetails about the dates may be found in the <em>Chronichetta di<br \/>\nBelfredello Strinati Alfieri<\/em>: &#8220;<em>Bernardo di Bandino Bandini<br \/>\nsopradetto ne venne preso da Gostantinopoti a d\u00c3\u00ac 14. Dicembre 1479 e<br \/>\ndisaminato, che fu al Bargello, fu impiccato alle finestre di detto<br \/>\nBargello allato alla Doana a d\u00c3\u00ac 29. Dicembre MCCCCLXXIX che pochi d\u00c3\u00ac<br \/>\nstette<\/em>.&#8221; It may however be mentioned with reference to the mode of<br \/>\nwriting the name of the assassin that, though most of his<br \/>\ncontemporaries wrote Bernardo Bandini, in the <em>Breve Chronicon<br \/>\nCaroli Petri de Joanninis<\/em> he is called Bernardo di Bandini<br \/>\nBaroncelli; and, in the <em>Sententiae Domini Matthaei de Toscana<\/em>,<br \/>\nBernardus Joannis Bandini de Baroncellis, as is written on<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s drawing of him when hanged. Now VASARI, in the life of<br \/>\n<em>Andrea del Castagno<\/em> (Vol. II, 680; ed. Milanesi 1878), tells us<br \/>\nthat in 1478 this painter was commissioned by order of the Signoria<br \/>\nto represent the members of the Pazzi conspiracy as traitors, on the<br \/>\nfacade of the Palazzo del Podest\u00c3\u00a0&#8211;the Bargello. This statement is<br \/>\nobviously founded on a mistake, for Andrea del Castagno was already<br \/>\ndead in 1457. He had however been commissioned to paint Rinaldo<br \/>\ndegli Albizzi, when declared a rebel and exiled in 1434, and his<br \/>\nadherents, as hanging head downwards; and in consequence he had<br \/>\nacquired the nickname of Andrea degl&#8217; Impiccati. On the 21st July<br \/>\n1478 the Council of Eight came to the following resolution: &#8220;<em>item<br \/>\nservatis etc. deliberaverunt et santiaverunt Sandro Botticelli pro<br \/>\nejus labore in pingendo proditores flor. quadraginta largos<\/em>&#8221; (see<br \/>\nG. MILANESI, <em>Arch. star. VI<\/em> (1862) p. 5 note.)<\/p>\n<p>As has been told, Giuliano de&#8217; Medici was murdered on the 26th April<br \/>\n1478, and we see by this that only three months later Botticelli was<br \/>\npaid for his painting of the &#8220;<em>proditores<\/em>&#8220;. We can however hardly<br \/>\nsuppose that all the members of the conspiracy were depicted by him<br \/>\nin fresco on the facade of the palace, since no fewer than eighty<br \/>\nhad been condemned to death. We have no means of knowing whether,<br \/>\nbesides Botticelli, any other painters, perhaps Leonardo, was<br \/>\ncommissioned, when the criminals had been hanged in person out of<br \/>\nthe windows of the Palazzo del Podest\u00c3\u00a0 to represent them there<br \/>\nafterwards in effigy in memory of their disgrace. Nor do we know<br \/>\nwhether the assassin who had escaped may at first not have been<br \/>\nprovisionally represented as hanged in effigy. Now, when we try to<br \/>\nconnect the historical facts with this drawing by Leonardo<br \/>\nreproduced on Pl. LXII, No. I, and the full description of the<br \/>\nconspirator&#8217;s dress and its colour on the same sheet, there seems to<br \/>\nbe no reasonable doubt that Bernardo Bandini is here represented as<br \/>\nhe was actually hanged on December 29th, 1479, after his capture at<br \/>\nConstantinople. The dress is certainly not that in which he<br \/>\ncommitted the murder. A long furred coat might very well be worn at<br \/>\nConstantinople or at Florence in December, but hardly in April. The<br \/>\ndoubt remains whether Leonardo described Bernardo&#8217;s dress so fully<br \/>\nbecause it struck him as remarkable, or whether we may not rather<br \/>\nsuppose that this sketch was actually made from nature with the<br \/>\nintention of using it as a study for a wall painting to be executed.<br \/>\nIt cannot be denied that the drawing has all the appearance of<br \/>\nhaving been made for this purpose. Be this as it may, the sketch<br \/>\nunder discussion proves, at any rate, that Leonardo was in Florence<br \/>\nin December 1479, and the note that accompanies it is valuable as<br \/>\nadding one more characteristic specimen to the very small number of<br \/>\nhis MSS. that can be proved to have been written between 1470 and<br \/>\n1480.]<\/p>\n<p>Notes on the Last Supper (665-668).<\/p>\n<p>665.<\/p>\n<p>One who was drinking and has left the glass in its position and<br \/>\nturned his head towards the speaker.<\/p>\n<p>Another, twisting the fingers of his hands together turns with stern<br \/>\nbrows to his companion [6]. Another with his hands spread open shows<br \/>\nthe palms, and shrugs his shoulders up his ears making a mouth of<br \/>\nastonishment [8].<\/p>\n<p>[9] Another speaks into his neighbour&#8217;s ear and he, as he listens to<br \/>\nhim, turns towards him to lend an ear [10], while he holds a knife<br \/>\nin one hand, and in the other the loaf half cut through by the<br \/>\nknife. [13] Another who has turned, holding a knife in his hand,<br \/>\nupsets with his hand a glass on the table [14].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 665, 666: In the original MS. there is no sketch to<br \/>\naccompany these passages, and if we compare them with those drawings<br \/>\nmade by Leonardo in preparation for the composition of the<br \/>\npicture&#8211;Pl. XLV, XLVI&#8211;, (compare also Pl. LII, 1 and the drawings<br \/>\non p. 297) it is impossible to recognise in them a faithful<br \/>\ninterpretation of the whole of this text; but, if we compare these<br \/>\npassages with the finished picture (see p. 334) we shall see that in<br \/>\nmany places they coincide. For instance, compare No. 665, 1. 6&#8211;8,<br \/>\nwith the fourth figure on the right hand of Christ. The various<br \/>\nactions described in lines 9&#8211;10, 13&#8211;14 are to be seen in the group<br \/>\nof Peter, John and Judas; in the finished picture however it is not<br \/>\na glass but a salt cellar that Judas is upsetting.]<\/p>\n<p>666.<\/p>\n<p>Another lays his hand on the table and is looking. Another blows his<br \/>\nmouthful. [3] Another leans forward to see the speaker shading his<br \/>\neyes with his hand. [5] Another draws back behind the one who leans<br \/>\nforward, and sees the speaker between the wall and the man who is<br \/>\nleaning [Footnote: 6. <em>chinato<\/em>. I have to express my regret for<br \/>\nhaving misread this word, written <em>cinato<\/em> in the original, and<br \/>\nhaving altered it to <em>&#8220;ciclo&#8221;<\/em> when I first published this text, in<br \/>\n&#8216;The Academy&#8217; for Nov. 8, 1879 immediately after I had discovered<br \/>\nit, and subsequently in the small biography of Leonardo da Vinci<br \/>\n(Great Artists) p. 29.].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In No. 666. Line I must refer to the furthest figure on<br \/>\nthe left; 3, 5 and 6 describe actions which are given to the group<br \/>\nof disciples on the left hand of Christ.]<\/p>\n<p>667.<\/p>\n<p>CHRIST.<\/p>\n<p>Count Giovanni, the one with the Cardinal of Mortaro.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: As this note is in the same small Manuscript as the<br \/>\npassage here immediately preceding it, I may be justified in<br \/>\nassuming that Leonardo meant to use the features of the person here<br \/>\nnamed as a suitable model for the figure of Christ. The celebrated<br \/>\ndrawing of the head of Christ, now hanging in the Brera Gallery at<br \/>\nMilan, has obviously been so much restored that it is now impossible<br \/>\nto say, whether it was ever genuine. We have only to compare it with<br \/>\nthe undoubtedly genuine drawings of heads of the disciples in PI.<br \/>\nXLVII, XLVIII and L, to admit that not a single line of the Milan<br \/>\ndrawing in its present state can be by the same hand.]<\/p>\n<p>668.<\/p>\n<p>Philip, Simon, Matthew, Thomas, James the Greater, Peter, Philip,<br \/>\nAndrew, Bartholomew.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See PI. XLVI. The names of the disciples are given in the<br \/>\norder in which they are written in the original, from right to left,<br \/>\nabove each head. The original drawing is here slightly reduced in<br \/>\nscale; it measures 39 centimetres in length by 26 in breadth.]<\/p>\n<p>669.<\/p>\n<p>On the battle of Anghiari.<br \/>\n  Florentine<br \/>\n  Neri di Gino Capponi<br \/>\n  Bernardetto de&#8217; Medici<br \/>\n  Micheletto,<br \/>\n  Niccolo da Pisa<br \/>\n  Conte Francesco<br \/>\n                         Pietro Gian Paolo<br \/>\n                         Guelfo Orsino,<br \/>\n                         Messer  Rinaldo   degli<br \/>\n                                      Albizzi<\/p>\n<p>Begin with the address of Niccolo Piccinino to the soldiers and the<br \/>\nbanished Florentines among whom are Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi and<br \/>\nother Florentines. Then let it be shown how he first mounted on<br \/>\nhorseback in armour; and the whole army came after him&#8211;40 squadrons<br \/>\nof cavalry, and 2000 foot soldiers went with him. Very early in the<br \/>\nmorning the Patriarch went up a hill to reconnoitre the country,<br \/>\nthat is the hills, fields and the valley watered by a river; and<br \/>\nfrom thence he beheld Niccolo Picinino coming from Borgo San<br \/>\nSepolcro with his people, and with a great dust; and perceiving them<br \/>\nhe returned to the camp of his own people and addressed them. Having<br \/>\nspoken he prayed to God with clasped hands, when there appeared a<br \/>\ncloud in which Saint Peter appeared and spoke to the Patriarch.&#8211;500<br \/>\ncavalry were sent forward by the Patriarch to hinder or check the<br \/>\nrush of the enemy. In the foremost troop Francesco the son of<br \/>\nNiccolo Piccinino [24] was the first to attack the bridge which was<br \/>\nheld by the Patriarch and the Florentines. Beyond the bridge to his<br \/>\nleft he sent forward some infantry to engage ours, who drove them<br \/>\nback, among whom was their captain Micheletto [29] whose lot it was<br \/>\nto be that day at the head of the army. Here, at this bridge there<br \/>\nis a severe struggle; our men conquer and the enemy is repulsed.<br \/>\nHere Guido and Astorre, his brother, the Lord of Faenza with a great<br \/>\nnumber of men, re-formed and renewed the fight, and rushed upon the<br \/>\nFlorentines with such force that they recovered the bridge and<br \/>\npushed forward as far as the tents. But Simonetto advanced with 600<br \/>\nhorse, and fell upon the enemy and drove them back once more from<br \/>\nthe place, and recaptured the bridge; and behind him came more men<br \/>\nwith 2000 horse soldiers. And thus for a long time they fought with<br \/>\nvarying fortune. But then the Patriarch, in order to divert the<br \/>\nenemy, sent forward Niccolo da Pisa [44] and Napoleone Orsino, a<br \/>\nbeardless lad, followed by a great multitude of men, and then was<br \/>\ndone another great feat of arms. At the same time Niccolo Piccinino<br \/>\nurged forward the remnant of his men, who once more made ours give<br \/>\nway; and if it had not been that the Patriarch set himself at their<br \/>\nhead and, by his words and deeds controlled the captains, our<br \/>\nsoldiers would have taken to flight. The Patriarch had some<br \/>\nartillery placed on the hill and with these he dispersed the enemy&#8217;s<br \/>\ninfantry; and the disorder was so complete that Niccolo began to<br \/>\ncall back his son and all his men, and they took to flight towards<br \/>\nBorgo. And then began a great slaughter of men; none escaped but the<br \/>\nforemost of those who had fled or who hid themselves. The battle<br \/>\ncontinued until sunset, when the Patriarch gave his mind to<br \/>\nrecalling his men and burying the dead, and afterwards a trophy was<br \/>\nerected.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 669. This passage does not seem to me to be in Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nhand, though it has hitherto been generally accepted as genuine. Not<br \/>\nonly is the writing unlike his, but the spelling also is quite<br \/>\ndifferent. I would suggest that this passage is a description of the<br \/>\nevents of the battle drawn up for the Painter by order of the<br \/>\nSignoria, perhaps by some historian commissioned by them, to serve<br \/>\nas a scheme or programme of the work. The whole tenor of the style<br \/>\nseems to me to argue in favour of this theory; and besides, it would<br \/>\nbe in no way surprising that such a document should have been<br \/>\npreserved among Leonardo&#8217;s autographs.]<\/p>\n<p>Allegorical representations referring to the duke of Milan<br \/>\n(670-673).<\/p>\n<p>670.<\/p>\n<p>Ermine with blood Galeazzo, between calm weather and a<br \/>\nrepresentation of a tempest.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 670. Only the beginning of this text is legible; the<br \/>\nwriting is much effaced and the sense is consequently obscure. It<br \/>\nseems to refer like the following passage to an allegorical<br \/>\npicture.]<\/p>\n<p>671.<\/p>\n<p>Il Moro with spectacles, and Envy depicted with False Report and<br \/>\nJustice black for il Moro.<\/p>\n<p>Labour as having a branch of vine [<em>or<\/em> a screw] in her hand.<\/p>\n<p>672.<\/p>\n<p>Il Moro as representing Good Fortune, with hair, and robes, and his<br \/>\nhands in front, and Messer Gualtieri taking him by the robes with a<br \/>\nrespectful air from below, having come in from the front [5].<\/p>\n<p>Again, Poverty in a hideous form running behind a youth. Il Moro<br \/>\ncovers him with the skirt of his robe, and with his gilt sceptre he<br \/>\nthreatens the monster.<\/p>\n<p>A plant with its roots in the air to represent one who is at his<br \/>\nlast;&#8211;a robe and Favour.<\/p>\n<p>Of tricks [<em>or<\/em> of magpies] and of burlesque poems [<em>or<\/em> of<br \/>\nstarlings].<\/p>\n<p>Those who trust themselves to live near him, and who will be a large<br \/>\ncrowd, these shall all die cruel deaths; and fathers and mothers<br \/>\ntogether with their families will be devoured and killed by cruel<br \/>\ncreatures.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 1&#8211;10 have already been published by <em>Amoretti<\/em> in<br \/>\n<em>Memorie Storiche<\/em> cap. XII. He adds this note with regard to<br \/>\nGualtieri: &#8220;<em>A questo M. Gualtieri come ad uomo generoso e benefico<br \/>\nscrive il Bellincioni un Sonetto (pag, 174) per chiedergli un<br \/>\npiacere; e &#8216;l Tantio rendendo ragione a Lodovico il Moro, perche<br \/>\npubblicasse le Rime del Bellincioni; ci\u00c3\u00b2 hammi imposto, gli dice:<br \/>\nl&#8217;humano fidele, prudente e sollicito executore delli tuoi<br \/>\ncomandamenti Gualtero, che fa in tutte le cose ove tu possi far<br \/>\nutile, ogni studio vi metti.<\/em>&#8221; A somewhat mysterious and evidently<br \/>\nallegorical composition&#8211;a pen and ink drawing&#8211;at Windsor, see PL<br \/>\nLVIII, contains a group of figures in which perhaps the idea is<br \/>\nworked out which is spoken of in the text, lines 1-5.]<\/p>\n<p>673.<\/p>\n<p>He was blacker than a hornet, his eyes were as red as a burning fire<br \/>\nand he rode on a tall horse six spans across and more than 20 long<br \/>\nwith six giants tied up to his saddle-bow and one in his hand which<br \/>\nhe gnawed with his teeth. And behind him came boars with tusks<br \/>\nsticking out of their mouths, perhaps ten spans.<\/p>\n<p>Allegorical representations (674&#8211;678).<\/p>\n<p>674.<\/p>\n<p>Above the helmet place a half globe, which is to signify our<br \/>\nhemisphere, in the form of a world; on which let there be a peacock,<br \/>\nrichly decorated, and with his tail spread over the group; and every<br \/>\nornament belonging to the horse should be of peacock&#8217;s feathers on a<br \/>\ngold ground, to signify the beauty which comes of the grace bestowed<br \/>\non him who is a good servant.<\/p>\n<p>On the shield a large mirror to signify that he who truly desires<br \/>\nfavour must be mirrored in his virtues.<\/p>\n<p>On the opposite side will be represented Fortitude, in like manner<br \/>\nin her place with her pillar in her hand, robed in white, to signify<br \/>\n&#8230; And all crowned; and Prudence with 3 eyes. The housing of the<br \/>\nhorse should be of plain cloth of gold closely sprinkled with<br \/>\npeacock&#8217;s eyes, and this holds good for all the housings of the<br \/>\nhorse, and the man&#8217;s dress. And the man&#8217;s crest and his neck-chain<br \/>\nare of peacock&#8217;s feathers on golden ground.<\/p>\n<p>On the left side will be a wheel, the centre of which should be<br \/>\nattached to the centre of the horse&#8217;s hinder thigh piece, and in the<br \/>\ncentre Prudence is seen robed in red, Charity sitting in a fiery<br \/>\nchariot and with a branch of laurel in her hand, to signify the hope<br \/>\nwhich comes of good service.<\/p>\n<p>[21] Messer Antonio Grimani of Venice companion of Antonio Maria<br \/>\n[23].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Messer Antonio Gri<\/em>. His name thus abbreviated is, there<br \/>\ncan be no doubt, Grimani. Antonio Grimani was the famous Doge who in<br \/>\n1499 commanded the Venetian fleet in battle against the Turks. But<br \/>\nafter the abortive conclusion of the expedition&#8211;Ludovico being the<br \/>\nally of the Turks who took possession of Friuli&#8211;, Grimani was driven<br \/>\ninto exile; he went to live at Rome with his son Cardinal Domenico<br \/>\nGrimani. On being recalled to Venice he filled the office of Doge<br \/>\nfrom 1521 to 1523. <em>Antonio Maria<\/em> probably means Antonio Maria<br \/>\nGrimani, the Patriarch of Aquileia.]<\/p>\n<p>675.<\/p>\n<p>Fame should be depicted as covered all over with tongues instead of<br \/>\nfeathers, and in the figure of a bird.<\/p>\n<p>676.<\/p>\n<p>Pleasure and Pain represent as twins, since there never is one<br \/>\nwithout the other; and as if they were united back to back, since<br \/>\nthey are contrary to each other.<\/p>\n<p>[6] Clay, gold.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 7. <em>oro. fango<\/em>: gold, clay. These words stand below the<br \/>\nallegorical figure.]<\/p>\n<p>If you take Pleasure know that he has behind him one who will deal<br \/>\nyou Tribulation and Repentance.<\/p>\n<p>[9] This represents Pleasure together with Pain, and show them as<br \/>\ntwins because one is never apart from the other. They are back to<br \/>\nback because they are opposed to each other; and they exist as<br \/>\ncontraries in the same body, because they have the same basis,<br \/>\ninasmuch as the origin of pleasure is labour and pain, and the<br \/>\nvarious forms of evil pleasure are the origin of pain. Therefore it<br \/>\nis here represented with a reed in his right hand which is useless<br \/>\nand without strength, and the wounds it inflicts are poisoned. In<br \/>\nTuscany they are put to support beds, to signify that it is here<br \/>\nthat vain dreams come, and here a great part of life is consumed. It<br \/>\nis here that much precious time is wasted, that is, in the morning,<br \/>\nwhen the mind is composed and rested, and the body is made fit to<br \/>\nbegin new labours; there again many vain pleasures are enjoyed; both<br \/>\nby the mind in imagining impossible things, and by the body in<br \/>\ntaking those pleasures that are often the cause of the failing of<br \/>\nlife. And for these reasons the reed is held as their support.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 676. The pen and ink drawing on PI. LIX belongs to this<br \/>\npassage.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 8. <em>tribolatione<\/em>. In the drawing caltrops may be seen<br \/>\nlying in the old man&#8217;s right hand, others are falling and others<br \/>\nagain are shewn on the ground. Similar caltrops are drawn in MS.<br \/>\nTri. p. 98 and underneath them, as well as on page 96 the words<br \/>\n<em>triboli di ferro<\/em> are written. From the accompanying text it<br \/>\nappears that they were intended to be scattered on the ground at the<br \/>\nbottom of ditches to hinder the advance of the enemy. Count Giulio<br \/>\nPorro who published a short account of the Trivulzio MS. in the<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Archivio Storico Lombardo<\/em>&#8220;, Anno VIII part IV (Dec. 31, 1881) has<br \/>\nthis note on the passages treating of &#8220;<em>triboli<\/em>&#8220;: &#8220;<em>E qui<br \/>\naggiunger\u00c3\u00b2 che anni sono quando venne fabbricata la nuova<br \/>\ncavallerizza presso il castello di Milano, ne furono trovati due che<br \/>\nio ho veduto ed erano precisamente quali si trovano descritti e<br \/>\ndisegnati da Leonardo in questo codice<\/em>&#8220;.<\/p>\n<p>There can therefore be no doubt that this means of defence was in<br \/>\ngeneral use, whether it were originally Leonardo&#8217;s invention or not.<br \/>\nThe play on the word &#8220;<em>tribolatione<\/em>&#8220;, as it occurs in the drawing<br \/>\nat Oxford, must then have been quite intelligible.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 9&#8211;22. These lines, in the original, are written on the<br \/>\nleft side of the page and refer to the figure shown on PI. LXI. Next<br \/>\nto it is placed the group of three figures given in PI. LX No. I.<br \/>\nLines 21 and 22, which are written under it, are the only<br \/>\nexplanation given.]<\/p>\n<p>Evil-thinking is either Envy or Ingratitude.<\/p>\n<p>677.<\/p>\n<p>Envy must be represented with a contemptuous motion of the hand<br \/>\ntowards heaven, because if she could she would use her strength<br \/>\nagainst God; make her with her face covered by a mask of fair<br \/>\nseeming; show her as wounded in the eye by a palm branch and by an<br \/>\nolive-branch, and wounded in the ear by laurel and myrtle, to<br \/>\nsignify that victory and truth are odious to her. Many thunderbolts<br \/>\nshould proceed from her to signify her evil speaking. Let her be<br \/>\nlean and haggard because she is in perpetual torment. Make her heart<br \/>\ngnawed by a swelling serpent, and make her with a quiver with<br \/>\ntongues serving as arrows, because she often offends with it. Give<br \/>\nher a leopard&#8217;s skin, because this creature kills the lion out of<br \/>\nenvy and by deceit. Give her too a vase in her hand full of flowers<br \/>\nand scorpions and toads and other venomous creatures; make her ride<br \/>\nupon death, because Envy, never dying, never tires of ruling. Make<br \/>\nher bridle, and load her with divers kinds of arms because all her<br \/>\nweapons are deadly.<\/p>\n<p>Toleration.<\/p>\n<p>Intolerable.<\/p>\n<p>No sooner is Virtue born than Envy comes into the world to attack<br \/>\nit; and sooner will there be a body without a shadow than Virtue<br \/>\nwithout Envy.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The larger of the two drawings on PI. LXI is explained by<br \/>\nthe first 21 lines of this passage. L. 22 and 23, which are written<br \/>\nabove the space between the two drawings, do not seem to have any<br \/>\nreference to either. L. 24-27 are below the allegorical twin figure<br \/>\nwhich they serve to explain.]<\/p>\n<p>678.<\/p>\n<p>When Pluto&#8217;s Paradise is opened, then there may be devils placed in<br \/>\ntwelve pots like openings into hell. Here will be Death, the Furies,<br \/>\nashes, many naked children weeping; living fires made of various<br \/>\ncolours&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>679.<\/p>\n<p>John the Baptist<br \/>\n  Saint Augustin<br \/>\n  Saint Peter<br \/>\n  Paul<br \/>\n  Elisabeth<br \/>\n  Saint Clara.<br \/>\n  Bernardino<br \/>\n  Our Lady  Louis<br \/>\n  Bonaventura<br \/>\n  Anthony of Padua.<br \/>\n  Saint Francis.<br \/>\n  Francis,<br \/>\n  Anthony, a lily and book;<br \/>\n  Bernardino with the [monogram of] Jesus,<br \/>\n  Louis with 3 fleur de lys on his breast and<br \/>\n              the crown at his feet,<br \/>\n  Bonaventura with Seraphim,<br \/>\n  Saint Clara with the tabernacle,<br \/>\n  Elisabeth with a Queen&#8217;s crown.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 679. The text of the first six lines is written within a<br \/>\nsquare space of the same size as the copy here given. The names are<br \/>\nwritten in the margin following the order in which they are here<br \/>\nprinted. In lines 7&#8211;12 the names of those saints are repeated of<br \/>\nwhom it seemed necessary to point out the emblems.]<\/p>\n<p>List of drawings.<\/p>\n<p>680.<\/p>\n<p>A head, full face, of a young man<br \/>\n  with fine flowing hair,<br \/>\n  Many flowers drawn from nature,<br \/>\n  A head, full face, with curly hair,<br \/>\n  Certain figures of Saint Jerome,<br \/>\n  [6] The measurements of a figure,<br \/>\n  Drawings of furnaces.<br \/>\n  A head of the Duke,<br \/>\n  [9] many designs for knots,<br \/>\n  4 studies for the panel of Saint Angelo<br \/>\n  A small composition of Girolamo da Fegline,<br \/>\n  A head of Christ done with the pen,<br \/>\n  [13] 8 Saint Sebastians,<br \/>\n  Several compositions of Angels,<br \/>\n  A chalcedony,<br \/>\n  A head in profile with fine hair,<br \/>\n  Some pitchers seen in(?) perspective,<br \/>\n  Some machines for ships,<br \/>\n  Some machines for waterworks,<br \/>\n  A head, a portrait of Atalanta raising her<br \/>\n  face;<br \/>\n  The head of Geronimo da Fegline,<br \/>\n  The head of Gian Francisco Borso,<br \/>\n  Several throats of old women,<br \/>\n  Several heads of old men,<br \/>\n  Several nude figures, complete,<br \/>\n  Several arms, eyes, feet, and positions,<br \/>\n  A Madonna, finished,<br \/>\n  Another, nearly in profile,<br \/>\n  Head of Our Lady ascending into Heaven,<br \/>\n  A head of an old man with long chin,<br \/>\n  A head of a gypsy girl,<br \/>\n  A head with a hat on,<br \/>\n  A representation of the Passion, a cast,<br \/>\n  A head of a girl with her hair gathered in a knot,<br \/>\n  A head, with the brown hair dressed.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 680. This has already been published by AMORETTI <em>Memorie<br \/>\nstoriche<\/em> cap. XVI. His reading varies somewhat from that here<br \/>\ngiven, <em>e. g.<\/em> l. 5 and 6. <em>Certi Sangirolami in su d&#8217;una figura<\/em>;<br \/>\nand instead of I. 13. <em>Un San Bastiano<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 680. 9. <em>Molti disegni di gruppi<\/em>. VASARI in his life of<br \/>\nLeonardo (IV, 21, ed. MILANESI 1880) says: &#8220;<em>Oltrech\u00c3\u00a9 perse tempo<br \/>\nfino a disegnare<\/em> gruppi <em>di corde fatti con ordine, e che da un<br \/>\ncapo seguissi tutto il resto fino all&#8217; altro, tanto che s&#8217;empiessi<br \/>\nun tondo; che se ne vede in istampa uno difficilissimo e molto<br \/>\nbello, e nel mezzo vi sono queste parole: Leonardus Vinci<br \/>\nAccademia<\/em>&#8220;. <em>Gruppi<\/em> must here be understood as a technical<br \/>\nexpression for those twisted ornaments which are well known through<br \/>\nwood cuts. AMORETTI mentions six different ones in the Ambrosian<br \/>\nLibrary. I am indebted to M. DELABORDE for kindly informing me that<br \/>\nthe original blocks of these are preserved in his department in the<br \/>\nBiblioth\u00c3\u00a8que Nationale in Paris. On the cover of these volumes is a<br \/>\ncopy from one of them. The size of the original is 23 1\/2<br \/>\ncentimetres by 26 1\/4. The centre portion of another is given on p.<br \/>\n361. G. Govi remarks on these ornaments (<em>Saggio<\/em> p. 22): &#8220;<em>Codesti<br \/>\ngruppi eran probabilmente destinati a servir di modello a ferri da<br \/>\nrilegatori per adornar le cartelle degli scolari (?). Fregi<br \/>\nsomigliantissimi a questi troviamo infatti impressi in oro sui<br \/>\ncartoni di vari volumi contemporanei, e li vediam pur figurare nelle<br \/>\nlettere iniziali di alcune edizioni del tempo.<\/em>&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>D\u00c3\u00bcrer who copied them, omitting the inscription, added to the second<br \/>\nimpressions his own monogram. In his diary he designates them simply<br \/>\nas &#8220;<em>Die sechs Knoten<\/em>&#8221; (see THAUSING, Life of A. D\u00c3\u00bcrer I, 362,<br \/>\n363). In Leonardo&#8217;s MSS. we find here and there little sketches or<br \/>\nsuggestions for similar ornaments. Compare too G. MONGERI, <em>L&#8217;Arte<br \/>\nin Milano<\/em>, p. 315 where an ornament of the same character is given<br \/>\nfrom the old decorations of the vaulted ceiling of the Sacristy of<br \/>\nS. Maria delle Grazie.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 680, 17. The meaning in which the word <em>coppi<\/em>, literally<br \/>\npitchers, is here used I am unable to determine; but a change to<br \/>\n<em>copie<\/em> seems to me too doubtful to be risked.]<\/p>\n<p>681.<\/p>\n<p>Stubborn rigour.<br \/>\n  Doomed rigour.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See PI. LXII, No. 2, the two upper pen and ink drawings.<br \/>\nThe originals, in the Windsor collection are slightly washed with<br \/>\ncolour. The background is blue sky; the plough and the instrument<br \/>\nwith the compass are reddish brown, the sun is tinted yellow].<\/p>\n<p>682.<\/p>\n<p>Obstacles cannot crush me<br \/>\n  Every obstacle yields to stern resolve<br \/>\n  He who is fixed to a star does not change<br \/>\n  his mind.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text is written to elucidate two sketches which were<br \/>\nobviously the first sketches for the drawings reproduced on PL LXII,<br \/>\nNo. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>683.<\/p>\n<p>Ivy is [a type] of longevity.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original there is, near this text, a sketch of a<br \/>\ncoat wreathed above the waist with ivy.]<\/p>\n<p>684.<\/p>\n<p>Truth      the sun.<br \/>\n  falsehood   a mask.<br \/>\n  innocence,<br \/>\n  malignity.<\/p>\n<p>Fire destroys falsehood,<br \/>\n  that is sophistry, and<br \/>\n  restores truth, driving out<br \/>\n  darkness.<\/p>\n<p>Fire may be represented as the destroy of<br \/>\n  all sophistry, and as the<br \/>\n  image and demonstration of truth;<br \/>\n  because it is light and drives<br \/>\n  out darkness which conceals<br \/>\n  all essences [or subtle things].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See PI. LXIII. L. 1-8 are in the middle of the page; 1.<br \/>\n9-14 to the right below; 1. 15-22 below in the middle column. The<br \/>\nrest of the text is below the sketches on the left. There are some<br \/>\nother passages on this page relating to geometry.]<\/p>\n<p>TRUTH.<\/p>\n<p>Fire destroys all sophistry, that is deceit;<br \/>\n  and maintains truth alone, that is gold.<\/p>\n<p>Truth at last cannot be hidden.<br \/>\n  Dissimulation  is of no avail. Dissimulation is<br \/>\n  to no purpose before<br \/>\n  so great a judge.<br \/>\n  Falsehood puts on a mask.<br \/>\n  Nothing is hidden under the sun.<\/p>\n<p>Fire is to represent truth because it<br \/>\n  destroys all sophistry and lies; and the<br \/>\n  mask is for lying and falsehood<br \/>\n  which conceal truth.<\/p>\n<p>685.<\/p>\n<p>Movement will cease before we are<br \/>\n  weary<br \/>\n  of being useful.<\/p>\n<p>Movement will fail sooner than usefulness.<br \/>\n  Death sooner than        I am never weary   of<br \/>\n  weariness.               being useful,<br \/>\n  In serving others I      is a motto for carnval.<br \/>\n  cannot do enough.        Without fatigue.<\/p>\n<p>No labour is<br \/>\n  sufficient to tire me.<\/p>\n<p>Hands into which<br \/>\n  ducats and precious<br \/>\n  stones fall like snow; they<br \/>\n  never become tired by serving,<br \/>\n  but this  service is only for its<br \/>\n  utility and not for our      I am never weary<br \/>\n  own benefit.                 of being useful.<\/p>\n<p>Naturally<br \/>\n  nature has so disposed me.<\/p>\n<p>686.<\/p>\n<p>This shall be placed in the<br \/>\n  hand of Ingratitude.<br \/>\n  Wood nourishes the fire that<br \/>\n  consumes it.<\/p>\n<p>687.<\/p>\n<p>TO REPRESENT INGRATITUDE.<\/p>\n<p>When the sun appears<br \/>\n  which dispels darkness in<br \/>\n  general, you put out the<br \/>\n  light which dispelled it<br \/>\n  for you in particular<br \/>\n  for your need and convenience.<\/p>\n<p>688.<\/p>\n<p>On this side Adam and Eve on the other;<br \/>\n  O misery of mankind, of how many things do<br \/>\n  you make yourself the slave for money!<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See PI. LXIV. The figures of Adam and Eve in the clouds<br \/>\nhere alluded to would seem to symbolise their superiority to all<br \/>\nearthly needs.]<\/p>\n<p>689.<\/p>\n<p>Thus are base unions sundered.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A much blurred sketch is on the page by this text. It<br \/>\nseems to represent an unravelled plait or tissue.]<\/p>\n<p>690.<\/p>\n<p>Constancy does not begin, but is that<br \/>\n  which perseveres.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A drawing in red chalk, also rubbed, which stands in the<br \/>\noriginal in the middle of this text, seems to me to be intended for<br \/>\na sword hilt, held in a fist.]<\/p>\n<p>691.<\/p>\n<p>Love, Fear, and Esteem,&#8211;<br \/>\n  Write these on three stones. Of servants.<\/p>\n<p>692.<\/p>\n<p>Prudence Strength.<\/p>\n<p>693.<\/p>\n<p>Fame alone raises herself to Heaven,<br \/>\n  because virtuous things are in favour with God.<\/p>\n<p>Disgrace should be represented upside<br \/>\n  down, because all her deeds are contrary to<br \/>\n  God and tend to hell.<\/p>\n<p>694.<\/p>\n<p>Short liberty.<\/p>\n<p>695.<\/p>\n<p>Nothing is so much to be feared as Evil<br \/>\n  Report.<br \/>\n  This Evil Report is born of life.<\/p>\n<p>696.<\/p>\n<p>Not to disobey.<\/p>\n<p>697.<\/p>\n<p>A felled tree which is shooting<br \/>\n  again.<\/p>\n<p>I am still hopeful.<br \/>\n  A falcon,<br \/>\n  Time.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: I. <em>Albero tagliato<\/em>. This emblem was displayed during<br \/>\nthe Carnival at Florence in 1513. See VASARI VI, 251, ed. MILANESI<br \/>\n1881. But the coincidence is probably accidental.]<\/p>\n<p>698.<\/p>\n<p>Truth here makes Falsehood torment<br \/>\n  lying tongues.<\/p>\n<p>699.<\/p>\n<p>Such as harm is when it hurts me not,<br \/>\n  is good which avails me not.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 2. Compare this sketch with that on PI.<br \/>\nLXII, No. 2. Below the two lines of the text there are two more<br \/>\nlines: <em>li g\u00c3\u00b9chi (giunchi) che rit\u00c3\u00a9g\u00c3\u00b2 le paglucole (pagliucole)<br \/>\nchelli (che li) anniegano<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>700.<\/p>\n<p>He who offends others, does not secure himself.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 3.]<\/p>\n<p>701.<\/p>\n<p>Ingratitude.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 4. Below the bottom sketches are the<br \/>\nunintelligible words &#8220;<em>sta stilli<\/em>.&#8221; For &#8220;<em>Ingratitudo<\/em>&#8221; compare<br \/>\nalso Nos. 686 and 687.]<\/p>\n<p>702.<\/p>\n<p>One&#8217;s thoughts turn towards Hope.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 702. By the side of this passage is a sketch of<br \/>\na cage with a bird sitting in it.]<\/p>\n<p>Ornaments and Decorations for feasts (703-705).<\/p>\n<p>703.<\/p>\n<p>A bird, for a comedy.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The biographies say so much, and the author&#8217;s notes say<br \/>\nso little of the invention attributed to Leonardo of making<br \/>\nartificial birds fly through the air, that the text here given is of<br \/>\nexceptional interest from being accompanied by a sketch. It is a<br \/>\nvery slight drawing of a bird with outspread wings, which appears to<br \/>\nbe sliding down a stretched string. Leonardo&#8217;s flying machines and<br \/>\nhis studies of the flight of birds will be referred to later.]<\/p>\n<p>704.<\/p>\n<p>A DRESS FOR THE CARNIVAL.<\/p>\n<p>To make a beautiful dress cut it in thin cloth and give it an<br \/>\nodoriferous varnish, made of oil of turpentine and of varnish in<br \/>\ngrain, with a pierced stencil, which must be wetted, that it may not<br \/>\nstick to the cloth; and this stencil may be made in a pattern of<br \/>\nknots which afterwards may be filled up with black and the ground<br \/>\nwith white millet.[Footnote 7: The grains of black and white millet<br \/>\nwould stick to the varnish and look like embroidery.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Ser Giuliano, da Vinci the painter&#8217;s brother, had been<br \/>\ncommissioned, with some others, to order and to execute the garments<br \/>\nof the Allegorical figures for the Carnival at Florence in 1515&#8211;16;<br \/>\nVASARI however is incorrect in saying of the Florentine Carnival of<br \/>\n1513: &#8220;<em>equelli che feciono ed ordinarono gli abiti delle figure<br \/>\nfurono Ser Piero da Vinci, padre di Lonardo, e Bernardino di<br \/>\nGiordano, bellissimi ingegni<\/em>&#8221; (See MILANESI&#8217;S ed. Voi. VI, pg.<br \/>\n251.)]<\/p>\n<p>705.<\/p>\n<p>Snow taken from the high peaks of mountains might be carried to hot<br \/>\nplaces and let to fall at festivals in open places at summer time.<\/p>\n<p>*** End of Volume 1<\/p>\n<p>The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci<\/p>\n<p>Volume 2<\/p>\n<p>Translated by Jean Paul Richter<\/p>\n<p>1888<\/p>\n<p>XI.<\/p>\n<p>The notes on Sculpture.<\/p>\n<p>Compared with the mass of manuscript treating of Painting, a very<br \/>\nsmall number of passages bearing on the practice and methods of<br \/>\nSculpture are to be found scattered through the note books; these<br \/>\nare here given at the beginning of this section (Nos. 706-709).<br \/>\nThere is less cause for surprise at finding that the equestrian<br \/>\nstatue of Francesco Sforza is only incidentally spoken of; for,<br \/>\nalthough Leonardo must have worked at it for a long succession of<br \/>\nyears, it is not in the nature of the case that it could have given<br \/>\nrise to much writing. We may therefore regard it as particularly<br \/>\nfortunate that no fewer than thirteen notes in the master&#8217;s<br \/>\nhandwriting can be brought together, which seem to throw light on<br \/>\nthe mysterious history of this famous work. Until now writers on<br \/>\nLeonardo were acquainted only with the passages numbered 712, 719,<br \/>\n720, 722 and 723.<\/p>\n<p>In arranging these notes on sculpture I have given the precedence to<br \/>\nthose which treat of the casting of the monument, not merely because<br \/>\nthey are the fullest, but more especially with a view to<br \/>\nreconstructing the monument, an achievement which really almost lies<br \/>\nwithin our reach by combining and comparing the whole of the<br \/>\nmaterials now brought to light, alike in notes and in sketches.<\/p>\n<p>A good deal of the first two passages, Nos. 710 and 711, which refer<br \/>\nto this subject seems obscure and incomprehensible; still, they<br \/>\nsupplement each other and one contributes in no small degree to the<br \/>\ncomprehension of the other. A very interesting and instructive<br \/>\ncommentary on these passages may be found in the fourth chapter of<br \/>\nVasari&#8217;s Introduzione della Scultura under the title &#8220;Come si fanno<br \/>\ni modelli per fare di bronzo le figure grandi e picciole, e come le<br \/>\nforme per buttarle; come si armino di ferri, e come si gettino di<br \/>\nmetallo,&#8221; &amp;c. Among the drawings of models of the moulds for casting<br \/>\nwe find only one which seems to represent the horse in the act of<br \/>\ngalloping&#8211;No. 713. All the other designs show the horse as pacing<br \/>\nquietly and as these studies of the horse are accompanied by copious<br \/>\nnotes as to the method of casting, the question as to the position<br \/>\nof the horse in the model finally selected, seems to be decided by<br \/>\npreponderating evidence. &#8220;Il cavallo dello Sforza&#8221;&#8211;C. Boito remarks<br \/>\nvery appositely in the Saggio on page 26, &#8220;doveva sembrare fratello<br \/>\nal cavallo del Colleoni. E si direbbe che questo fosse figlio del<br \/>\ncavallo del Gattamelata, il quale pare figlio di uno dei quattro<br \/>\ncavalli che stavano forse sull&#8217; Arco di Nerone in Roma&#8221; (now at<br \/>\nVenice). The publication of the Saggio also contains the<br \/>\nreproduction of a drawing in red chalk, representing a horse walking<br \/>\nto the left and supported by a scaffolding, given here on Pl. LXXVI,<br \/>\nNo. 1. It must remain uncertain whether this represents the model as<br \/>\nit stood during the preparations for casting it, or whether&#8211;as<br \/>\nseems to me highly improbable&#8211;this sketch shows the model as it was<br \/>\nexhibited in 1493 on the Piazza del Castello in Milan under a<br \/>\ntriumphal arch, on the occasion of the marriage of the Emperor<br \/>\nMaximilian to Bianca Maria Sforza. The only important point here is<br \/>\nto prove that strong evidence seems to show that, of the numerous<br \/>\nstudies for the equestrian statue, only those which represent the<br \/>\nhorse pacing agree with the schemes of the final plans.<\/p>\n<p>The second group of preparatory sketches, representing the horse as<br \/>\ngalloping, must therefore be considered separately, a distinction<br \/>\nwhich, in recapitulating the history of the origin of the monument<br \/>\nseems justified by the note given under No. 720.<\/p>\n<p>Galeazza Maria Sforza was assassinated in 1476 before his scheme for<br \/>\nerecting a monument to his father Francesco Sforza could be carried<br \/>\ninto effect. In the following year Ludovico il Moro the young<br \/>\naspirant to the throne was exiled to Pisa, and only returned to<br \/>\nMilan in 1479 when he was Lord (Governatore) of the State of Milan,<br \/>\nin 1480 after the minister Cecco Simonetta had been murdered. It may<br \/>\nhave been soon after this that Ludovico il Moro announced a<br \/>\ncompetition for an equestrian statue, and it is tolerably certain<br \/>\nthat Antonio del Pollajuolo took part in it, from this passage in<br \/>\nVasari&#8217;s Life of this artist: &#8220;E si trovo, dopo la morte sua, il<br \/>\ndisegno e modello che a Lodovico Sforza egli aveva fatto per la<br \/>\nstatua a cavallo di Francesco Sforza, duca di Milano; il quale<br \/>\ndisegno e nel nostro Libro, in due modi: in uno egli ha sotto<br \/>\nVerona; nell&#8217;altro, egli tutto armato, e sopra un basamento pieno di<br \/>\nbattaglie, fa saltare il cavallo addosso a un armato; ma la cagione<br \/>\nperche non mettesse questi disegni in opera, non ho gia potuto<br \/>\nsapere.&#8221; One of Pollajuolo&#8217;s drawings, as here described, has lately<br \/>\nbeen discovered by Senatore Giovanni Morelli in the Munich<br \/>\nPinacothek. Here the profile of the horseman is a portrait of<br \/>\nFrancesco Duke of Milan, and under the horse, who is galloping to<br \/>\nthe left, we see a warrior thrown and lying on the ground; precisely<br \/>\nthe same idea as we find in some of Leonardo&#8217;s designs for the<br \/>\nmonument, as on Pl. LXVI, LXVII, LXVIII, LXIX and LXXII No. 1; and,<br \/>\nas it is impossible to explain this remarkable coincidence by<br \/>\nsupposing that either artist borrowed it from the other, we can only<br \/>\nconclude that in the terms of the competition the subject proposed<br \/>\nwas the Duke on a horse in full gallop, with a fallen foe under its<br \/>\nhoofs.<\/p>\n<p>Leonardo may have been in the competition there and then, but the<br \/>\nmeans for executing the monument do not seem to have been at once<br \/>\nforthcoming. It was not perhaps until some years later that Leonardo<br \/>\nin a letter to the Duke (No. 719) reminded him of the project for<br \/>\nthe monument. Then, after he had obeyed a summons to Milan, the plan<br \/>\nseems to have been so far modified, perhaps in consequence of a<br \/>\nremonstrance on the part of the artist, that a pacing horse was<br \/>\nsubstituted for one galloping, and it may have been at the same time<br \/>\nthat the colossal dimensions of the statue were first decided on.<br \/>\nThe designs given on Pl. LXX, LXXI, LXXII, 2 and 3, LXXIII and LXXIV<br \/>\nand on pp. 4 and 24, as well as three sketches on Pl. LXIX may be<br \/>\nstudied with reference to the project in its new form, though it is<br \/>\nhardly possible to believe that in either of these we see the design<br \/>\nas it was actually carried out. It is probable that in Milan<br \/>\nLeonardo worked less on drawings, than in making small models of wax<br \/>\nand clay as preparatory to his larger model. Among the drawings<br \/>\nenumerated above, one in black chalk, Pl. LXXIII&#8211;the upper sketch<br \/>\non the right hand side, reminds us strongly of the antique statue of<br \/>\nMarcus Aurelius. If, as it would seem, Leonardo had not until then<br \/>\nvisited Rome, he might easily have known this statue from drawings<br \/>\nby his former master and friend Verrocchio, for Verrocchio had been<br \/>\nin Rome for a long time between 1470 and 1480. In 1473 Pope Sixtus<br \/>\nIV had this antique equestrian statue restored and placed on a new<br \/>\npedestal in front of the church of San Giovanni in Luterano.<br \/>\nLeonardo, although he was painting independently as early as in 1472<br \/>\nis still spoken of as working in Verrocchio&#8217;s studio in 1477. Two<br \/>\nyears later the Venetian senate decided on erecting an equestrian<br \/>\nstatue to Colleoni; and as Verrocchio, to whom the work was<br \/>\nentrusted, did not at once move from Florence to Venice&#8211;where he<br \/>\ndied in 1488 before the casting was completed&#8211;but on the contrary<br \/>\nremained in Florence for some years, perhaps even till 1485,<br \/>\nLeonardo probably had the opportunity of seeing all his designs for<br \/>\nthe equestrian statue at Venice and the red chalk drawing on Pl.<br \/>\nLXXIV may be a reminiscence of it.<\/p>\n<p>The pen and ink drawing on Pl. LXXII, No. 3, reminds us of<br \/>\nDonatello&#8217;s statue of Gattamelata at Padua. However it does not<br \/>\nappear that Leonardo was ever at Padua before 1499, but we may<br \/>\nconclude that he took a special interest in this early bronze statue<br \/>\nand the reports he could procure of it, form an incidental remark<br \/>\nwhich is to be found in C. A. 145a; 432a, and which will be given in<br \/>\nVol. II under Ricordi or Memoranda. Among the studies&#8211;in the widest<br \/>\nsense of the word&#8211;made in preparation statue we may include the<br \/>\nAnatomy of the Horse which Lomazzo and Vas mention; the most<br \/>\nimportant parts of this work still exist in the Queen&#8217;s Li Windsor.<br \/>\nIt was beyond a doubt compiled by Leonardo when at Milan; only<br \/>\ninteresting records to be found among these designs are reproduced<br \/>\nin Nos. 716a but it must be pointed out that out of 40 sheets of<br \/>\nstudies of the movements of the belonging to that treatise, a horse<br \/>\nin full gallop occurs but once.<\/p>\n<p>If we may trust the account given by Paulus Jovius&#8211;about l527&#8211;<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s horse was represented as &#8220;vehementer incitatus et<br \/>\nanhelatus&#8221;. Jovius had probably seen the model exhibited at Milan;<br \/>\nbut, need we, in fact, infer from this description that the horse<br \/>\nwas galloping? Compare Vasari&#8217;s description of the Gattamelata<br \/>\nmonument at Padua: &#8220;Egli [Donatello] vi ando ben volentieri, e fece<br \/>\nil cavallo di bronzo, che e in sulla piazza di Sant Antonio, nel<br \/>\nquale si dimostra lo sbuffamento ed il fremito del cavallo, ed il<br \/>\ngrande animo e la fierezza vivacissimamente espressa dall&#8217;arte nella<br \/>\nfigura che lo cavalca&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>These descriptions, it seems to me, would only serve to mark the<br \/>\ndifference between the work of the middle ages and that of the<br \/>\nrenaissance.<\/p>\n<p>We learn from a statement of Sabba da Castiglione that, when Milan<br \/>\nwas taken by the French in 1499, the model sustained some injury;<br \/>\nand this informant, who, however is not invariably trustworthy, adds<br \/>\nthat Leonardo had devoted fully sixteen years to this work (la forma<br \/>\ndel cavallo, intorno a cui Leonardo avea sedici anni continui<br \/>\nconsumati). This often-quoted passage has given ground for an<br \/>\nassumption, which has no other evidence to support it, that Leonardo<br \/>\nhad lived in Milan ever since 1483. But I believe it is nearer the<br \/>\ntruth to suppose that this author&#8217;s statement alludes to the fact<br \/>\nthat about sixteen years must have past since the competition in<br \/>\nwhich Leonardo had taken part.<\/p>\n<p>I must in these remarks confine myself strictly to the task in hand<br \/>\nand give no more of the history of the Sforza monument than is<br \/>\nneeded to explain the texts and drawings I have been able to<br \/>\nreproduce. In the first place, with regard to the drawings, I may<br \/>\nobserve that they are all, with the following two exceptions, in the<br \/>\nQueen&#8217;s Library at Windsor Castle; the red chalk drawing on Pl.<br \/>\nLXXVI No. 1 is in the MS. C. A. (see No. 7l2) and the fragmentary<br \/>\npen and ink drawing on page 4 is in the Ambrosian Library. The<br \/>\ndrawings from Windsor on Pl. LXVI have undergone a trifling<br \/>\nreduction from the size of the originals.<\/p>\n<p>There can no longer be the slightest doubt that the well-known<br \/>\nengraving of several horsemen (Passavant, Le Peintre-Graveur, Vol.<br \/>\nV, p. 181, No. 3) is only a copy after original drawings by<br \/>\nLeonardo, executed by some unknown engraver; we have only to compare<br \/>\nthe engraving with the facsimiles of drawings on Pl. LXV, No. 2, Pl.<br \/>\nLXVII, LXVIII and LXIX which, it is quite evident, have served as<br \/>\nmodels for the engraver.<\/p>\n<p>On Pl. LXV No. 1, in the larger sketch to the right hand, only the<br \/>\nbase is distinctly visible, the figure of the horseman is effaced.<br \/>\nLeonardo evidently found it unsatisfactory and therefore rubbed it<br \/>\nout.<\/p>\n<p>The base of the monument&#8211;the pedestal for the equestrian statue&#8211;is<br \/>\nrepeatedly sketched on a magnificent plan. In the sketch just<br \/>\nmentioned it has the character of a shrine or aedicula to contain a<br \/>\nsarcophagus. Captives in chains are here represented on the<br \/>\nentablature with their backs turned to that portion of the monument<br \/>\nwhich more<\/p>\n<p>strictly constitutes the pedestal of the horse. The lower portion of<br \/>\nthe aedicula is surrounded by columns. In the pen and ink drawing<br \/>\nPl. LXVI&#8211;the lower drawing on the right hand side&#8211;the sarcophagus<br \/>\nis shown between the columns, and above the entablature is a plinth<br \/>\non which the horse stands. But this arrangement perhaps seemed to<br \/>\nLeonardo to lack solidity, and in the little sketch on the left<br \/>\nhand, below, the sarcophagus is shown as lying under an arched<br \/>\ncanopy. In this the trophies and the captive warriors are detached<br \/>\nfrom the angles. In the first of these two sketches the place for<br \/>\nthe trophies is merely indicated by a few strokes; in the third<br \/>\nsketch on the left the base is altogether broader, buttresses and<br \/>\npinnacles having been added so as to form three niches. The black<br \/>\nchalk drawing on Pl. LXVIII shows a base in which the angles are<br \/>\nformed by niches with pilasters. In the little sketch to the extreme<br \/>\nleft on Pl. LXV, No. 1, the equestrian statue serves to crown a<br \/>\ncircular temple somewhat resembling Bramante&#8217;s tempietto of San<br \/>\nPietro in Montario at Rome, while the sketch above to the right<br \/>\ndisplays an arrangement faintly reminding us of the tomb of the<br \/>\nScaligers in Verona. The base is thus constructed of two platforms<br \/>\nor slabs, the upper one considerably smaller than the lower one<br \/>\nwhich is supported on flying buttresses with pinnacles.<\/p>\n<p>On looking over the numerous studies in which the horse is not<br \/>\ngalloping but merely walking forward, we find only one drawing for<br \/>\nthe pedestal, and this, to accord with the altered character of the<br \/>\nstatue, is quieter and simpler in style (Pl. LXXIV). It rises almost<br \/>\nvertically from the ground and is exactly as long as the pacing<br \/>\nhorse. The whole base is here arranged either as an independent<br \/>\nbaldaquin or else as a projecting canopy over a recess in which the<br \/>\nfigure of the deceased Duke is seen lying on his sarcophagus; in the<br \/>\nlatter case it was probably intended as a tomb inside a church.<br \/>\nHere, too, it was intended to fill the angles with trophies or<br \/>\ncaptive warriors. Probably only No. 724 in the text refers to the<br \/>\nwork for the base of the monument.<\/p>\n<p>If we compare the last mentioned sketch with the description of a<br \/>\nplan for an equestrian monument to Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (No. 725)<br \/>\nit seems by no means impossible that this drawing is a preparatory<br \/>\nstudy for the very monument concerning which the manuscript gives us<br \/>\ndetailed information. We have no historical record regarding this<br \/>\nsketch nor do the archives in the Trivulzio Palace give us any<br \/>\ninformation. The simple monument to the great general in San Nazaro<br \/>\nMaggiore in Milan consists merely of a sarcophagus placed in recess<br \/>\nhigh on the wall of an octagonal chapel. The figure of the warrior<br \/>\nis lying on the sarcophagus, on which his name is inscribed; a piece<br \/>\nof sculpture which is certainly not Leonardo&#8217;s work. Gian Giacomo<br \/>\nTrivulzio died at Chartres in 1518, only five months before<br \/>\nLeonardo, and it seems to me highly improbable that this should have<br \/>\nbeen the date of this sketch; under these circumstances it would<br \/>\nhave been done under the auspices of Francis I, but the Italian<br \/>\ngeneral was certainly not in favour with the French monarch at the<br \/>\ntime. Gian Giacomo Trivulzio was a sworn foe to Ludovico il Moro,<br \/>\nwhom he strove for years to overthrow. On the 6th September 1499 he<br \/>\nmarched victorious into Milan at the head of a French army. In a<br \/>\nshort time, however, he was forced to quit Milan again when Ludovico<br \/>\nil Moro bore down upon the city with a force of Swiss troops. On the<br \/>\n15th of April following, after defeating Lodovico at Novara,<br \/>\nTrivulzio once more entered Milan as a Conqueror, but his hopes of<br \/>\nbecoming <em>Governatore<\/em> of the place were soon wrecked by intrigue.<br \/>\nThis victory and triumph, historians tell us, were signalised by<br \/>\nacts of vengeance against the dethroned Sforza, and it might have<br \/>\nbeen particularly flattering to him that the casting and<br \/>\nconstruction of the Sforza monument were suspended for the time.<\/p>\n<p>It must have been at this moment&#8211;as it seems to me&#8211;that he<br \/>\ncommissioned the artist to prepare designs for his own monument,<br \/>\nwhich he probably intended should find a place in the Cathedral or<br \/>\nin some other church. He, the husband of Margherita di Nicolino<br \/>\nColleoni, would have thought that he had a claim to the same<br \/>\ndistinction and public homage as his less illustrious connection had<br \/>\nreceived at the hands of the Venetian republic. It was at this very<br \/>\ntime that Trivulzio had a medal struck with a bust portrait of<br \/>\nhimself and the following remarkable inscription on the reverse:_<br \/>\nDEO FAVENTE&#8211;1499&#8211;DICTVS&#8211;10&#8211;IA&#8211;EXPVLIT&#8211;LVDOVICV&#8211;SF&#8211;<br \/>\n(Sfortiam) DVC&#8211; (ducem) MLI (Mediolani)&#8211;NOIE<br \/>\n(nomine)&#8211;REGIS&#8211;FRANCORVM&#8211;EODEM&#8211;ANN &#8211;(anno) RED&#8217;T (redit)&#8211;LVS<br \/>\n(Ludovicus)&#8211;SVPERATVS ET CAPTVS&#8211;EST&#8211;AB&#8211;EO. _In the Library of<br \/>\nthe Palazzo Trivulzio there is a MS. of Callimachus Siculus written<br \/>\nat the end of the XVth or beginning of the XVIth century. At the<br \/>\nbeginning of this MS. there is an exquisite illuminated miniature of<br \/>\nan equestrian statue with the name of the general on the base; it is<br \/>\nhowever very doubtful whether this has any connection with<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s design.<\/p>\n<p>Nos. 731-740, which treat of casting bronze, have probably a very<br \/>\nindirect bearing on the arrangements made for casting the equestrian<br \/>\nstatue of Francesco Sforza. Some portions evidently relate to the<br \/>\ncasting of cannon. Still, in our researches about Leonardo&#8217;s work on<br \/>\nthe monument, we may refer to them as giving us some clue to the<br \/>\nprocess of bronze casting at that period.<\/p>\n<p>Some practical hints (706-709).<\/p>\n<p>7O6.<\/p>\n<p>OF A STATUE.<\/p>\n<p>If you wish to make a figure in marble, first make one of clay, and<br \/>\nwhen you have finished it, let it dry and place it in a case which<br \/>\nshould be large enough, after the figure is taken out of it, to<br \/>\nreceive also the marble, from which you intend to reveal the figure<br \/>\nin imitation of the one in clay. After you have put the clay figure<br \/>\ninto this said case, have little rods which will exactly slip in to<br \/>\nthe holes in it, and thrust them so far in at each hole that each<br \/>\nwhite rod may touch the figure in different parts of it. And colour<br \/>\nthe portion of the rod that remains outside black, and mark each rod<br \/>\nand each hole with a countersign so that each may fit into its<br \/>\nplace. Then take the clay figure out of this case and put in your<br \/>\npiece of marble, taking off so much of the marble that all your rods<br \/>\nmay be hidden in the holes as far as their marks; and to be the<br \/>\nbetter able to do this, make the case so that it can be lifted up;<br \/>\nbut the bottom of it will always remain under the marble and in this<br \/>\nway it can be lifted with tools with great ease.<\/p>\n<p>707.<\/p>\n<p>Some have erred in teaching sculptors to measure the limbs of their<br \/>\nfigures with threads as if they thought that these limbs were<br \/>\nequally round in every part where these threads were wound about<br \/>\nthem.<\/p>\n<p>708.<\/p>\n<p>MEASUREMENT AND DIVISION OF A STATUE.<\/p>\n<p>Divide the head into 12 degrees, and each degree divide into 12<br \/>\npoints, and each point into 12 minutes, and the minutes into minims<br \/>\nand the minims into semi minims.<\/p>\n<p>Degree&#8211;point&#8211;minute&#8211;minim.<\/p>\n<p>709.<\/p>\n<p>Sculptured figures which appear in motion, will, in their standing<br \/>\nposition, actually look as if they were falling forward.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>figure di rilievo<\/em>. Leonardo applies this term<br \/>\nexclusively to wholly detached figures, especially to those standing<br \/>\nfree. This note apparently refers to some particular case, though we<br \/>\nhave no knowledge of what that may have been. If we suppose it to<br \/>\nrefer to the first model of the equestrian statue of Francesco<br \/>\nSforza (see the introduction to the notes on Sculpture) this<br \/>\nobservation may be regarded as one of his arguments for abandoning<br \/>\nthe first scheme of the Sforza Monument, in which the horse was to<br \/>\nbe galloping (see page 2). It is also in favour of this theory that<br \/>\nthe note is written in a manuscript volume already completed in<br \/>\n1492. Leonardo&#8217;s opinions as to the shortcomings of plastic works<br \/>\nwhen compared with paintings are given under No. 655 and 656.]<\/p>\n<p>Notes on the casting of the Sforza monument (710-715).<\/p>\n<p>710.<\/p>\n<p>Three braces which bind the mould.<\/p>\n<p>[If you want to make simple casts quickly, make them in a box of<br \/>\nriver sand wetted with vinegar.]<\/p>\n<p>[When you shall have made the mould upon the horse you must make the<br \/>\nthickness of the metal in clay.]<\/p>\n<p>Observe in alloying how many hours are wanted for each<br \/>\nhundredweight. [In casting each one keep the furnace and its fire<br \/>\nwell stopped up.] [Let the inside of all the moulds be wetted with<br \/>\nlinseed oil or oil of turpentine, and then take a handful of<br \/>\npowdered borax and Greek pitch with aqua vitae, and pitch the mould<br \/>\nover outside so that being under ground the damp may not [damage<br \/>\nit?]<\/p>\n<p>[To manage the large mould make a model of the small mould, make a<br \/>\nsmall room in proportion.]<\/p>\n<p>[Make the vents in the mould while it is on the horse.]<\/p>\n<p>Hold the hoofs in the tongs, and cast them with fish glue. Weigh the<br \/>\nparts of the mould and the quantity of metal it will take to fill<br \/>\nthem, and give so much to the furnace that it may afford to each<br \/>\npart its amount of metal; and this you may know by weighing the clay<br \/>\nof each part of the mould to which the quantity in the furnace must<br \/>\ncorrespond. And this is done in order that the furnace for the legs<br \/>\nwhen filled may not have to furnish metal from the legs to help out<br \/>\nthe head, which would be impossible. [Cast at the same casting as<br \/>\nthe horse the little door]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The importance of the notes included under this number is<br \/>\nnot diminished by the fact that they have been lightly crossed out<br \/>\nwith red chalk. Possibly they were the first scheme for some fuller<br \/>\nobservations which no longer exist; or perhaps they were crossed out<br \/>\nwhen Leonardo found himself obliged to give up the idea of casting<br \/>\nthe equestrian statue. In the original the first two sketches are<br \/>\nabove l. 1, and the third below l. 9.]<\/p>\n<p>711.<\/p>\n<p>THE MOULD FOR THE HORSE.<\/p>\n<p>Make the horse on legs of iron, strong and well set on a good<br \/>\nfoundation; then grease it and cover it with a coating, leaving each<br \/>\ncoat to dry thoroughly layer by layer; and this will thicken it by<br \/>\nthe breadth of three fingers. Now fix and bind it with iron as may<br \/>\nbe necessary. Moreover take off the mould and then make the<br \/>\nthickness. Then fill the mould by degrees and make it good<br \/>\nthroughout; encircle and bind it with its irons and bake it inside<br \/>\nwhere it has to touch the bronze.<\/p>\n<p>OF MAKING THE MOULD IN PIECES.<\/p>\n<p>Draw upon the horse, when finished, all the pieces of the mould with<br \/>\nwhich you wish to cover the horse, and in laying on the clay cut it<br \/>\nin every piece, so that when the mould is finished you can take it<br \/>\noff, and then recompose it in its former position with its joins, by<br \/>\nthe countersigns.<\/p>\n<p>The square blocks <em>a b<\/em> will be between the cover and the core, that<br \/>\nis in the hollow where the melted bronze is to be; and these square<br \/>\nblocks of bronze will support the intervals between the mould and<br \/>\nthe cover at an equal distance, and for this reason these squares<br \/>\nare of great importance.<\/p>\n<p>The clay should be mixed with sand.<\/p>\n<p>Take wax, to return [what is not used] and to pay for what is used.<\/p>\n<p>Dry it in layers.<\/p>\n<p>Make the outside mould of plaster, to save time in drying and the<br \/>\nexpense in wood; and with this plaster enclose the irons [props]<br \/>\nboth outside and inside to a thickness of two fingers; make terra<br \/>\ncotta. And this mould can be made in one day; half a boat load of<br \/>\nplaster will serve you.<\/p>\n<p>Good.<\/p>\n<p>Dam it up again with glue and clay, or white of egg, and bricks and<br \/>\nrubbish.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. LXXV. The figure &#8220;40,&#8221; close to the sketch in the<br \/>\nmiddle of the page between lines 16 and 17 has been added by a<br \/>\ncollector&#8217;s hand.<\/p>\n<p>In the original, below line 21, a square piece of the page has been<br \/>\ncut out about 9 centimetres by 7 and a blank piece has been gummed<br \/>\ninto the place.<\/p>\n<p>Lines 22-24 are written on the margin. l. 27 and 28 are close to the<br \/>\nsecond marginal sketch. l. 42 is a note written above the third<br \/>\nmarginal sketch and on the back of this sheet is the text given as<br \/>\nNo. 642. Compare also No. 802.]<\/p>\n<p>712.<\/p>\n<p>All the heads of the large nails.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI, No. i. This drawing has already been<br \/>\npublished in the &#8220;<em>Saggio delle Opere di L. da Vinci<\/em>.&#8221; Milano 1872,<br \/>\nPl. XXIV, No. i. But, for various reasons I cannot regard the<br \/>\neditor&#8217;s suggestions as satisfactory. He says: &#8220;<em>Veggonsi le<br \/>\narmature di legname colle quali forse venne sostenuto il modello,<br \/>\nquando per le nozze di Bianca Maria Sforza con Massimiliano<br \/>\nimperatore, esso fu collocato sotto un arco trionfale davanti al<br \/>\nCastello<\/em>.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>713.<\/p>\n<p>These bindings go inside.<\/p>\n<p>714.<\/p>\n<p>Salt may be made from human excrements, burnt and calcined, made<br \/>\ninto lees and dried slowly at a fire, and all the excrements produce<br \/>\nsalt in a similar way and these salts when distilled, are very<br \/>\nstrong.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: VASARI repeatedly states, in the fourth chapter of his<br \/>\n<em>Introduzione della Scultura<\/em>, that in preparing to cast bronze<br \/>\nstatues horse-dung was frequently used by sculptors. If,<br \/>\nnotwithstanding this, it remains doubtful whether I am justified in<br \/>\nhaving introduced here this text of but little interest, no such<br \/>\ndoubt can be attached to the sketch which accompanies it.]<\/p>\n<p>715.<\/p>\n<p>METHOD OF FOUNDING AGAIN.<\/p>\n<p>This may be done when the furnace is made [Footnote: this note is<br \/>\nwritten below the sketches.] strong and bruised.<\/p>\n<p>Models for the horse of the Sforza monument (716-718).<\/p>\n<p>7l6.<\/p>\n<p>Messer Galeazzo&#8217;s big genet<\/p>\n<p>717.<\/p>\n<p>Messer Galeazzo&#8217;s Sicilian horse.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: These notes are by the side of a drawing of a horse with<br \/>\nfigured measurements.]<\/p>\n<p>718.<\/p>\n<p>Measurement of the Sicilian horse the leg from behind, seen in<br \/>\nfront, lifted and extended.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: There is no sketch belonging to this passage. Galeazze<br \/>\nhere probably means Galeazze di San Severino, the famous captain who<br \/>\nmarried Bianca the daughter of Ludovico il Moro.]<\/p>\n<p>Occasional references to the Sforza monument (719-724).<\/p>\n<p>719.<\/p>\n<p>Again, the bronze horse may be taken in hand, which is to be to the<br \/>\nimmortal glory and eternal honour of the happy memory of the prince<br \/>\nyour father, and of the illustrious house of Sforza.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The letter from which this passage is here extracted will<br \/>\nbe found complete in section XXI. (see the explanation of it, on<br \/>\npage 2).]<\/p>\n<p>720.<\/p>\n<p>On the 23rd of April 1490 I began this book, and recommenced the<br \/>\nhorse.<\/p>\n<p>721.<\/p>\n<p>There is to be seen, in the mountains of Parma and Piacenza, a<br \/>\nmultitude of shells and corals full of holes, still sticking to the<br \/>\nrocks, and when I was at work on the great horse for Milan, a large<br \/>\nsackful of them, which were found thereabout, was brought to me into<br \/>\nmy workshop, by certain peasants.<\/p>\n<p>722.<\/p>\n<p>Believe me, Leonardo the Florentine, who has to do the equestrian<br \/>\nbronze statue of the Duke Francesco that he does not need to care<br \/>\nabout it, because he has work for all his life time, and, being so<br \/>\ngreat a work, I doubt whether he can ever finish it. [Footnote: This<br \/>\npassage is quoted from a letter to a committee at Piacenza for whom<br \/>\nLeonardo seems to have undertaken to execute some work. The letter<br \/>\nis given entire in section XXL; in it Leonardo remonstrates as to<br \/>\nsome unreasonable demands.]<\/p>\n<p>723.<\/p>\n<p>Of the horse I will say nothing because I know the times. [Footnote:<br \/>\nThis passage occurs in a rough copy of a letter to Ludovico il Moro,<br \/>\nwithout date (see below among the letters).]<\/p>\n<p>724.<\/p>\n<p>During ten years the works on the marbles have been going on I will<br \/>\nnot wait for my payment beyond the time, when my works are finished.<br \/>\n[Footnote: This possibly refers to the works for the pedestal of the<br \/>\nequestrian statue concerning which we have no farther information in<br \/>\nthe MSS. See p. 6.]<\/p>\n<p>The project of the Trivulzio monument.<\/p>\n<p>725.<\/p>\n<p>THE MONUMENT TO MESSER GIOVANNI JACOMO DA TREVULZO.<\/p>\n<p>[2] Cost of the making and materials for the horse [5].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original, lines 2-5, 12-14, 33-35, are written on<br \/>\nthe margin. This passage has been recently published by G. Govi in<br \/>\nVol. V, Ser. 3a, of <em>Transunti, Reale Accademia dei Linea, sed. del<br \/>\n5 Giugno, 1881,<\/em> with the following introductory note: <em>&#8220;Desidero<br \/>\nintanto che siano stampati questi pochi frammenti perche so che sono<br \/>\nstati trascritti ultimamente, e verranno messi in luce tra poco<br \/>\nfuori d&#8217;Italia. Li ripubblichi pure chi vuole, ma si sappia almeno<br \/>\nche anche tra noi si conoscevano, e s&#8217;eran raccolti da anni per<br \/>\ncomporne, quando che fosse, una edizione ordinata degli scritti di<br \/>\nLeonardo.&#8221;<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The learned editor has left out line 22 and has written 3 <em>pie<\/em> for<br \/>\n8 <em>piedi<\/em> in line 25. There are other deviations of less importance<br \/>\nfrom the original.]<\/p>\n<p>A courser, as large as life, with the rider requires for the cost of<br \/>\nthe metal, duc. 500.<\/p>\n<p>And for cost of the iron work which is inside the model, and<br \/>\ncharcoal, and wood, and the pit to cast it in, and for binding the<br \/>\nmould, and including the furnace where it is to be cast &#8230; duc.<br \/>\n200.<\/p>\n<p>To make the model in clay and then in wax&#8230;&#8230;&#8230; duc. 432.<\/p>\n<p>To the labourers for polishing it when it is cast. &#8230;&#8230;. duc. 450.<\/p>\n<p>in all. . duc. 1582.<\/p>\n<p>[12] Cost of the marble of the monument [14].<\/p>\n<p>Cost of the marble according to the drawing. The piece of marble<br \/>\nunder the horse which is 4 braccia long, 2 braccia and 2 inches wide<br \/>\nand 9 inches thick 58 hundredweight, at 4 Lire and 10 Soldi per<br \/>\nhundredweight.. duc. 58.<\/p>\n<p>And for 13 braccia and 6 inches of cornice, 7 in. wide and 4 in.<br \/>\nthick, 24 hundredweight&#8230;&#8230;. duc. 24.<\/p>\n<p>And for the frieze and architrave, which is 4 br. and 6 in. long, 2<br \/>\nbr. wide and 6 in. thick, 29 hundredweight., duc. 20.<\/p>\n<p>And for the capitals made of metal, which are 8, 5 inches in. square<br \/>\nand 2 in. thick, at the price of 15 ducats each, will come to&#8230;&#8230;<br \/>\nduc. 122.<\/p>\n<p>And for 8 columns of 2 br. 7 in., 4 1\/2 in. thick, 20 hundredweight<br \/>\nduc. 20.<\/p>\n<p>And for 8 bases which are 5 1\/2 in. square and 2 in. high 5 hund&#8217;..<br \/>\nduc. 5.<\/p>\n<p>And for the slab of the tombstone 4 br. io in. long, 2 br. 4 1\/2 in.<br \/>\nwide 36 hundredweight&#8230;&#8230;. duc. 36.<\/p>\n<p>And for 8 pedestal feet each 8 br. long and 6 1\/2 in. wide and 6 1\/2<br \/>\nin. thick, 20 hundredweight come to&#8230; duc. 20.<\/p>\n<p>And for the cornice below which is 4 br. and 10 in. long, and 2 br.<br \/>\nand 5 in. wide, and 4 in. thick, 32 hund&#8217;.. duc. 32.<\/p>\n<p>And for the stone of which the figure of the deceased is to be made<br \/>\nwhich is 3 br. and 8 in. long, and 1 br. and 6 in. wide, and 9 in.<br \/>\nthick, 30 hund&#8217;.. duc. 30.<\/p>\n<p>And for the stone on which the figure lies which is 3 br. and 4 in.<br \/>\nlong and 1 br. and 2 in., wide and 4 1\/2 in. thick duc. 16.<\/p>\n<p>And for the squares of marble placed between the pedestals which are<br \/>\n8 and are 9 br. long and 9 in. wide, and 3 in. thick, 8<br \/>\nhundredweight . . . duc. 8. in all. . duc. 389.<\/p>\n<p>[33]Cost of the work in marble[35].<\/p>\n<p>Round the base on which the horse stands there are 8 figures at 25<br \/>\nducats each &#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230; duc. 200.<\/p>\n<p>And on the same base there are 8 festoons with some other ornaments,<br \/>\nand of these there are 4 at the price of 15 ducats each, and 4 at<br \/>\nthe price of 8 ducats each &#8230;&#8230;. duc. 92.<\/p>\n<p>And for squaring the stones duc. 6.<\/p>\n<p>Again, for the large cornice which goes below the base on which the<br \/>\nhorse stands, which is 13 br. and 6 in., at 2 due. per br. &#8230;&#8230;<br \/>\nduc. 27.<\/p>\n<p>And for 12 br. of frieze at 5 due. per br. &#8230;&#8230;&#8230;.. duc. 60.<\/p>\n<p>And for 12 br. of architrave at 1 1\/2 duc. per br. &#8230;&#8230;. duc. 18.<\/p>\n<p>And for 3 rosettes which will be the soffit of the monument, at 20<br \/>\nducats each &#8230;&#8230;&#8230;. duc. 60.<\/p>\n<p>And for 8 fluted columns at 8 ducats each &#8230;&#8230;&#8230; duc. 64.<\/p>\n<p>And for 8 bases at 1 ducat each, duc. 8.<\/p>\n<p>And for 8 pedestals, of which 4 are at 10 duc. each, which go above<br \/>\nthe angles; and 4 at 6 duc. each .. duc. 64.<\/p>\n<p>And for squaring and carving the moulding of the pedestals at 2 duc.<br \/>\neach, and there are 8 &#8230;. duc. 16.<\/p>\n<p>And for 6 square blocks with figures and trophies, at 25 duc. each<br \/>\n.. duc. 150.<\/p>\n<p>And for carving the moulding of the stone under the figure of the<br \/>\ndeceased &#8230;&#8230;&#8230;. duc. 40.<\/p>\n<p>For the statue of the deceased, to do it well &#8230;&#8230;&#8230;. duc. 100.<\/p>\n<p>For 6 harpies with candelabra, at 25 ducats each &#8230;&#8230;&#8230; duc. 150.<\/p>\n<p>For squaring the stone on which the statue lies, and carving the<br \/>\nmoulding &#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230; duc. 20.<\/p>\n<p>in all .. duc. 1075.<\/p>\n<p>The sum total of every thing added together amount to &#8230;&#8230; duc.<br \/>\n3046.<\/p>\n<p>726.<\/p>\n<p>MINT AT ROME.<\/p>\n<p>It can also be made without a spring. But the screw above must<br \/>\nalways be joined to the part of the movable sheath: [Margin note:<br \/>\nThe mint of Rome.] [Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI. This passage is taken<br \/>\nfrom a note book which can be proved to have been used in Rome.]<\/p>\n<p>All coins which do not have the rim complete, are not to be accepted<br \/>\nas good; and to secure the perfection of their rim it is requisite<br \/>\nthat, in the first place, all the coins should be a perfect circle;<br \/>\nand to do this a coin must before all be made perfect in weight, and<br \/>\nsize, and thickness. Therefore have several plates of metal made of<br \/>\nthe same size and thickness, all drawn through the same gauge so as<br \/>\nto come out in strips. And out of [24] these strips you will stamp<br \/>\nthe coins, quite round, as sieves are made for sorting chestnuts<br \/>\n[27]; and these coins can then be stamped in the way indicated<br \/>\nabove; &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>[31] The hollow of the die must be uniformly wider than the lower,<br \/>\nbut imperceptibly [35].<\/p>\n<p>This cuts the coins perfectly round and of the exact thickness, and<br \/>\nweight; and saves the man who cuts and weighs, and the man who makes<br \/>\nthe coins round. Hence it passes only through the hands of the<br \/>\ngauger and of the stamper, and the coins are very superior.<br \/>\n[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI No. 2. The text of lines 31-35 stands<br \/>\nparallel 1. 24-27.<\/p>\n<p>Farther evidence of Leonardo&#8217;s occupations and engagements at Rome<br \/>\nunder Pope Leo X. may be gathered from some rough copies of letters<br \/>\nwhich will be found in this volume. Hitherto nothing has been known<br \/>\nof his work in Rome beyond some doubtful, and perhaps mythical,<br \/>\nstatements in Vasari.]<\/p>\n<p>727.<\/p>\n<p>POWDER FOR MEDALS.<\/p>\n<p>The incombustible growth of soot on wicks reduced to powder, burnt<br \/>\ntin and all the metals, alum, isinglass, smoke from a brass forge,<br \/>\neach ingredient to be moistened, with aqua vitae or malmsey or<br \/>\nstrong malt vinegar, white wine or distilled extract of turpentine,<br \/>\nor oil; but there should be little moisture, and cast in moulds.<br \/>\n[Margin note: On the coining of medals (727. 728).] [Footnote: The<br \/>\nmeaning of <em>scagliuolo<\/em> in this passage is doubtful.]<\/p>\n<p>728.<\/p>\n<p>OF TAKING CASTS OF MEDALS.<\/p>\n<p>A paste of emery mixed with aqua vitae, or iron filings with<br \/>\nvinegar, or ashes of walnut leaves, or ashes of straw very finely<br \/>\npowdered.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The meaning of <em>scagliuolo<\/em> in this passage is doubtful.]<\/p>\n<p>The diameter is given in the lead enclosed; it is beaten with a<br \/>\nhammer and several times extended; the lead is folded and kept<br \/>\nwrapped up in parchment so that the powder may not be spilt; then<br \/>\nmelt the lead, and the powder will be on the top of the melted lead,<br \/>\nwhich must then be rubbed between two plates of steel till it is<br \/>\nthoroughly pulverised; then wash it with aqua fortis, and the<br \/>\nblackness of the iron will be dissolved leaving the powder clean.<\/p>\n<p>Emery in large grains may be broken by putting it on a cloth many<br \/>\ntimes doubled, and hit it sideways with the hammer, when it will<br \/>\nbreak up; then mix it little by little and it can be founded with<br \/>\nease; but if you hold it on the anvil you will never break it, when<br \/>\nit is large.<\/p>\n<p>Any one who grinds smalt should do it on plates of tempered steel<br \/>\nwith a cone shaped grinder; then put it in aqua fortis, which melts<br \/>\naway the steel that may have been worked up and mixed with the<br \/>\nsmalt, and which makes it black; it then remains purified and clean;<br \/>\nand if you grind it on porphyry the porphyry will work up and mix<br \/>\nwith the smalt and spoil it, and aqua fortis will never remove it<br \/>\nbecause it cannot dissolve the porphyry.<\/p>\n<p>If you want a fine blue colour dissolve the smalt made with tartar,<br \/>\nand then remove the salt.<\/p>\n<p>Vitrified brass makes a fine red.<\/p>\n<p>729.<\/p>\n<p>STUCCO.<\/p>\n<p>Place stucco over the prominence of the&#8230;.. which may be composed<br \/>\nof Venus and Mercury, and lay it well over that prominence of the<br \/>\nthickness of the side of a knife, made with the ruler and cover this<br \/>\nwith the bell of a still, and you will have again the moisture with<br \/>\nwhich you applied the paste. The rest you may dry [Margin note: On<br \/>\nstucco (729. 730).] [Footnote: In this passage a few words have been<br \/>\nwritten in a sort of cipher&#8211;that is to say backwards; as in l. 3<br \/>\n<em>erenev<\/em> for <em>Venere<\/em>, l. 4 <em>oirucrem<\/em> for Mercurio, l. 12 <em>il<br \/>\norreve co ecarob<\/em> for <em>il everro (?) co borace<\/em>. The meaning of the<br \/>\nword before <em>&#8220;di giesso&#8221;<\/em> in l. 1 is unknown; and the sense, in<br \/>\nwhich <em>sagoma<\/em> is used here and in other passages is obscure.&#8211;<br \/>\n<em>Venere<\/em> and <em>Mercurio<\/em> may mean &#8216;marble&#8217; and &#8216;lime&#8217;, of which<br \/>\nstucco is composed.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>The meaning of <em>orreve<\/em> is unknown.]<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>well; afterwards fire it, and beat it or burnish it with a good<br \/>\nburnisher, and make it thick towards the side.<\/p>\n<p>STUCCO.<\/p>\n<p>Powder &#8230; with borax and water to a paste, and make stucco of it,<br \/>\nand then heat it so that it may dry, and then varnish it, with fire,<br \/>\nso that it shines well.<\/p>\n<p>730.<\/p>\n<p>STUCCO FOR MOULDING.<\/p>\n<p>Take of butter 6 parts, of wax 2 parts, and as much fine flour as<br \/>\nwhen put with these 2 things melted, will make them as firm as wax<br \/>\nor modelling clay.<\/p>\n<p>GLUE.<\/p>\n<p>Take mastic, distilled turpentine and white lead.<\/p>\n<p>On bronze casting generally (731-740).<\/p>\n<p>731.<\/p>\n<p>TO CAST.<\/p>\n<p>Tartar burnt and powdered with plaster and cast cause the plaster to<br \/>\nhold together when it is mixed up again; and then it will dissolve<br \/>\nin water.<\/p>\n<p>732.<\/p>\n<p>TO CAST BRONZE IN PLASTER.<\/p>\n<p>Take to every 2 cups of plaster 1 of ox-horns burnt, mix them<br \/>\ntogether and make your cast with it.<\/p>\n<p>733.<\/p>\n<p>When you want to take a cast in wax, burn the scum with a candle,<br \/>\nand the cast will come out without bubbles.<\/p>\n<p>734.<\/p>\n<p>2 ounces of plaster to a pound of metal;&#8211; walnut, which makes it<br \/>\nlike the curve.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The second part of this is quite obscure.]<\/p>\n<p>735.<\/p>\n<p>[Dried earth 16 pounds, 100 pounds of metal wet clay 20,&#8211;of wet<br \/>\n100,-half,- which increases 4 Ibs. of water,&#8211;1 of wax, 1 Ib. of<br \/>\nmetal, a little less,-the scrapings of linen with earth, measure for<br \/>\nmeasure.] [Footnote: The translation is given literally, but the<br \/>\nmeaning is quite obscure.]<\/p>\n<p>736.<\/p>\n<p>Such as the mould is, so will the cast be.<\/p>\n<p>737.<\/p>\n<p>HOW CASTS OUGHT TO BE POLISHED.<\/p>\n<p>Make a bunch of iron wire as thick as thread, and scrub them with<br \/>\n[this and] water; hold a bowl underneath that it may not make a mud<br \/>\nbelow.<\/p>\n<p>HOW TO REMOVE THE ROUGH EDGES FROM BRONZE.<\/p>\n<p>Make an iron rod, after the manner of a large chisel, and with this<br \/>\nrub over those seams on the bronze which remain on the casts of the<br \/>\nguns, and which are caused by the joins in the mould; but make the<br \/>\ntool heavy enough, and let the strokes be long and broad.<\/p>\n<p>TO FACILITATE MELTING.<\/p>\n<p>First alloy part of the metal in the crucible, then put it in the<br \/>\nfurnace, and this being in a molten state will assist in beginning<br \/>\nto melt the copper.<\/p>\n<p>TO PREVENT THE COPPER COOLING IN THE FURNACE.<\/p>\n<p>When the copper cools in the furnace, be ready, as soon as you<br \/>\nperceive it, to cut it with a long stick while it is still in a<br \/>\npaste; or if it is quite cold cut it as lead is cut with broad and<br \/>\nlarge chisels.<\/p>\n<p>IF YOU HAVE TO MAKE A LARGE CAST.<\/p>\n<p>If you have to make a cast of a hundred thousand pounds do it with<br \/>\ntwo furnaces and with 2000 pounds in each, or as much as 3000 pounds<br \/>\nat most.<\/p>\n<p>738.<\/p>\n<p>HOW TO PROCEED TO BREAK A LARGE MASS OF BRONZE.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to break up a large mass of bronze, first suspend it,<br \/>\nand then make round it a wall on the four sides, like a trough of<br \/>\nbricks, and make a great fire therein. When it is quite red hot give<br \/>\nit a blow with a heavy weight raised above it, and with great force.<\/p>\n<p>739.<\/p>\n<p>TO COMBINE LEAD WITH OTHER METAL.<\/p>\n<p>If you wish for economy in combining lead with the metal in order to<br \/>\nlessen the amount of tin which is necessary in the metal, first<br \/>\nalloy the lead with the tin and then add the molten copper.<\/p>\n<p>How TO MELT [METAL] IN A FURNACE.<\/p>\n<p>The furnace should be between four well founded pillars.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE THICKNESS OF THE COATING.<\/p>\n<p>The coating should not be more than two fingers thick, it should be<br \/>\nlaid on in four thicknesses over fine clay and then well fixed, and<br \/>\nit should be fired only on the inside and then carefully covered<br \/>\nwith ashes and cow&#8217;s dung.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE THICKNESS OF THE GUN.<\/p>\n<p>The gun being made to carry 600 Ibs. of ball and more, by this rule<br \/>\nyou will take the measure of the diameter of the ball and divide it<br \/>\ninto 6 parts and one of these parts will be its thickness at the<br \/>\nmuzzle; but at the breech it must always be half. And if the ball is<br \/>\nto be 700 lbs., 1\/7th of the diameter of the ball must be its<br \/>\nthickness in front; and if the ball is to be 800, the eighth of its<br \/>\ndiameter in front; and if 900, 1\/8th and 1\/2 [3\/16], and if 1000,<br \/>\n1\/9th.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE LENGTH OF THE BODY OF THE GUN.<\/p>\n<p>If you want it to throw a ball of stone, make the length of the gun<br \/>\nto be 6, or as much as 7 diameters of the ball; and if the ball is<br \/>\nto be of iron make it as much as 12 balls, and if the ball is to be<br \/>\nof lead, make it as much as 18 balls. I mean when the gun is to have<br \/>\nthe mouth fitted to receive 600 lbs. of stone ball, and more.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE THICKNESS OF SMALL GUNS.<\/p>\n<p>The thickness at the muzzle of small guns should be from a half to<br \/>\none third of the diameter of the ball, and the length from 30 to 36<br \/>\nballs.<\/p>\n<p>740.<\/p>\n<p>OF LUTING THE FURNACE WITHIN.<\/p>\n<p>The furnace must be luted before you put the metal in it, with earth<br \/>\nfrom Valenza, and over that with ashes.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 1. 2.: <em>Terra di Valenza<\/em>.&#8211;Valenza is north of<br \/>\nAlessandria on the Po.]<\/p>\n<p>OF RESTORING THE METAL WHEN IT IS BECOMING COOL.<\/p>\n<p>When you see that the bronze is congealing take some willow-wood cut<br \/>\nin small chips and make up the fire with it.<\/p>\n<p>THE CAUSE OF ITS CURDLING.<\/p>\n<p>I say that the cause of this congealing often proceeds from too much<br \/>\nfire, or from ill-dried wood.<\/p>\n<p>TO KNOW THE CONDITION OF THE FIRE.<\/p>\n<p>You may know when the fire is good and fit for your purpose by a<br \/>\nclear flame, and if you see the tips of the flames dull and ending<br \/>\nin much smoke do not trust it, and particularly when the flux metal<br \/>\nis almost fluid.<\/p>\n<p>OF ALLOYING THE METAL.<\/p>\n<p>Metal for guns must invariably be made with 6 or even 8 per cent,<br \/>\nthat is 6 of tin to one hundred of copper, for the less you put in,<br \/>\nthe stronger will the gun be.<\/p>\n<p>WHEN THE TIN SHOULD BE ADDED TO THE COPPER.<\/p>\n<p>The tin should be put in with the copper when the copper is reduced<br \/>\nto a fluid.<\/p>\n<p>HOW TO HASTEN THE MELTING.<\/p>\n<p>You can hasten the melting when 2\/3ds of the copper is fluid; you<br \/>\ncan then, with a stick of chestnut-wood, repeatedly stir what of<br \/>\ncopper remains entire amidst what is melted.<\/p>\n<p><em>Introductory Observations on the Architectural Designs (XII), and<br \/>\nWritings on Architecture (XIII).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Until now very little has been known regarding Leonardo&#8217;s labours<br \/>\nin the domain of Architecture. No building is known to have been<br \/>\nplanned and executed by him, though by some contemporary writers<br \/>\nincidental allusion is made to his occupying himself with<br \/>\narchitecture, and his famous letter to Lodovico il Moro,&#8211;which has<br \/>\nlong been a well-known document,&#8211;in which he offers his service as<br \/>\nan architect to that prince, tends to confirm the belief that he was<br \/>\nsomething more than an amateur of the art. This hypothesis has<br \/>\nlately been confirmed by the publication of certain documents,<br \/>\npreserved at Milan, showing that Leonardo was not only employed in<br \/>\npreparing plans but that he took an active part, with much credit,<br \/>\nas member of a commission on public buildings; his name remains<br \/>\nlinked with the history of the building of the Cathedral at Pavia<br \/>\nand that of the Cathedral at Milan.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo&#8217;s writings on Architecture are dispersed among a large<br \/>\nnumber of MSS., and it would be scarcely possible to master their<br \/>\ncontents without the opportunity of arranging, sorting and comparing<br \/>\nthe whole mass of materials, so as to have some comprehensive idea<br \/>\nof the whole. The sketches, when isolated and considered by<br \/>\nthemselves, might appear to be of but little value; it is not till<br \/>\nwe understand their general purport, from comparing them with each<br \/>\nother, that we can form any just estimate of their true worth.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo seems to have had a project for writing a complete and<br \/>\nseparate treatise on Architecture, such as his predecessors and<br \/>\ncontemporaries had composed&#8211;Leon Battista Alberti, Filarete,<br \/>\nFrancesco di Giorgio and perhaps also Bramante. But, on the other<br \/>\nhand, it cannot be denied that possibly no such scheme was connected<br \/>\nwith the isolated notes and researches, treating on special<br \/>\nquestions, which are given in this work; that he was merely working<br \/>\nat problems in which, for some reason or other he took a special<br \/>\ninterest.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>A great number of important buildings were constructed in Lombardy<br \/>\nduring the period between 1472 and 1499, and among them there are<br \/>\nseveral by unknown architects, of so high an artistic merit, that it<br \/>\nis certainly not improbable that either Bramante or Leonardo da<br \/>\nVinci may have been, directly or indirectly, concerned in their<br \/>\nerection.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Having been engaged, for now nearly twenty years, in a thorough<br \/>\nstudy of Bramante&#8217;s life and labours, I have taken a particular<br \/>\ninterest in detecting the distinguishing marks of his style as<br \/>\ncompared with Leonardo&#8217;s. In 1869 I made researches about the<br \/>\narchitectural drawings of the latter in the Codex Atlanticus at<br \/>\nMilan, for the purpose of finding out, if possible the original<br \/>\nplans and sketches of the churches of Santa Maria delle Grazie at<br \/>\nMilan, and of the Cathedral at Pavia, which buildings have been<br \/>\nsupposed to be the work both of Bramante and of Leonardo. Since 1876<br \/>\nI have repeatedly examined Leonardo&#8217;s architectural studies in the<br \/>\ncollection of his manuscripts in the Institut de France, and some of<br \/>\nthese I have already given to the public in my work on<\/em> &#8220;Les Projets<br \/>\nPrimitifs pour la Basilique de St. Pierre de Rome&#8221;, <em>P1. 43. In 1879<br \/>\nI had the opportunity of examining the manuscript in the Palazzo<br \/>\nTrivulzio at Milan, and in 1880 Dr Richter showed me in London the<br \/>\nmanuscripts in the possession of Lord Ashburnham, and those in the<br \/>\nBritish Museum. I have thus had opportunities of seeing most of<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s architectural drawings in the original, but of the<br \/>\nmanuscripts tliemselves I have deciphered only the notes which<br \/>\naccompany the sketches. It is to Dr Richter&#8217;s exertions that we owe<br \/>\nthe collected texts on Architecture which are now published, and<br \/>\nwhile he has undertaken to be responsible for the correct reading of<br \/>\nthe original texts, he has also made it his task to extract the<br \/>\nwhole of the materials from the various MSS. It has been my task to<br \/>\narrange and elucidate the texts under the heads which have been<br \/>\nadopted in this work. MS. B. at Paris and the Codex Atlanticus at<br \/>\nMilan are the chief sources of our knowledge of Leonardo as an<br \/>\narchitect, and I have recently subjected these to a thorough<br \/>\nre-investigation expressly with a view to this work.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>A complete reproduction of all Leonardo&#8217;s architectural sketches<br \/>\nhas not, indeed, been possible, but as far as the necessarily<br \/>\nrestricted limits of the work have allowed, the utmost completeness<br \/>\nhas been aimed at, and no efforts have been spared to include every<br \/>\nthing that can contribute to a knowledge of Leonardo&#8217;s style. It<br \/>\nwould have been very interesting, if it had been possible, to give<br \/>\nsome general account at least of Leonardo&#8217;s work and studies in<br \/>\nengineering, fortification, canal-making and the like, and it is<br \/>\nonly on mature reflection that we have reluctantly abandoned this<br \/>\nidea. Leonardo&#8217;s occupations in these departments have by no means<br \/>\nso close a relation to literary work, in the strict sense of the<br \/>\nword as we are fairly justified in attributing to his numerous notes<br \/>\non Architecture.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo&#8217;s architectural studies fall naturally under two heads:<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>I. Those drawings and sketches, often accompanied by short remarks<br \/>\nand explanations, which may be regarded as designs for buildings or<br \/>\nmonuments intended to be built. With these there are occasionally<br \/>\nexplanatory texts.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>II. Theoretical investigations and treatises. A special interest<br \/>\nattaches to these because they discuss a variety of questions which<br \/>\nare of practical importance to this day. Leonardo&#8217;s theory as to the<br \/>\norigin and progress of cracks in buildings is perhaps to be<br \/>\nconsidered as unique in its way in the literature of Architecture.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>HENRY DE GEYMULLER<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>XII.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Architectural Designs.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>I. Plans for towns.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>A. Sketches for laying out a new town with a double system of high-<br \/>\nlevel and low-level road-ways.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Pl. LXXVII, No. 1 (MS. B, 15b). A general view of a town, with the<br \/>\nroads outside it sloping up to the high-level ways within.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Pl. LXXVII, No. 3 (MS. B, 16b. see No. 741; and MS. B. 15b, see No.<br \/>\n742) gives a partial view of the town, with its streets and houses,<br \/>\nwith explanatory references.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Pl. LXXVII, No. 2 (MS. B, 15b; see No. 743). View of a double<br \/>\nstaircaise with two opposite flights of steps.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Pl. LXXVIII, Nos. 2 and 3 (MS. B, 37a). Sketches illustrating the<br \/>\nconnection of the two levels of roads by means of steps. The lower<br \/>\ngalleries are lighted by openings in the upper roadway.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>B. Notes on removing houses (MS. Br. M., 270b, see No. 744).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>741.<\/p>\n<p>The roads <em>m<\/em> are 6 braccia higher than the roads <em>p s<\/em>, and each<br \/>\nroad must be 20 braccia wide and have 1\/2 braccio slope from the<br \/>\nsides towards the middle; and in the middle let there be at every<br \/>\nbraccio an opening, one braccio long and one finger wide, where the<br \/>\nrain water may run off into hollows made on the same level as <em>p s<\/em>.<br \/>\nAnd on each side at the extremity of the width of the said road let<br \/>\nthere be an arcade, 6 braccia broad, on columns; and understand that<br \/>\nhe who would go through the whole place by the high level streets<br \/>\ncan use them for this purpose, and he who would go by the low level<br \/>\ncan do the same. By the high streets no vehicles and similar objects<br \/>\nshould circulate, but they are exclusively for the use of gentlemen.<br \/>\nThe carts and burdens for the use and convenience of the inhabitants<br \/>\nhave to go by the low ones. One house must turn its back to the<br \/>\nother, leaving the lower streets between them. Provisions, such as<br \/>\nwood, wine and such things are carried in by the doors <em>n<\/em>, and<br \/>\nprivies, stables and other fetid matter must be emptied away<br \/>\nunderground. From one arch to the next<\/p>\n<p>742.<\/p>\n<p>must be 300 braccia, each street receiving its light through the<br \/>\nopenings of the upper streets, and at each arch must be a winding<br \/>\nstair on a circular plan because the corners of square ones are<br \/>\nalways fouled; they must be wide, and at the first vault there must<br \/>\nbe a door entering into public privies and the said stairs lead from<br \/>\nthe upper to the lower streets and the high level streets begin<br \/>\noutside the city gates and slope up till at these gates they have<br \/>\nattained the height of 6 braccia. Let such a city be built near the<br \/>\nsea or a large river in order that the dirt of the city may be<br \/>\ncarried off by the water.<\/p>\n<p>743.<\/p>\n<p>The construction of the stairs: The stairs <em>c d<\/em> go down to <em>f g<\/em>,<br \/>\nand in the same way <em>f g<\/em> goes down to <em>h k<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>744.<\/p>\n<p>ON MOVING HOUSES.<\/p>\n<p>Let the houses be moved and arranged in order; and this will be done<br \/>\nwith facility because such houses are at first made in pieces on the<br \/>\nopen places, and can then be fitted together with their timbers in<br \/>\nthe site where they are to be permanent.<\/p>\n<p>[9] Let the men of the country [or the village] partly inhabit the<br \/>\nnew houses when the court is absent [12].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: On the same page we find notes referring to Romolontino<br \/>\nand Villafranca with a sketch-map of the course of the &#8220;Sodro&#8221; and<br \/>\nthe &#8220;(Lo)cra&#8221; (both are given in the text farther on). There can<br \/>\nhardly be a doubt that the last sentence of the passage given above,<br \/>\nrefers to the court of Francis I. King of France.&#8211;L.9-13 are<br \/>\nwritten inside the larger sketch, which, in the original, is on the<br \/>\nright hand side of the page by the side of lines 1-8. The three<br \/>\nsmaller sketches are below. J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p>_II. Plans for canals and streets in a town.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXIX, 1. and 2, (MS. B, 37b, see No. 745, and MS. B. 36a, see<br \/>\nNo. 746). A Plan for streets and canals inside a town, by which the<br \/>\ncellars of the houses are made accessible in boats.<\/p>\n<p>The third text given under No. 747 refers to works executed by<br \/>\nLeonardo in France._<\/p>\n<p>745.<\/p>\n<p>The front <em>a m<\/em> will give light to the rooms; <em>a e<\/em> will be 6<br \/>\nbraccia&#8211;<em>a b<\/em> 8 braccia &#8212;<em>b e<\/em> 30 braccia, in order that the rooms<br \/>\nunder the porticoes may be lighted; <em>c d f<\/em> is the place where the<br \/>\nboats come to the houses to be unloaded. In order to render this<br \/>\narrangement practicable, and in order that the inundation of the<br \/>\nrivers may not penetrate into the cellars, it is necessary to chose<br \/>\nan appropriate situation, such as a spot near a river which can be<br \/>\ndiverted into canals in which the level of the water will not vary<br \/>\neither by inundations or drought. The construction is shown below;<br \/>\nand make choice of a fine river, which the rains do not render<br \/>\nmuddy, such as the Ticino, the Adda and many others. [Footnote 12:<br \/>\n<em>Tesino, Adda e molti altri, i.e.<\/em> rivers coming from the mountains<br \/>\nand flowing through lakes.] The construction to oblige the waters to<br \/>\nkeep constantly at the same level will be a sort of dock, as shown<br \/>\nbelow, situated at the entrance of the town; or better still, some<br \/>\nway within, in order that the enemy may not destroy it [14].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: L. 1-4 are on the left hand side and within the sketch<br \/>\ngiven on Pl. LXXIX, No. I. Then follows after line 14, the drawing<br \/>\nof a sluicegate&#8211;<em>conca<\/em>&#8211;of which the use is explained in the text<br \/>\nbelow it. On the page 38a, which comes next in the original MS. is<br \/>\nthe sketch of an oval plan of a town over which is written &#8220;<em>modo di<br \/>\ncanali per la citta<\/em>&#8221; and through the longer axis of it &#8220;<em>canale<br \/>\nmagior<\/em>&#8221; is written with &#8220;<em>Tesino<\/em>&#8221; on the prolongation of the<br \/>\ncanal. J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p>746.<\/p>\n<p>Let the width of the streets be equal to the average height of the<br \/>\nhouses.<\/p>\n<p>747.<\/p>\n<p>The main underground channel does not receive turbid water, but that<br \/>\nwater runs in the ditches outside the town with four mills at the<br \/>\nentrance and four at the outlet; and this may be done by damming the<br \/>\nwater above Romorantin.<\/p>\n<p>[11]There should be fountains made in each piazza[13].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original this text comes immediately after the<br \/>\npassage given as No. 744. The remainder of the writing on the same<br \/>\npage refers to the construction of canals and is given later, in the<br \/>\n&#8220;Topographical Notes&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>Lines 1-11 are written to the right of the plan lines 11-13<br \/>\nunderneath it. J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 10: <em>Romolontino<\/em> is Romorantin, South of Orleans in<br \/>\nFrance.]<\/p>\n<p>_III. Castles and Villas.<\/p>\n<p>A. Castles.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXX, No. 1 (P. V. fol. 39b; No. d&#8217;ordre 2282). The fortified<br \/>\nplace here represented is said by Vallardi to be the_ &#8220;castello&#8221; <em>at<br \/>\nMilan, but without any satisfactory reason. The high tower behind<br \/>\nthe<\/em> &#8220;rivellino&#8221; _ravelin&#8211;seems to be intended as a watch-tower.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXX, No. 2 (MS. B, 23b). A similarly constructed tower probably<br \/>\nintended for the same use.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXX, No. 3 (MS. B). Sketches for corner towers with steps for a<br \/>\ncitadel.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXX, No. 4 (W. XVI). A cupola crowning a corner tower; an<br \/>\ninteresting example of decorative fortification. In this<br \/>\nreproduction of the original pen and ink drawing it appears<br \/>\nreversed.<\/p>\n<p>B. Projects for Palaces.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXI, No. 2 (MS. C. A, 75b; 221a, see No. 748). Project for a<br \/>\nroyal residence at Amboise in France.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXII, No. 1 (C. A 308a; 939a). A plan for a somewhat extensive<br \/>\nresidence, and various details; but there is no text to elucidate<br \/>\nit; in courts are written the three names:<\/p>\n<p>Sam                   cosi                   giova<br \/>\n       <em>(St. Mark)<\/em>           <em>(Cosmo)<\/em>               <em>(John)<\/em>,<br \/>\narch                   mo                     nino<\/p>\n<p>C. Plans for small castles or Villas.<\/p>\n<p>The three following sketches greatly resemble each other. Pl.<br \/>\nLXXXII, No. 2 (MS. K3 36b; see No. 749)._<\/p>\n<p>_Pl. LXXXII, No. 3 (MS. B 60a; See No. 750).<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIII (W. XVII). The text on this sheet refers to Cyprus (see<br \/>\nTopographical Notes No. 1103), but seems to have no direct<br \/>\nconnection with the sketches inserted between.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXVIII, Nos. 6 and 7 (MS. B, 12a; see No. 751). A section of a<br \/>\ncircular pavilion with the plan of a similar building by the side of<br \/>\nit. These two drawings have a special historical interest because<br \/>\nthe text written below mentions the Duke and Duchess of Milan.<\/p>\n<p>The sketch of a villa on a terrace at the end of a garden occurs in<br \/>\nC. A. 150; and in C. A. 77b; 225b is another sketch of a villa<br \/>\nsomewhat resembling the_ Belvedere _of Pope Innocent VIII, at Rome.<br \/>\nIn C. A. 62b; 193b there is a Loggia.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXII, No. 4 (C. A. 387a; 1198a) is a tower-shaped_ Loggia<br \/>\n<em>above a fountain. The machinery is very ingeniously screened from<br \/>\nview.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>748.<\/p>\n<p>The Palace of the prince must have a piazza in front of it.<\/p>\n<p>Houses intended for dancing or any kind of jumping or any other<br \/>\nmovements with a multitude of people, must be on the ground- floor;<br \/>\nfor I have already witnessed the destruction of some, causing death<br \/>\nto many persons, and above all let every wall, be it ever so thin,<br \/>\nrest on the ground or on arches with a good foundation.<\/p>\n<p>Let the mezzanines of the dwellings be divided by walls made of very<br \/>\nthin bricks, and without wood on account of fire.<\/p>\n<p>Let all the privies have ventilation [by shafts] in the thickness of<br \/>\nthe walls, so as to exhale by the roofs.<\/p>\n<p>The mezzanines should be vaulted, and the vaults will be stronger in<br \/>\nproportion as they are of small size.<\/p>\n<p>The ties of oak must be enclosed in the walls in order to be<br \/>\nprotected from fire.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The remarks accompanying the plan reproduced on Pl.<br \/>\nLXXXI, No. 2 are as follows: Above, to the left: &#8220;<em>in<\/em> a <em>angholo<br \/>\nstia la guardia de la sstalla<\/em>&#8221; (in the angle <em>a<\/em> may be the keeper<br \/>\nof the stable). Below are the words &#8220;<em>strada dabosa<\/em>&#8221; (road to<br \/>\nAmboise), parallel with this &#8220;<em>fossa br 40<\/em>&#8221; (the moat 40 braccia)<br \/>\nfixing the width of the moat. In the large court surrounded by a<br \/>\nportico &#8220;<em>in terre No.&#8211;Largha br.80 e lugha br 120<\/em>.&#8221; To the right<br \/>\nof the castle is a large basin for aquatic sports with the words<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Giostre colle nave cioe li giostra li stieno sopra le na<\/em>&#8221;<br \/>\n(Jousting in boats that is the men are to be in boats). J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p>The privies must be numerous and going one into the other in order<br \/>\nthat the stench may not penetrate into the dwellings., and all their<br \/>\ndoors must shut off themselves with counterpoises.<\/p>\n<p>The main division of the facade of this palace is into two portions;<br \/>\nthat is to say the width of the court-yard must be half the whole<br \/>\nfacade; the 2nd &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>749.<\/p>\n<p>30 braccia wide on each side; the lower entrance leads into a hall<br \/>\n10 braccia wide and 30 braccia long with 4 recesses each with a<br \/>\nchimney.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: On each side of the castle, Pl. LXXXII. No. 2 there are<br \/>\ndrawings of details, to the left &#8220;<em>Camino<\/em>&#8221; a chimney, to the right<br \/>\nthe central lantern, sketched in red &#8220;<em>8 lati<\/em>&#8221; <em>i.e.<\/em> an octagon.]<\/p>\n<p>750.<\/p>\n<p>The firststorey [or terrace] must be entirely solid.<\/p>\n<p>751.<\/p>\n<p>The pavilion in the garden of the Duchess of Milan.<\/p>\n<p>The plan of the pavilion which is in the middle of the labyrinth of<br \/>\nthe Duke of Milan.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This passage was first published by AMORETTI in <em>Memorie<br \/>\nStoriche<\/em> Cap. X: Una sua opera da riportarsi a quest&#8217; anno fu il<br \/>\nbagno fatto per la duchessa Beatrice nel parco o giardino del<br \/>\nCastello. Lionardo non solo ne disegno il piccolo edifizio a foggia<br \/>\ndi padiglione, nel cod. segnato Q. 3, dandone anche separatamente la<br \/>\npianta; ma sotto vi scrisse: Padiglione del giardino della duchessa;<br \/>\ne sotto la pianta: Fondamento del padiglione ch&#8217;e nel mezzo del<br \/>\nlabirinto del duca di Milano; nessuna data e presso il padiglione,<br \/>\ndisegnato nella pagina 12, ma poco sopra fra molti circoli<br \/>\nintrecciati vedesi = 10 Luglio 1492 = e nella pagina 2 presso ad<br \/>\nalcuni disegni di legumi qualcheduno ha letto Settembre 1482 in vece<br \/>\ndi 1492, come dovea scriverevi, e probabilmente scrisse Lionardo.<\/p>\n<p>The original text however hardly bears the interpretation put upon<br \/>\nit by AMORETTI. He is mistaken as to the mark on the MS. as well as<br \/>\nin his statements as to the date, for the MS. in question has no<br \/>\ndate; the date he gives occurs, on the contrary, in another<br \/>\nnote-book. Finally, it appears to me quite an open question whether<br \/>\nLeonardo was the architect who carried out the construction of the<br \/>\ndome-like Pavilion here shown in section, or of the ground plan of<br \/>\nthe Pavilion drawn by the side of it. Must we, in fact, suppose that<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>il duca di Milano<\/em>&#8221; here mentioned was, as has been generally<br \/>\nassumed, Ludovico il Moro? He did not hold this title from the<br \/>\nEmperor before 1494; till that date he was only called <em>Governatore<\/em><br \/>\nand Leonardo in speaking of him, mentions him generally as &#8220;<em>il<br \/>\nMoro<\/em>&#8221; even after 1494. On January 18, 1491, he married Beatrice<br \/>\nd&#8217;Este the daughter of Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara. She died on the<br \/>\n2nd January 1497, and for the reasons I have given it seems<br \/>\nimprobable that it should be this princess who is here spoken of as<br \/>\nthe &#8220;<em>Duchessa di Milano<\/em>&#8220;. From the style of the handwriting it<br \/>\nappears to me to be beyond all doubt that the MS. B, from which this<br \/>\npassage is taken, is older than the dated MSS. of 1492 and 1493. In<br \/>\nthat case the Duke of Milan here mentioned would be Gian Galeazzo<br \/>\n(1469-1494) and the Duchess would be his wife Isabella of Aragon, to<br \/>\nwhom he was married on the second February 1489. J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p>752.<\/p>\n<p>The earth that is dug out from the cellars must be raised on one<br \/>\nside so high as to make a terrace garden as high as the level of the<br \/>\nhall; but between the earth of the terrace and the wall of the<br \/>\nhouse, leave an interval in order that the damp may not spoil the<br \/>\nprincipal walls.<\/p>\n<p>_IV. Ecclesiastical Architecture.<\/p>\n<p>A. General Observations._<\/p>\n<p>753.<\/p>\n<p>A building should always be detached on all sides so that its form<br \/>\nmay be seen.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The original text is reproduced on Pl. XCII, No. 1 to the<br \/>\nleft hand at the bottom.]<\/p>\n<p>754.<\/p>\n<p>Here there cannot and ought not to be any <em>campanile<\/em>; on the<br \/>\ncontrary it must stand apart like that of the Cathedral and of San<br \/>\nGiovanni at Florence, and of the Cathedral at Pisa, where the<br \/>\ncampanile is quite detached as well as the dome. Thus each can<br \/>\ndisplay its own perfection. If however you wish to join it to the<br \/>\nchurch, make the lantern serve for the campanile as in the church at<br \/>\nChiaravalle.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text is written by the side of the plan given on Pl.<br \/>\nXCI. No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 12: The Abbey of Chiaravalle, a few miles from Milan, has<br \/>\na central tower on the intersection of the cross in the style of<br \/>\nthat of the Certosa of Pavia, but the style is mediaeval (A. D.<br \/>\n1330). Leonardo seems here to mean, that in a building, in which the<br \/>\ncircular form is strongly conspicuous, the campanile must either be<br \/>\nseparated, or rise from the centre of the building and therefore<br \/>\ntake the form of a lantern.]<\/p>\n<p>755.<\/p>\n<p>It never looks well to see the roofs of a church; they should rather<br \/>\nbe flat and the water should run off by gutters made in the frieze.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text is to the left of the domed church reproduced<br \/>\non Pl. LXXXVII, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>_B. The theory of Dome Architecture.<\/p>\n<p>This subject has been more extensively treated by Leonardo in<br \/>\ndrawings than in writing. Still we may fairly assume that it was his<br \/>\npurpose, ultimately to embody the results of his investigation in a_<br \/>\n&#8220;Trattato delle Cupole.&#8221; _The amount of materials is remarkably<br \/>\nextensive. MS. B is particularly rich in plans and elevations of<br \/>\nchurches with one or more domes&#8211;from the simplest form to the most<br \/>\ncomplicated that can be imagined. Considering the evident connexion<br \/>\nbetween a great number of these sketches, as well as the<br \/>\nimpossibility of seeing in them designs or preparatory sketches for<br \/>\nany building intended to be erected, the conclusion is obvious that<br \/>\nthey were not designed for any particular monument, but were<br \/>\ntheoretical and ideal researches, made in order to obtain a clear<br \/>\nunderstanding of the laws which must govern the construction of a<br \/>\ngreat central dome, with smaller ones grouped round it; and with or<br \/>\nwithout the addition of spires, so that each of these parts by<br \/>\nitself and in its juxtaposition to the other parts should produce<br \/>\nthe grandest possible effect.<\/p>\n<p>In these sketches Leonardo seems to have exhausted every imaginable<br \/>\ncombination. [Footnote 1: In MS. B, 32b (see Pl. C III, No. 2) we<br \/>\nfind eight geometrical patterns, each drawn in a square; and in MS.<br \/>\nC.A., fol. 87 to 98 form a whole series of patterns done with the<br \/>\nsame intention.] The results of some of these problems are perhaps<br \/>\nnot quite satisfactory; still they cannot be considered to give<br \/>\nevidence of a want of taste or of any other defect in Leonardo s<br \/>\narchitectural capacity. They were no doubt intended exclusively for<br \/>\nhis own instruction, and, before all, as it seems, to illustrate the<br \/>\nfeatures or consequences resulting from a given principle._<\/p>\n<p><em>I have already, in another place,<\/em> [Footnote 1: Les Projets<br \/>\nPrimitifs pour la Basilique de St. Pierre de Rome, par Bramante,<br \/>\nRaphael etc.,Vol. I, p. 2.] _pointed out the law of construction for<br \/>\nbuildings crowned by a large dome: namely, that such a dome, to<br \/>\nproduce the greatest effect possible, should rise either from the<br \/>\ncentre of a Greek cross, or from the centre of a structure of which<br \/>\nthe plan has some symmetrical affinity to a circle, this circle<br \/>\nbeing at the same time the centre of the whole plan of the building.<\/p>\n<p>Leonardo&#8217;s sketches show that he was fully aware, as was to be<br \/>\nexpected, of this truth. Few of them exhibit the form of a Latin<br \/>\ncross, and when this is met with, it generally gives evidence of the<br \/>\ndetermination to assign as prominent a part as possible to the dome<br \/>\nin the general effect of the building.<\/p>\n<p>While it is evident, on the one hand, that the greater number of<br \/>\nthese domes had no particular purpose, not being designed for<br \/>\nexecution, on the other hand several reasons may be found for<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s perseverance in his studies of the subject.<\/p>\n<p>Besides the theoretical interest of the question for Leonardo and<br \/>\nhis_ Trattato <em>and besides the taste for domes prevailing at that<br \/>\ntime, it seems likely that the intended erection of some building of<br \/>\nthe first importance like the Duomos of Pavia and Como, the church<br \/>\nof Sta. Maria delle Grazie at Milan, and the construction of a Dome<br \/>\nor central Tower<\/em> (Tiburio) _on the cathedral of Milan, may have<br \/>\nstimulated Leonardo to undertake a general and thorough<br \/>\ninvestigation of the subject; whilst Leonardo&#8217;s intercourse with<br \/>\nBramante for ten years or more, can hardly have remained without<br \/>\ninfluence in this matter. In fact now that some of this great<br \/>\nArchitect&#8217;s studies for S. Peter&#8217;s at Rome have at last become<br \/>\nknown, he must be considered henceforth as the greatest master of<br \/>\nDome-Architecture that ever existed. His influence, direct or<br \/>\nindirect even on a genius like Leonardo seems the more likely, since<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s sketches reveal a style most similar to that of Bramante,<br \/>\nwhose name indeed, occurs twice in Leonardo&#8217;s manuscript notes. It<br \/>\nmust not be forgotten that Leonardo was a Florentine; the<br \/>\ncharacteristic form of the two principal domes of Florence, Sta.<br \/>\nMaria del Fiore and the Battisterio, constantly appear as leading<br \/>\nfeatures in his sketches.<\/p>\n<p>The church of San Lorenzo at Milan, was at that time still intact.<br \/>\nThe dome is to this day one of the most wonderful cupolas ever<br \/>\nconstructed, and with its two smaller domes might well attract the<br \/>\nattention and study of a never resting genius such as Leonardo. A<br \/>\nwhole class of these sketches betray in fact the direct influence of<br \/>\nthe church of S. Lorenzo, and this also seems to have suggested the<br \/>\nplan of Bramante&#8217;s dome of St. Peter&#8217;s at Rome.<\/p>\n<p>In the following pages the various sketches for the construction of<br \/>\ndomes have been classified and discussed from a general point of<br \/>\nview. On two sheets: Pl. LXXXIV (C.A. 354b; 118a) and Pl. LXXXV,<br \/>\nNos. 1-11 (Ash. II, 6b) we see various dissimilar types, grouped<br \/>\ntogether; thus these two sheets may be regarded as a sort of<br \/>\nnomenclature of the different types, on which we shall now have to<br \/>\ntreat._<\/p>\n<p>_1. Churches formed on the plan of a Greek cross.<\/p>\n<p>Group I.<\/p>\n<p>Domes rising from a circular base.<\/p>\n<p>The simplest type of central building is a circular edifice.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIV, No. 9. Plan of a circular building surrounded by a<br \/>\ncolonnade.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIV, No. 8. Elevation of the former, with a conical roof.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XC. No. 5. A dodecagon, as most nearly approaching the circle.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXVI, No. 1, 2, 3. Four round chapels are added at the<br \/>\nextremities of the two principal axes;&#8211;compare this plan with fig.<br \/>\n1 on p. 44 and fig. 3 on p. 47 (W. P. 5b) where the outer wall is<br \/>\noctagonal.<\/p>\n<p>Group II.<\/p>\n<p>Domes rising from a square base.<\/p>\n<p>The plan is a square surrounded by a colonnade, and the dome seems<br \/>\nto be octagonal.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIV. The square plan below the circular building No. 8, and<br \/>\nits elevation to the left, above the plan: here the ground-plan is<br \/>\nsquare, the upper storey octagonal. A further development of this<br \/>\ntype is shown in two sketches C. A. 3a (not reproduced here), and in<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXVI, No. 5 (which possibly belongs to No. 7 on Pl. LXXXIV).<\/p>\n<p>Pl, LXXXV, No. 4, and p. 45, Fig. 3, a Greek cross, repeated p. 45,<br \/>\nFig. 3, is another development of the square central plan.<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of these studies show two different systems; in the<br \/>\nfirst the dome rises from a square plan,&#8211;in the second from an<br \/>\noctagonal base._<\/p>\n<p>_Group III.<\/p>\n<p>Domes rising from a square base and four pillars. [Footnote 1: The<br \/>\nancient chapel San Satiro, via del Falcone, Milan, is a specimen of<br \/>\nthis type.]_<\/p>\n<p>a) First type. _A Dome resting on four pillars in the centre of a<br \/>\nsquare edifice, with an apse in the middle, of each of the four<br \/>\nsides. We have eleven variations of this type.<\/p>\n<p>aa) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 3.<\/p>\n<p>bb) Pl. LXXX, No. 5.<\/p>\n<p>cc) Pl. LXXXV, Nos. 2, 3, 5.<\/p>\n<p>dd) Pl. LXXXIV, No. 1 and 4 beneath.<\/p>\n<p>ee) Pl. LXXXV, Nos. 1, 7, 10, 11._<\/p>\n<p>b) Second type. _This consists in adding aisles to the whole plan of<br \/>\nthe first type; columns are placed between the apses and the aisles;<br \/>\nthe plan thus obtained is very nearly identical with that of S.<br \/>\nLorenzo at Milan.<\/p>\n<p>Fig. 1 on p. 56. (MS. B, 75a) shows the result of this treatment<br \/>\nadapted to a peculiar purpose about which we shall have to say a few<br \/>\nwords later on.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCV, No. 1, shows the same plan but with the addition of a short<br \/>\nnave. This plan seems to have been suggested by the general<br \/>\narrangement of S. Sepolcro at Milan.<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. 57b (see the sketch reproduced on p.51). By adding towers in<br \/>\nthe four outer angles to the last named plan, we obtain a plan which<br \/>\nbears the general features of Bramante&#8217;s plans for S. Peter&#8217;s at<br \/>\nRome. [Footnote 2: See_ Les projets primitifs _etc., Pl. 9-12.] (See<br \/>\np. 51 Fig. 1.)<\/p>\n<p>Group IV.<\/p>\n<p>Domes rising from an octagonal base.<\/p>\n<p>This system, developed according to two different schemes, has given<br \/>\nrise to two classes with many varieties.<\/p>\n<p>In a) On each side of the octagon chapels of equal form are added.<\/p>\n<p>In b) The chapels are dissimilar; those which terminate the<br \/>\nprincipal axes being different in form from those which are added on<br \/>\nthe diagonal sides of the octagon.<\/p>\n<p>a. First Class.<\/p>\n<p>The Chapel_ &#8220;degli Angeli,&#8221; <em>at Florence, built only to a height of<br \/>\nabout 20 feet by Brunellesco, may be considered as the prototype of<br \/>\nthis group; and, indeed it probably suggested it. The fact that we<br \/>\nsee in MS. B. 11b (Pl. XCIV, No. 3) by the side of Brunellesco&#8217;s<br \/>\nplan for the Basilica of Sto. Spirito at Florence, a plan almost<br \/>\nidentical with that of the<\/em> Capella degli Angeli, <em>confirms this<br \/>\nsupposition. Only two small differences, or we may say improvements,<br \/>\nhave been introduced by Leonardo. Firstly the back of the chapels<br \/>\ncontains a third niche, and each angle of the Octagon a folded<br \/>\npilaster like those in Bramante&#8217;s<\/em> Sagrestia di S. M. presso San<br \/>\nSatiro _at Milan, instead of an interval between the two pilasters<br \/>\nas seen in the Battistero at Florence and in the Sacristy of Sto.<br \/>\nSpirito in the same town and also in the above named chapel by<br \/>\nBrunellesco.<\/p>\n<p>The first set of sketches which come under consideration have at<br \/>\nfirst sight the appearance of mere geometrical studies. They seem to<br \/>\nhave been suggested by the plan given on page 44 Fig. 2 (MS. B, 55a)<br \/>\nin the centre of which is written_ &#8220;Santa Maria in perticha da<br \/>\nPavia&#8221;, _at the place marked A on the reproduction.<\/p>\n<p>a) (MS. B, 34b, page 44 Fig. 3). In the middle of each side a column<br \/>\nis added, and in the axes of the intercolumnar spaces a second row<br \/>\nof columns forms an aisle round the octagon. These are placed at the<br \/>\nintersection of a system of semicircles, of which the sixteen<br \/>\ncolumns on the sides of the octagon are the centres.<\/p>\n<p>b) The preceding diagram is completed and becomes more monumental in<br \/>\nstyle in the sketch next to it (MS. B, 35a, see p. 45 Fig. 1). An<br \/>\nouter aisle is added by circles, having for radius the distance<br \/>\nbetween the columns in the middle sides of the octagon.<\/p>\n<p>c) (MS. B. 96b, see p. 45 Fig. 2). Octagon with an aisle round it;<br \/>\nthe angles of both are formed by columns. The outer sides are formed<br \/>\nby 8 niches forming chapels. The exterior is likewise octagonal,<br \/>\nwith the angles corresponding to the centre of each of the interior<br \/>\nchapels.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCII, No. 2 (MS. B. 96b). Detail and modification of the<br \/>\npreceding plan&#8211;half columns against piers&#8211;an arrangement by which<br \/>\nthe chapels of the aisle have the same width of opening as the inner<br \/>\narches between the half columns. Underneath this sketch the<br \/>\nfollowing note occurs:_ questo vole &#8211; avere 12 facce &#8211; co 12<br \/>\ntabernaculi &#8211; come &#8211; <em>a<\/em> &#8211; <em>b<\/em>. <em>(This will have twelve sides with<br \/>\ntwelve tabernacles as<\/em> a b._) In the remaining sketches of this<br \/>\nclass the octagon is not formed by columns at the angles.<\/p>\n<p>The simplest type shows a niche in the middle of each side and is<br \/>\nrepeated on several sheets, viz: MS. B 3; MS. C.A. 354b (see Pl.<br \/>\nLXXXIV, No. 11) and MS. Ash II 6b; (see Pl. LXXXV, No. 9 and the<br \/>\nelevations No. 8; Pl. XCII, No. 3; MS. B. 4b [not reproduced here]<br \/>\nand Pl. LXXXIV, No. 2)._<\/p>\n<p>_Pl. XCII, 3 (MS. B, 56b) corresponds to a plan like the one in MS.<br \/>\nB 35a, in which the niches would be visible outside or, as in the<br \/>\nfollowing sketch, with the addition of a niche in the middle of each<br \/>\nchapel.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XC, No. 6. The niches themselves are surrounded by smaller<br \/>\nniches (see also No. 1 on the same plate).<\/p>\n<p>Octagon expanded on each side.<\/p>\n<p>A. by a square chapel:<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. 34b (not reproduced here).<\/p>\n<p>B. by a square with 3 niches:<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. 11b (see Pl. XCIV, No. 3).<\/p>\n<p>C. by octagonal chapels:<\/p>\n<p>a) MS. B, 21a; Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 4.<\/p>\n<p>b) No. 2 on the same plate. Underneath there is the remark:_<br \/>\n&#8220;quest&#8217;e come le 8 cappele ano a essere facte&#8221; _(this is how the<br \/>\neight chapels are to be executed).<\/p>\n<p>c) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 5. Elevation to the plans on the same sheet, it<br \/>\nis accompanied by the note:_ &#8220;ciasscuno de&#8217; 9 tiburi no&#8217;uole &#8211;<br \/>\npassare l&#8217;alteza &#8211; di &#8211; 2 &#8211; quadri&#8221; _(neither of the 9 domes must<br \/>\nexceed the height of two squares).<\/p>\n<p>d) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 1. Inside of the same octagon. MS. B, 30a, and<br \/>\n34b; these are three repetitions of parts of the same plan with very<br \/>\nslight variations.<\/p>\n<p>D. by a circular chapel:<\/p>\n<p>MS. B, 18a (see Fig. 1 on page 47) gives the plan of this<br \/>\narrangement in which the exterior is square on the ground floor with<br \/>\nonly four of the chapels projecting, as is explained in the next<br \/>\nsketch.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIX, MS. B, 17b. Elevation to the preceding plan sketched on<br \/>\nthe opposite side of the sheet, and also marked A. It is accompanied<br \/>\nby the following remark, indicating the theoretical character of<br \/>\nthese studies:_ questo &#8211; edifitio &#8211; anchora &#8211; starebbe &#8211; bene<br \/>\naffarlo dalla linja &#8211; <em>a<\/em> &#8211; <em>b<\/em> &#8211; <em>c<\/em> &#8211; <em>d<\/em> &#8211; insu. <em>(&#8220;This edifice<br \/>\nwould also produce a good effect if only the part above the lines<\/em> a<br \/>\nb, c d, _were executed&#8221;).<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIV, No. 11. The exterior has the form of an octagon, but the<br \/>\nchapels project partly beyond it. On the left side of the sketch<br \/>\nthey appear larger than on the right side.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XC, No. 1, (MS. B, 25b); Repetition of Pl. LXXXIV, No. 11.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XC, No. 2. Elevation to the plan No. 1, and also to No. 6 of the<br \/>\nsame sheet._<\/p>\n<p>_E. By chapels formed by four niches:<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIV, No. 7 (the circular plan on the left below) shows this<br \/>\narrangement in which the central dome has become circular inside and<br \/>\nmight therefore be classed after this group. [Footnote 1: This plan<br \/>\nand some others of this class remind us of the plan of the Mausoleum<br \/>\nof Augustus as it is represented for instance by Durand. See_ Cab.<br \/>\ndes Estampes, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Topographie de Rome, V,<br \/>\n6, 82._]<\/p>\n<p>The sketch on the right hand side gives most likely the elevation<br \/>\nfor the last named plan.<\/p>\n<p>F. By chapels of still richer combinations, which necessitate an<br \/>\noctagon of larger dimensions:<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCI, No. 2 (MS. Ash. 11. 8b) [Footnote 2: The note accompanying<br \/>\nthis plan is given under No. 754.]; on this plan the chapels<br \/>\nthemselves appear to be central buildings formed like the first type<br \/>\nof the third group. Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 3.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCI, No. 2 above; the exterior of the preceding figure,<br \/>\nparticularly interesting on account of the alternation of apses and<br \/>\nniches, the latter containing statues of a gigantic size, in<br \/>\nproportion to the dimension of the niches.<\/p>\n<p>b. Second Class.<\/p>\n<p>Composite plans of this class are generally obtained by combining<br \/>\ntwo types of the first class&#8211;the one worked out on the principal<br \/>\naxes, the other on the diagonal ones.<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. 22 shows an elementary combination, without any additions on<br \/>\nthe diagonal axes, but with the dimensions of the squares on the two<br \/>\nprincipal axes exceeding those of the sides of the octagon.<\/p>\n<p>In the drawing W. P. 5b (see page 44 Fig. 1) the exterior only of<br \/>\nthe edifice is octagonal, the interior being formed by a circular<br \/>\ncolonnade; round chapels are placed against the four sides of the<br \/>\nprincipal axes.<\/p>\n<p>The elevation, drawn on the same sheet (see page 47 Fig. 3), shows<br \/>\nthe whole arrangement which is closely related with the one on Pl.<br \/>\nLXXXVI No. 1, 2.<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. 21a shows:<\/p>\n<p>a) four sides with rectangular chapels crowned by pediments Pl.<br \/>\nLXXXVII No. 3 (plan and elevation);<\/p>\n<p>b) four sides with square chapels crowned by octagonal domes. Pl.<br \/>\nLXXXVII No. 4; the plan underneath.<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. 18a shows a variation obtained by replacing the round chapels<br \/>\nin the principal axes of the sketch MS. B. l8a by square ones, with<br \/>\nan apse. Leonardo repeated both ideas for better comparison side by<br \/>\nside, see page 47. Fig. 2.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIX (MS. B. 17b). Elevation for the preceding figure. The<br \/>\ncomparison of the drawing marked M with the plan on page 47 Fig. 2,<br \/>\nbearing the same mark, and of the elevation on Pl. LXXXIX below<br \/>\n(marked A) with the corresponding plan on page 47 is highly<br \/>\ninstructive, as illustrating the spirit in which Leonardo pursued<br \/>\nthese studies.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIV No. 12 shows the design Pl. LXXXVII No. 3 combined with<br \/>\napses, with the addition of round chapels on the diagonal sides.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIV No. 13 is a variation of the preceding sketch.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XC No. 3. MS. B. 25b. The round chapels of the preceding sketch<br \/>\nare replaced by octagonal chapels, above which rise campaniles.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XC No. 4 is the elevation for the preceding plan.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCII No. 1. (MS. B. 39b.); the plan below. On the principal as<br \/>\nwell as on the diagonal axes are diagonal chapels, but the latter<br \/>\nare separated from the dome by semicircular recesses. The<br \/>\ncommunication between these eight chapels forms a square aisle round<br \/>\nthe central dome.<\/p>\n<p>Above this figure is the elevation, showing four campaniles on the<br \/>\nangles. [Footnote 1: The note accompanying this drawing is<br \/>\nreproduced under No. 753.]<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXIV No. 3. On the principal axes are square chapels with<br \/>\nthree niches; on the diagonals octagonal chapels with niches. Cod.<br \/>\nAtl. 340b gives a somewhat similar arrangement.<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. 30. The principal development is thrown on the diagonal axes<br \/>\nby square chapels with three niches; on the principal axes are inner<br \/>\nrecesses communicating with outer ones.<\/p>\n<p>The plan Pl. XCIII No. 2 (MS. B. 22) differs from this only in so<br \/>\nfar as the outer semicircles have become circular chapels,<br \/>\nprojecting from the external square as apses; one of them serves as<br \/>\nthe entrance by a semicircular portico.<\/p>\n<p>The elevation is drawn on the left side of the plan.<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. 19. A further development of MS. B. 18, by employing for the<br \/>\nfour principal chapels the type Pl. LXXXVIII No. 3, as we have<br \/>\nalready seen in Pl. XCI No. 2; the exterior presents two varieties.<\/p>\n<p>a) The outer contour follows the inner. [Footnote 2: These chapels<br \/>\nare here sketched in two different sizes; it is the smaller type<br \/>\nwhich is thus formed.]<\/p>\n<p>b) It is semicircular.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXVII No. 2 (MS. B. 18b) Elevation to the first variation MS.<br \/>\nB. 19. If we were not certain that this sketch was by Leonardo, we<br \/>\nmight feel tempted to take it as a study by Bramante for St. Peter&#8217;s<br \/>\nat Rome. [Footnote 3: See_ Les projets primitifs Pl. 43.<em>]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>_MS. P. V. 39b. In the principal axes the chapels of MS. B. 19, and<br \/>\nsemicircular niches on the diagonals. The exterior of the whole<br \/>\nedifice is also an octagon, concealing the form of the interior<br \/>\nchapels, but with its angles on their axes.<\/p>\n<p>Group V.<\/p>\n<p>Suggested by San Lorenzo at Milan.<\/p>\n<p>In MS. C. A. 266 IIb, 8l2b there is a plan almost identical with<br \/>\nthat of San Lorenzo. The diagonal sides of the irregular octagon are<br \/>\nnot indicated.<\/p>\n<p>If it could be proved that the arches which, in the actual church,<br \/>\nexist on these sides in the first story, were added in 1574 by<br \/>\nMartimo Bassi, then this plan and the following section would be<br \/>\nstill nearer the original state of San Lorenzo than at present. A<br \/>\nreproduction of this slightly sketched plan has not been possible.<br \/>\nIt may however be understood from Pl. LXXXVIII No. 3, by suppressing<br \/>\nthe four pillars corresponding to the apses.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXVII No. 1 shows the section in elevation corresponding with<br \/>\nthe above-named plan. The recessed chapels are decorated with large<br \/>\nshells in the halfdomes like the arrangement in San Lorenzo, but<br \/>\nwith proportions like those of Bramante&#8217;s Sacristy of Santa Maria<br \/>\npresso S. Satiro.<\/p>\n<p>MS. C. A. 266; a sheet containing three views of exteriors of Domes.<br \/>\nOn the same sheet there is a plan similar to the one above-named but<br \/>\nwith uninterrupted aisles and with the addition of round chapels in<br \/>\nthe axes (compare Pl. XCVII No. 3 and page 44 Fig. 1), perhaps a<br \/>\nreminiscence of the two chapels annexed to San Lorenzo.&#8211;Leonardo<br \/>\nhas here sketched the way of transforming this plan into a Latin<br \/>\ncross by means of a nave with side aisles.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCI No. 1. Plan showing a type deprived of aisles and comprised<br \/>\nin a square building which is surrounded by a portico. It is<br \/>\naccompanied by the following text:_<\/p>\n<p>756.<\/p>\n<p>This edifice is inhabited [accessible] below and above, like San<br \/>\nSepolcro, and it is the same above as below, except that the upper<br \/>\nstory has the dome <em>c d<\/em>; and the [Footnote: The church of San<br \/>\nSepolcro at Milan, founded in 1030 and repeatedly rebuilt after the<br \/>\nmiddle of the XVIth century, still stands over the crypt of the<br \/>\noriginal structure.] lower has the dome <em>a b<\/em>, and when you enter<br \/>\ninto the crypt, you descend 10 steps, and when you mount into the<br \/>\nupper you ascend 20 steps, which, with 1\/3 braccio for each, make 10<br \/>\nbraccia, and this is the height between one floor of the church and<br \/>\nthe other.<\/p>\n<p><em>Above the plan on the same sheet is a view of the exterior. By the<br \/>\naid of these two figures and the description, sections of the<br \/>\nedifice may easily be reconstructed. But the section drawn on the<br \/>\nleft side of the building seems not to be in keeping with the same<br \/>\nplan, notwithstanding the explanatory note written underneath it:<br \/>\n&#8220;dentro il difitio di sopra&#8221; (interior of the edifice<br \/>\nabove)[Footnote 1: _The small inner dome corresponds to<\/em> a b <em>on the<br \/>\nplan&#8211;it rises from the lower church into the upper&#8211; above, and<br \/>\nlarger, rises the dome<\/em> c d. <em>The aisles above and below thus<br \/>\ncorrespond<\/em> (e di sopra come di sotto, salvoche etc.). <em>The only<br \/>\ndifference is, that in the section Leonardo has not taken the<br \/>\ntrouble to make the form octagonal, but has merely sketched circular<br \/>\nlines in perspective.<\/em> J. P. R._].<\/p>\n<p>_Before leaving this group, it is well to remark that the germ of it<br \/>\nseems already indicated by the diagonal lines in the plans Pl. LXXXV<br \/>\nNo. 11 and No. 7. We shall find another application of the same type<br \/>\nto the Latin cross in Pl. XCVII No. 3.<\/p>\n<p>_2. Churches formed on the plan of a Latin cross.<\/p>\n<p>We find among Leonardo&#8217;s studies several sketches for churches on<br \/>\nthe plan of the Latin cross; we shall begin by describing them, and<br \/>\nshall add a few observations.<\/p>\n<p>A. Studies after existing Monuments.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCIV No. 2. (MS. B. 11b.) Plan of Santo Spirito at Florence, a<br \/>\nbasilica built after the designs of Brunellesco.&#8211;Leonardo has added<br \/>\nthe indication of a portico in front, either his own invention or<br \/>\nthe reproduction of a now lost design.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCV No. 2. Plan accompanied by the words: &#8220;A_ e santo sepolcro<br \/>\ndi milano di sopra&#8221;(A _is the upper church of S. Sepolcro at Milan);<br \/>\nalthough since Leonardo&#8217;s time considerably spoilt, it is still the<br \/>\nsame in plan.<\/p>\n<p>The second plan with its note: &#8220;B_ e la sua parte socto tera&#8221; (B _is<br \/>\nits subterranean part [the crypt]) still corresponds with the<br \/>\npresent state of this part of the church as I have ascertained by<br \/>\nvisiting the crypt with this plan. Excepting the addition of a few<br \/>\ninsignificant walls, the state of this interesting part of the<br \/>\nchurch still conforms to Leonardo&#8217;s sketch; but in the Vestibolo the<br \/>\ntwo columns near the entrance of the winding stairs are absent.<\/p>\n<p>B. Designs or Studies.<\/p>\n<p>PL. XCV No. 1. Plan of a church evidently suggested by that of San<br \/>\nSepolcro at Milan. The central part has been added to on the<br \/>\nprinciple of the second type of Group III. Leonardo has placed the_<br \/>\n&#8220;coro&#8221; <em>(choir) in the centre.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>_Pl. XCVI No. 2. In the plan the dome, as regards its interior,<br \/>\nbelongs to the First Class of Group IV, and may be grouped with the<br \/>\none in MS. B. 35a. The nave seems to be a development of the type<br \/>\nrepresented in Pl. XCV No. 2, B. by adding towers and two lateral<br \/>\nporticos[Footnote 1: Already published in Les projets primitifs Pl.<br \/>\nXLIII.].<\/p>\n<p>On the left is a view of the exterior of the preceding plan. It is<br \/>\naccompanied by the following note:_<\/p>\n<p>757.<\/p>\n<p>This building is inhabited below and above; the way up is by the<br \/>\ncampaniles, and in going up one has to use the platform, where the<br \/>\ndrums of the four domes are, and this platform has a parapet in<br \/>\nfront, and none of these domes communicate with the church, but they<br \/>\nare quite separate.<\/p>\n<p>_Pl. XCVI No. 1 (MS. C. A. 16b; 65a). Perspective view of a church<br \/>\nseen from behind; this recalls the Duomo at Florence, but with two<br \/>\ncampaniles[Footnote 2: Already published in the Saggio Pl. IX.].<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCVII No. 3 (MS. B. 52a). The central part is a development of<br \/>\nS. Lorenzo at Milan, such as was executed at the Duomo of Pavia.<br \/>\nThere is sufficient analogy between the building actually executed<br \/>\nand this sketch to suggest a direct connection between them.<br \/>\nLeonardo accompanied Francesco di Giorgio[Footnote 3: See MALASPINA,<br \/>\nil Duomo di Pavia. Documents.] when the latter was consulted on June<br \/>\n21st, 1490 as to this church; the fact that the only word<br \/>\naccompanying the plan is:_ &#8220;sagrestia&#8221;, _seems to confirm our<br \/>\nsupposition, for the sacristies were added only in 1492, i. e. four<br \/>\nyears after the beginning of the Cathedral, which at that time was<br \/>\nmost likely still sufficiently unfinished to be capable of receiving<br \/>\nthe form of the present sketch.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCVII No. 2 shows the exterior of this design. Below is the<br \/>\nnote:_ edifitio al proposito del fodameto figurato di socto<br \/>\n_(edifice proper for the ground plan figured below).<\/p>\n<p>Here we may also mention the plan of a Latin cross drawn in MS. C.<br \/>\nA. fol. 266 (see p. 50).<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCIV No. 1 (MS. L. 15b). External side view of Brunellesco&#8217;s<br \/>\nFlorentine basilica San Lorenzo, seen from the North.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCIV No. 4 (V. A. V, 1). Principal front of a nave, most likely<br \/>\nof a church on the plan of a Latin cross. We notice here not only<br \/>\nthe principal features which were employed afterwards in Alberti&#8217;s<br \/>\nfront of S. Maria Novella, but even details of a more advanced<br \/>\nstyle, such as we are accustomed to meet with only after the year<br \/>\n1520.<\/p>\n<p>In the background of Leonardo&#8217;s unfinished picture of St. Jerome<br \/>\n(Vatican Gallery) a somewhat similar church front is indicated (see<br \/>\nthe accompanying sketch).<\/p>\n<p>[Illustration with caption: The view of the front of a temple,<br \/>\napparently a dome in the centre of four corinthian porticos bearing<br \/>\npediments (published by Amoretti Tav. II. B as being by Leonardo),<br \/>\nis taken from a drawing, now at the Ambrosian Gallery. We cannot<br \/>\nconsider this to be by the hand of the master.]_<\/p>\n<p>_C. Studies for a form of a Church most proper for preaching.<\/p>\n<p>The problem as to what form of church might answer the requirements<br \/>\nof acoustics seems to have engaged Leonardo&#8217;s very particular<br \/>\nattention. The designation of_ &#8220;teatro&#8221; _given to some of these<br \/>\nsketches, clearly shows which plan seemed to him most favourable for<br \/>\nhearing the preacher&#8217;s voice.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCVII, No. 1 (MS. B, 52). Rectangular edifice divided into three<br \/>\nnaves with an apse on either side, terminated by a semicircular<br \/>\ntheatre with rising seats, as in antique buildings. The pulpit is in<br \/>\nthe centre. Leonardo has written on the left side of the sketch_:<br \/>\n&#8220;teatro da predicare&#8221; _(Theatre for preaching).<\/p>\n<p>MS. B, 55a (see page 56, Fig. 1). A domed church after the type of<br \/>\nPl. XCV, No. 1, shows four theatres occupying the apses and facing<br \/>\nthe square_ &#8220;coro&#8221; <em>(choir), which is in the centre between the four<br \/>\npillars of the dome.[Footnote 1: The note<\/em> teatro de predicar, <em>on<br \/>\nthe right side is, I believe, in the handwriting of Pompeo Leoni. J.<br \/>\nP. R.] The rising arrangement of the seats is shown in the sketch<br \/>\nabove. At the place marked<\/em> B <em>Leonardo wrote<\/em> teatri per uldire<br \/>\nmessa <em>(rows of seats to hear mass), at<\/em> T teatri,_ and at_ C coro<br \/>\n_(choir).<\/p>\n<p>In MS. C.A. 260, are slight sketches of two plans for rectangular<br \/>\nchoirs and two elevations of the altar and pulpit which seem to be<br \/>\nin connection with these plans.<\/p>\n<p>In MS. Ash II, 8a (see p. 56 and 57. Fig. 2 and 3)._ &#8220;Locho dove si<br \/>\npredica&#8221; _(Place for preaching). A most singular plan for a<br \/>\nbuilding. The interior is a portion of a sphere, the centre of which<br \/>\nis the summit of a column destined to serve as the preacher&#8217;s<br \/>\npulpit. The inside is somewhat like a modern theatre, whilst the<br \/>\nexterior and the galleries and stairs recall the ancient<br \/>\namphitheatres.<\/p>\n<p>[Illustration with caption: Page 57, Fig. 4. A plan accompanying the<br \/>\ntwo preceding drawings. If this gives the complete form Leonardo<br \/>\nintended for the edifice, it would have comprised only about two<br \/>\nthirds of the circle. Leonardo wrote in the centre_ &#8220;fondamento&#8221;, <em>a<br \/>\nword he often employed for plans, and on the left side of the view<br \/>\nof the exterior:<\/em> locho dove si predicha <em>(a place for preaching<br \/>\nin).<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>_D. Design for a Mausoleum.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCVIII (P. V., 182._ No. d&#8217;ordre 2386). In the midst of a hilly<br \/>\nlandscape rises an artificial mountain in the form of a gigantic<br \/>\ncone, crowned by an imposing temple. At two thirds of the height a<br \/>\nterrace is cut out with six doorways forming entrances to galleries,<br \/>\neach leading to three sepulchral halls, so constructed as to contain<br \/>\nabout five hundred funeral urns, disposed in the customary antique<br \/>\nstyle. From two opposite sides steps ascend to the terrace in a<br \/>\nsingle flight and beyond it to the temple above. A large circular<br \/>\nopening, like that in the Pantheon, is in the dome above what may be<br \/>\nthe altar, or perhaps the central monument on the level of the<br \/>\nterrace below.<\/p>\n<p>The section of a gallery given in the sketch to the right below<br \/>\nshows the roof to be constructed on the principle of superimposed<br \/>\nhorizontal layers, projecting one beyond the other, and each<br \/>\nfurnished with a sort of heel, which appears to be undercut, so as<br \/>\nto give the appearance of a beam from within. Granite alone would be<br \/>\nadequate to the dimensions here given to the key stone, as the<br \/>\nthickness of the layers can hardly be considered to be less than a<br \/>\nfoot. In taking this as the basis of our calculation for the<br \/>\ndimensions of the whole construction, the width of the chamber would<br \/>\nbe about 25 feet but, judging from the number of urns it<br \/>\ncontains&#8211;and there is no reason to suppose that these urns were<br \/>\nlarger than usual&#8211;it would seem to be no more than about 8 or 10<br \/>\nfeet.<\/p>\n<p>The construction of the vaults resembles those in the galleries of<br \/>\nsome etruscan tumuli, for instance the Regulini Galeassi tomb at<br \/>\nCervetri (lately discovered) and also that of the chamber and<br \/>\npassages of the pyramid of Cheops and of the treasury of Atreus at<br \/>\nMycenae.<\/p>\n<p>The upper cone displays not only analogies with the monuments<br \/>\nmentioned in the note, but also with Etruscan tumuli, such as the<br \/>\nCocumella tomb at Vulci, and the Regulini Galeassi tomb_[Footnote 1:<br \/>\n<em>See<\/em> FERSGUSON, <em>Handbook of Architecture, I,<\/em> 291.]. _The whole<br \/>\nscheme is one of the most magnificent in the history of<br \/>\nArchitecture.<\/p>\n<p>It would be difficult to decide as to whether any monument he had<br \/>\nseen suggested this idea to Leonardo, but it is worth while to<br \/>\nenquire, if any monument, or group of monuments of an earlier date<br \/>\nmay be supposed to have done so.<em>[Footnote 2: _There are, in<br \/>\nAlgiers, two Monuments, commonly called<\/em> &#8220;Le Madracen&#8221; <em>and<\/em> &#8220;Le<br \/>\ntombeau de la Chretienne,&#8221; <em>which somewhat resemble Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\ndesign. They are known to have served as the Mausolea of the Kings<br \/>\nof Mauritania. Pomponius Mela, the geographer of the time of the<br \/>\nEmperor Claudius, describes them as having been<\/em> &#8220;Monumentum commune<br \/>\nregiae gentis.&#8221; <em>See<\/em> Le Madracen, Rapport fait par M. le Grand<br \/>\nRabbin AB. CAHEN, Constantine 1873&#8211;Memoire sur les fouilles<br \/>\nexecutees au Madras&#8217;en .. par le Colonel BRUNON, Constantine<br \/>\nl873.&#8211;Deux Mausolees Africains, le Madracen et le tombeau de la<br \/>\nChretienne par M. J. DE LAURIERE, Tours l874.&#8211;Le tombeau de la<br \/>\nChretienne, Mausolee des rois Mauritaniens par M. BERBRUGGER, Alger<br \/>\n1867.&#8211;<em>I am indebted to M. LE BLANC, of the Institut, and M. LUD,<br \/>\nLALANNE, Bibliothecaire of the Institut for having first pointed out<br \/>\nto me the resemblance between these monuments; while M. ANT. HERON<br \/>\nDE VlLLEFOSSE of the Louvre was kind enough to place the<br \/>\nabovementioned rare works at my disposal. Leonardo&#8217;s observations on<br \/>\nthe coast of Africa are given later in this work. The Herodium near<br \/>\nBethlehem in Palestine<\/em> (Jebel el Fureidis, <em>the Frank Mountain)<br \/>\nwas, according to the latest researches, constructed on a very<br \/>\nsimilar plan. See<\/em> Der Frankenberg, von Baurath C. SCHICK in<br \/>\nJerusalem, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins, <em>Leipzag<\/em><br \/>\n1880, <em>Vol. III, pages<\/em> 88-99 <em>and Plates IV and V.<\/em> J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p>_E. Studies for the Central Tower, or Tiburio of Milan Cathedral.<\/p>\n<p>Towards the end of the fifteenth century the Fabbricceria del Duomo<br \/>\nhad to settle on the choice of a model for the crowning and central<br \/>\npart of this vast building. We learn from a notice published by G.<br \/>\nL. Calvi [Footnote: G. L. CALVI, Notizie sulla vita e sulle opere<br \/>\ndei principali architetti scultori e pittori che fiorirono in<br \/>\nMilano, Part III, 20. See also: H. DE GEYMULLER, Les projets<br \/>\nprimitifs etc. I, 37 and 116-119.&#8211;The Fabbricceria of the Duomo has<br \/>\nlately begun the publication of the archives, which may possibly<br \/>\ntell us more about the part taken by Leonardo, than has hitherto<br \/>\nbeen known.] that among the artists who presented models in the year<br \/>\n1488 were: Bramante, Pietro da Gorgonzola, Luca Paperio (Fancelli),<br \/>\nand Leonardo da Vinci.&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Several sketches by Leonardo refer to this important project:<\/p>\n<p>Pl. XCIX, No. 2 (MS. S. K. III, No. 36a) a small plan of the whole<br \/>\nedifice.&#8211;The projecting chapels in the middle of the transept are<br \/>\nwanting here. The nave appears to be shortened and seems to be<br \/>\napproached by an inner &#8220;vestibolo&#8221;.&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Pl. C, No. 2 (Tr. 21). Plan of the octagon tower, giving the<br \/>\ndisposition of the buttresses; starting from the eight pillars<br \/>\nadjoining the four principal piers and intended to support the eight<br \/>\nangles of the Tiburio. These buttresses correspond exactly with<br \/>\nthose described by Bramante as existing in the model presented by<br \/>\nOmodeo. [Footnote: Bramante&#8217;s opinion was first published by G.<br \/>\nMONGERl, Arch. stor. Lomb. V, fasc. 3 and afterwards by me in the<br \/>\npublication mentioned in the preceding note.]<\/p>\n<p>Pl. C, 3 (MS. Tr. 16). Two plans showing different arrangements of<br \/>\nthe buttresses, which seem to be formed partly by the intersection<br \/>\nof a system of pointed arches such as that seen in **<\/p>\n<p>Pl. C, No. 5 (MS. B, 27a) destined to give a broader base to the<br \/>\ndrum. The text underneath is given under No. 788.<\/p>\n<p>MS. B, 3&#8211;three slight sketches of plans in connexion with the<br \/>\npreceding ones._<\/p>\n<p><em>Pl. XCIX, No.1 (MS. Tr. 15) contains several small sketches of<br \/>\nsections and exterior views of the Dome; some of them show<br \/>\nbuttress-walls shaped as inverted arches. Respecting these Leonardo<br \/>\nnotes:<\/em><\/p>\n<p>758.<\/p>\n<p>L&#8217;arco rivescio e migliore per fare spalla che l&#8217;ordinario, perche<br \/>\nil rovescio trova sotto se muro resistete alla sua debolezza, e<br \/>\nl&#8217;ordinario no trova nel suo debole se non aria<\/p>\n<p>The inverted arch is better for giving a shoulder than the ordinary<br \/>\none, because the former finds below it a wall resisting its<br \/>\nweakness, whilst the latter finds in its weak part nothing but air.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: _Three slight sketches of sections on the same<br \/>\nleaf&#8211;above those reproduced here&#8211;are more closely connected with<br \/>\nthe large drawing in the centre of Pl. C, No. 4 (M.S, Tr. 41) which<br \/>\nshows a section of a very elevated dome, with double vaults,<br \/>\nconnected by ribs and buttresses ingeniously disposed, so as to<br \/>\nbring the weight of the lantern to bear on the base of the dome.<\/p>\n<p>A sketch underneath it shows a round pillar on which is indicated<br \/>\nwhich part of its summit is to bear the weight: &#8220;il pilastro sara<br \/>\ncharicho in . a . b.&#8221; (The column will bear the weight at a b.)<br \/>\nAnother note is above on the right side:_ Larcho regiera tanto sotto<br \/>\nasse chome di sopra se _(The arch supports as much below it [i. e. a<br \/>\nhanging weight] as above it).<\/p>\n<p>Pl. C, No. 1 (C. A. 303a). Larger sketch of half section of the<br \/>\nDome, with a very complicated system of arches, and a double vault.<br \/>\nEach stone is shaped so as to be knit or dovetailed to its<br \/>\nneighbours. Thus the inside of the Dome cannot be seen from below.<\/p>\n<p>MS. C. A. 303b. A repetition of the preceding sketch with very<br \/>\nslight modifications._]<\/p>\n<p>[Figs. 1. and Fig. 2. two sketeches of the dome]<\/p>\n<p>MS. Tr. 9 (see Fig. 1 and 2). Section of the Dome with reverted<br \/>\nbuttresses between the windows, above which iron anchors or chains<br \/>\nseem to be intended. Below is the sketch of the outside._<\/p>\n<p>_PI. XCIX, No. 3 (C. A., 262a) four sketches of the exterior of the<br \/>\nDome.<\/p>\n<p>C. A. 12. Section, showing the points of rupture of a gothic vault,<br \/>\nin evident connection with the sketches described above.<\/p>\n<p>It deserves to be noticed how easily and apparently without effort,<br \/>\nLeonardo manages to combine gothic details and structure with the<br \/>\nmore modern shape of the Dome.<\/p>\n<p>The following notes are on the same leaf,_ oni cosa poderosa, <em>and<\/em><br \/>\noni cosa poderosa desidera de(scendere); <em>farther below, several<br \/>\nmultiplications most likely intended to calculate the weight of some<br \/>\nparts of the Dome, thus 16 x 47 = 720; 720 x 800 = 176000, next to<br \/>\nwhich is written:<\/em> peso del pilastro di 9 teste _(weight of the<br \/>\npillar 9 diameters high).<\/p>\n<p>Below:_ 176000 x 8 = 1408000; <em>and below:<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Semjlio e se ce 80 (?) il peso del tiburio _(six millions six<br \/>\nhundred (?) 80 the weight of the Dome).<\/p>\n<p>Bossi hazarded the theory that Leonardo might have been the<br \/>\narchitect who built the church of Sta. Maria delle Grazie, but there<br \/>\nis no evidence to support this, either in documents or in the<br \/>\nmaterials supplied by Leonardos manuscripts and drawings. The sketch<br \/>\ngiven at the side shows the arrangement of the second and third<br \/>\nsocle on the apses of the choir of that church; and it is remarkable<br \/>\nthat those sketches, in MS. S. K. M. II2, 2a and Ib, occur with the<br \/>\npassage given in Volume I as No. 665 and 666 referring to the<br \/>\ncomposition of the Last Supper in the Refectory of that church._]<\/p>\n<p><em>F. The Project for lifting up the Battistero of Florence and<br \/>\nsetting it on a basement.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Among the very few details Vasari gives as to the architectural<br \/>\nstudies of Leonardo, we read: &#8220;And among these models and designs<br \/>\nthere was one by way of which he showed several times to many<br \/>\ningenious citizens who then governed Florence, his readiness to lift<br \/>\nup without ruining it, the church of San Giovanni in Florence (the<br \/>\nBattistero, opposite the Duomo) in order to place under it the<br \/>\nmissing basement with steps; he supported his assertions with<br \/>\nreasons so persuasive, that while he spoke the undertaking seemed<br \/>\nfeasable, although every one of his hearers, when he had departed,<br \/>\ncould see by himself the impossibility of so vast an undertaking.&#8221;<\/em><\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>This latter statement of Vasari&#8217;s must be considered to<br \/>\nbe exaggerated. I may refer here to some data given by<\/em> LIBRI,<br \/>\nHistoire des sciences mathematiques en Italie (II, 216, 217): &#8220;On a<br \/>\ncru dans ces derniers temps faire un miracle en mecanique en<br \/>\neffectuant ce transport, et cependant des l&#8217;annee 1455, Gaspard Nadi<br \/>\net Aristote de Fioravantio avaient transporte, a une distance<br \/>\nconsiderable, la tour de la Magione de Bologne, avec ses fondements,<br \/>\nqui avait presque quatre-vingts pieds de haut. Le continuateur de la<br \/>\nchronique de Pugliola dit que le trajet fut de 35 pieds et que<br \/>\ndurant le transport auquel le chroniqueur affirme avoir assiste, il<br \/>\narriva un accident grave qui fit pencher de trois pieds la tour<br \/>\npendant qu&#8217;elle etait suspendue, mais que cet accident fut<br \/>\npromptement repare (Muratori, Scriptores rer. ital. Tom. XVIII, col.<br \/>\n717, 718). Alidosi a rapporte une note ou Nadi rend compte de ce<br \/>\ntransport avec une rare simplicite. D&#8217;apres cette note, on voit que<br \/>\nles operations de ce genre n&#8217;etaient pas nouvelles. Celle-ci ne<br \/>\ncouta que 150 livres (monnaie d&#8217;alors) y compris le cadeau que le<br \/>\nLegat fit aux deux mecaniciens. Dans la meme annee, Aristote<br \/>\nredressa le clocher de Cento, qui penchait de plus de cinq pieds<br \/>\n(Alidosi, instruttione p. 188&#8211; Muratori, Scriptores rer. ital.,<br \/>\ntom. XXIII, col. 888.&#8211;Bossii, chronica Mediol., 1492, in-fol. ad<br \/>\nann. 1455). On ne concoit pas comment les historiens des beaux-arts<br \/>\nont pu negliger de tels hommes.&#8221; J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p><em>In the MS. C. A. fol. 293, there are two sketches which possibly<br \/>\nmight have a bearing on this bold enterprise. We find there a plan<br \/>\nof a circular or polygonal edifice surrounded by semicircular arches<br \/>\nin an oblique position. These may be taken for the foundation of the<br \/>\nsteps and of the new platform. In the perspective elevation the same<br \/>\nedifice, forming a polygon, is shown as lifted up and resting on a<br \/>\ncircle of inverted arches which rest on an other circle of arches in<br \/>\nthe ordinary position, but so placed that the inverted arches above<br \/>\nrest on the spandrels of the lower range.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>What seems to confirm the supposition that the lifting up of a<br \/>\nbuilding is here in question, is the indication of engines for<br \/>\nwinding up, such as jacks, and a rack and wheel. As the lifting<br \/>\napparatus represented on this sheet does not seem particularly<br \/>\napplicable to an undertaking of such magnitude, we may consider it<br \/>\nto be a first sketch or scheme for the engines to be used.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>G. Description of an unknown Temple.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>759.<\/p>\n<p>Twelve flights of steps led up to the great temple, which was eight<br \/>\nhundred braccia in circumference and built on an octagonal plan. At<br \/>\nthe eight corners were eight large plinths, one braccia and a half<br \/>\nhigh, and three wide, and six long at the bottom, with an angle in<br \/>\nthe middle; on these were eight great pillars, standing on the<br \/>\nplinths as a foundation, and twenty four braccia high. And on the<br \/>\ntop of these were eight capitals three braccia long and six wide,<br \/>\nabove which were the architrave frieze and cornice, four braccia and<br \/>\na half high, and this was carried on in a straight line from one<br \/>\npillar to the next and so, continuing for eight hundred braccia,<br \/>\nsurrounded the whole temple, from pillar to pillar. To support this<br \/>\nentablature there were ten large columns of the same height as the<br \/>\npillars, three braccia thick above their bases which were one<br \/>\nbraccia and a half high.<\/p>\n<p>The ascent to this temple was by twelve flights of steps, and the<br \/>\ntemple was on the twelfth, of an octagonal form, and at each angle<br \/>\nrose a large pillar; and between the pillars were placed ten columns<br \/>\nof the same height as the pillars, rising at once from the pavement<br \/>\nto a height of twenty eight braccia and a half; and at this height<br \/>\nthe architrave, frieze and cornice were placed which surrounded the<br \/>\ntemple having a length of eight hundred braccia. At the same height,<br \/>\nand within the temple at the same level, and all round the centre of<br \/>\nthe temple at a distance of 24 braccia farther in, are pillars<br \/>\ncorresponding to the eight pillars in the angles, and columns<br \/>\ncorresponding to those placed in the outer spaces. These rise to the<br \/>\nsame height as the former ones, and over these the continuous<br \/>\narchitrave returns towards the outer row of pillars and columns.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Either this description is incomplete, or, as seems to me<br \/>\nhighly probable, it refers to some ruin. The enormous dimensions<br \/>\nforbid our supposing this to be any temple in Italy or Greece. Syria<br \/>\nwas the native land of colossal octagonal buildings, in the early<br \/>\ncenturies A. D. The Temple of Baalbek, and others are even larger<br \/>\nthan that here described. J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p>_V. Palace architecture.<\/p>\n<p>But a small number of Leonardo&#8217;s drawings refer to the architecture<br \/>\nof palaces, and our knowledge is small as to what style Leonardo<br \/>\nmight have adopted for such buildings.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. CII No. 1 (W. XVIII). A small portion of a facade of a palace<br \/>\nin two stories, somewhat resembling Alberti&#8217;s Palazzo<br \/>\nRucellai.&#8211;Compare with this Bramante&#8217;s painted front of the Casa<br \/>\nSilvestri, and a painting by Montorfano in San Pietro in Gessate at<br \/>\nMilan, third chapel on the left hand side and also with Bramante&#8217;s<br \/>\npalaces at Rome. The pilasters with arabesques, the rustica between<br \/>\nthem, and the figures over the window may be painted or in<br \/>\nsgraffito. The original is drawn in red chalk.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXI No. 1 (MS. Tr. 42). Sketch of a palace with battlements<br \/>\nand decorations, most likely graffiti; the details remind us of<br \/>\nthose in the Castello at Vigevano._ [Footnote 1: <em>Count GIULIO<br \/>\nPORRO, in his valuable contribution to the<\/em> Archivio Storico<br \/>\nLombardo, Anno VIII, Fasc. IV (31 Dec. 1881): Leonardo da Vinci,<br \/>\nLibro di Annotazioni e Memorie, <em>refers to this in the following<br \/>\nnote:<\/em> &#8220;Alla pag. 41 vi e uno schizzo di volta ed accanto scrisse:<br \/>\n&#8216;il pilastro sara charicho in su 6&#8217; e potrebbe darsi che si<br \/>\nriferisse alla cupola della chiesa delle Grazie tanto piu che a<br \/>\npag. 42 vi e un disegno che rassomiglia assai al basamento che oggi<br \/>\nsi vede nella parte esterna del coro di quella chiesa.&#8221; <em>This may<br \/>\nhowever be doubted. The drawing, here referred to, on page 41 of the<br \/>\nsame manuscript, is reproduced on Pl. C No. 4 and described on page<br \/>\n61 as being a study for the cupola of the Duomo of Milan.<\/em> J. P. R.]<\/p>\n<p>_MS. Mz. 0&#8243;, contains a design for a palace or house with a loggia<br \/>\nin the middle of the first story, over which rises an attic with a<br \/>\nPediment reproduced on page 67. The details drawn close by on the<br \/>\nleft seem to indicate an arrangement of coupled columns against the<br \/>\nwall of a first story.<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXV No. 14 (MS. S. K. M. Ill 79a) contains a very slight<br \/>\nsketch in red chalk, which most probably is intended to represent<br \/>\nthe facade of a palace. Inside is the short note 7 he 7 (7 and 7)._<\/p>\n<p><em>MS. J2 8a (see pages 68 Fig. 1 and 2) contains a view of an unknown<br \/>\npalace. Its plan is indicated at the side.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>In MS. Br. M. 126a(see Fig. 3 on page 68) there is a sketch of a<br \/>\nhouse, on which Leonardo notes; casa con tre terrazi (house with<br \/>\nthree terraces).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Pl. CX, No. 4 (MS. L. 36b) represents the front of a fortified<br \/>\nbuilding drawn at Cesena in 1502 (see No. 1040).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Here we may also mention the singular building in the allegorical<br \/>\ncomposition represented on Pl. LVIII in Vol. I. In front of it<br \/>\nappears the head of a sphinx or of a dragon which seems to be<br \/>\ncarrying the palace away.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The following texts refer to the construction of palaces and other<br \/>\nbuildings destined for private use:<\/em><\/p>\n<p>760.<\/p>\n<p>In the courtyard the walls must be half the height of its width,<br \/>\nthat is if the court be 40 braccia, the house must be 20 high as<br \/>\nregards the walls of the said courtyard; and this courtyard must be<br \/>\nhalf as wide as the whole front.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CI, no. 1, and compare the dimensions here given,<br \/>\nwith No. 748 lines 26-29; and the drawing belonging to it Pl. LXXXI,<br \/>\nno. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>On the dispositions of a stable.<\/p>\n<p>761.<\/p>\n<p>FOR MAKING A CLEAN STABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The manner in which one must arrange a stable. You must first divide<br \/>\nits width in 3 parts, its depth matters not; and let these 3<br \/>\ndivisions be equal and 6 braccia broad for each part and 10 high,<br \/>\nand the middle part shall be for the use of the stablemasters; the 2<br \/>\nside ones for the horses, each of which must be 6 braccia in width<br \/>\nand 6 in length, and be half a braccio higher at the head than<br \/>\nbehind. Let the manger be at 2 braccia from the ground, to the<br \/>\nbottom of the rack, 3 braccia, and the top of it 4 braccia. Now, in<br \/>\norder to attain to what I promise, that is to make this place,<br \/>\ncontrary to the general custom, clean and neat: as to the upper part<br \/>\nof the stable, i. e. where the hay is, that part must have at its<br \/>\nouter end a window 6 braccia high and 6 broad, through which by<br \/>\nsimple means the hay is brought up to the loft, as is shown by the<br \/>\nmachine <em>E<\/em>; and let this be erected in a place 6 braccia wide, and<br \/>\nas long as the stable, as seen at <em>k p<\/em>. The other two parts, which<br \/>\nare on either side of this, are again divided; those nearest to the<br \/>\nhay-loft are 4 braccia, <em>p s<\/em>, and only for the use and circulation<br \/>\nof the servants belonging to the stable; the other two which reach<br \/>\nto the outer walls are 2 braccia, as seen at <em>s k<\/em>, and these are<br \/>\nmade for the purpose of giving hay to the mangers, by means of<br \/>\nfunnels, narrow at the top and wide over the manger, in order that<br \/>\nthe hay should not choke them. They must be well plastered and clean<br \/>\nand are represented at 4 <em>f s<\/em>. As to the giving the horses water,<br \/>\nthe troughs must be of stone and above them [cisterns of] water. The<br \/>\nmangers may be opened as boxes are uncovered by raising the lids.<br \/>\n[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVIII, No.1.]<\/p>\n<p>Decorations for feasts.<\/p>\n<p>762.<\/p>\n<p>THE WAY TO CONSTRUCT A FRAME-WORK FOR DECORATING BUILDINGS.<\/p>\n<p>The way in which the poles ought to be placed for tying bunches of<br \/>\njuniper on to them. These poles must lie close to the framework of<br \/>\nthe vaulting and tie the bunches on with osier withes, so as to clip<br \/>\nthem even afterwards with shears.<\/p>\n<p>Let the distance from one circle to another be half a braccia; and<br \/>\nthe juniper [sprigs] must lie top downwards, beginning from below.<\/p>\n<p>Round this column tie four poles to which willows about as thick as<br \/>\na finger must be nailed and then begin from the bottom and work<br \/>\nupwards with bunches of juniper sprigs, the tops downwards, that is<br \/>\nupside down. [Footnote: See Pl. CII, No. 3. The words here given as<br \/>\nthe title line, lines 1&#8211;4, are the last in the original MS.&#8211;Lines<br \/>\n5&#8211;16 are written under fig. 4.]<\/p>\n<p>763.<\/p>\n<p>The water should be allowed to fall from the whole circle <em>a b<\/em>.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Other drawings of fountains are given on Pl. CI (W. XX);<br \/>\nthe original is a pen and ink drawing on blue paper; on Pl. CIII<br \/>\n(MS. B.) and Pl. LXXXII.]<\/p>\n<p><em>VI. Studies of architectural details.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Several of Leonardo&#8217;s drawings of architectural details prove that,<br \/>\nlike other great masters of that period, he had devoted his<br \/>\nattention to the study of the proportion of such details. As every<br \/>\norganic being in nature has its law of construction and growth,<br \/>\nthese masters endeavoured, each in his way, to discover and prove a<br \/>\nlaw of proportion in architecture. The following notes in Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nmanuscripts refer to this subject.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>MS. S. K. M. Ill, 47b (see Fig. 1). A diagram, indicating the rules<br \/>\nas given by Vitruvius and by Leon Battista Alberti for the<br \/>\nproportions of the Attic base of a column.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>MS. S. K. M. Ill 55a (see Fig. 2). Diagram showing the same rules.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>764.<\/p>\n<p>B toro superiore  .  .  .  .  .    toro superiore<br \/>\n2B nestroli    .  .  .  .  .  .  astragali quadre<br \/>\n3B orbiculo    .  .  .  .  .  .   .   .   troclea<br \/>\n4B nestroli    .  .  .  .  .  .  astragali quadre<br \/>\n5B toro iferiore  .  .  .  .  .  .  toro iferiore<br \/>\n6B latastro    .  .  .  .  .  .  .   .    plintho<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: No explanation can be offered of the meaning of the<br \/>\nletter B, which precedes each name. It may be meant for <em>basa<\/em><br \/>\n(base). Perhaps it refers to some author on architecture or an<br \/>\narchitect (Bramante?) who employed the designations, thus marked for<br \/>\nthe mouldings. 3. <em>troclea.<\/em> Philander: <em>Trochlea sive trochalia aut<br \/>\nrechanum.<\/em> 6. <em>Laterculus<\/em> or <em>latastrum<\/em> is the Latin name for<br \/>\n<em>Plinthus<\/em> (pi lambda Xiv) but Vitruvius adopted this Greek name<br \/>\nand &#8220;latastro&#8221; seems to have been little in use. It is to be found<br \/>\nbesides the text given above, as far as I am aware, only two<br \/>\ndrawings of the Uffizi Collection, where in one instance, it<br \/>\nindicates the <em>abacus<\/em> of a Doric capital.]<\/p>\n<p>765.<\/p>\n<p>STEPS OF URRBINO.<\/p>\n<p>The plinth must be as broad as the thickness of the wall against<br \/>\nwhich the plinth is built. [Footnote: See Pl. CX No. 3. The hasty<br \/>\nsketch on the right hand side illustrates the unsatisfactory effect<br \/>\nproduced when the plinth is narrower than the wall.]<\/p>\n<p>766.<\/p>\n<p>The ancient architects &#8230;&#8230; beginning with the Egyptians (?) who,<br \/>\nas Diodorus Siculus writes, were the first to build and construct<br \/>\nlarge cities and castles, public and private buildings of fine form,<br \/>\nlarge and well proportioned &#8230;..<\/p>\n<p>The column, which has its thickness at the third part &#8230;. The one<br \/>\nwhich would be thinnest in the middle, would break &#8230;; the one<br \/>\nwhich is of equal thickness and of equal strength, is better for the<br \/>\nedifice. The second best as to the usefulness will be the one whose<br \/>\ngreatest thickness is where it joins with the base.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CIII, No. 3, where the sketches belonging to<br \/>\nlines 10&#8211;16 are reproduced, but reversed. The sketch of columns,<br \/>\nhere reproduced by a wood cut, stands in the original close to lines<br \/>\n5&#8211;8.]<\/p>\n<p>The capital must be formed in this way. Divide its thickness at the<br \/>\ntop into 8; at the foot make it 5\/7, and let it be 5\/7 high and you<br \/>\nwill have a square; afterwards divide the height into 8 parts as you<br \/>\ndid for the column, and then take 1\/8 for the echinus and another<br \/>\neighth for the thickness of the abacus on the top of the capital.<br \/>\nThe horns of the abacus of the capital have to project beyond the<br \/>\ngreatest width of the bell 2\/7, i. e. sevenths of the top of the<br \/>\nbell, so 1\/7 falls to the projection of each horn. The truncated<br \/>\npart of the horns must be as broad as it is high. I leave the rest,<br \/>\nthat is the ornaments, to the taste of the sculptors. But to return<br \/>\nto the columns and in order to prove the reason of their strength or<br \/>\nweakness according to their shape, I say that when the lines<br \/>\nstarting from the summit of the column and ending at its base and<br \/>\ntheir direction and length &#8230;, their distance apart or width may be<br \/>\nequal; I say that this column &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>767.<\/p>\n<p>The cylinder of a body columnar in shape and its two opposite ends<br \/>\nare two circles enclosed between parallel lines, and through the<br \/>\ncentre of the cylinder is a straight line, ending at the centre of<br \/>\nthese circles, and called by the ancients the axis.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Leonardo wrote these lines on the margin of a page of the<br \/>\nTrattato di Francesco di Giorgio, where there are several drawings<br \/>\nof columns, as well as a head drawn in profile inside an outline<br \/>\nsketch of a capital.]<\/p>\n<p>768.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b<\/em> is 1\/3 of <em>n m<\/em>; <em>m o<\/em> is 1\/6 of <em>r o<\/em>. The ovolo projects 1\/6<br \/>\nof <em>r o<\/em>; <em>s<\/em> 7 1\/5 of <em>r o<\/em>, <em>a b<\/em> is divided into 9 1\/2; the<br \/>\nabacus is 3\/9 the ovolo 4\/9, the bead-moulding and the fillet 2\/9<br \/>\nand 1\/2.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. LXXXV, No. 16. In the original the drawing and<br \/>\nwriting are both in red chalk.]<\/p>\n<p><em>Pl. LXXXV No. 6 (MS. Ash. II 6b) contains a small sketch of a<br \/>\ncapital with the following note, written in three lines:<\/em> I chorni<br \/>\ndel capitelo deono essere la quarta parte d&#8217;uno quadro <em>(The horns<br \/>\nof a capital must measure the fourth part of a square).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>MS. S. K. M. III 72b contains two sketches of ornamentations of<br \/>\nwindows.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>In MS. C. A. 308a; 938a (see Pl. LXXXII No. 1) there are several<br \/>\nsketches of columns. One of the two columns on the right is similar<br \/>\nto those employed by Bramante at the Canonica di S. Ambrogio. The<br \/>\nsame columns appear in the sketch underneath the plan of a castle.<br \/>\nThere they appear coupled, and in two stories one above the other.<br \/>\nThe archivolls which seem to spring out of the columns, are shaped<br \/>\nlike twisted cords, meant perhaps to be twisted branches. The walls<br \/>\nbetween the columns seem to be formed out of blocks of wood, the<br \/>\npedestals are ornamented with a reticulated pattern. From all this<br \/>\nwe may suppose that Leonardo here had in mind either some festive<br \/>\ndecoration, or perhaps a pavilion for some hunting place or park.<br \/>\nThe sketch of columns marked &#8220;35&#8221; gives an example of columns shaped<br \/>\nlike candelabra, a form often employed at that time, particularly in<br \/>\nMilan, and the surrounding districts for instance in the Cortile di<br \/>\nCasa Castiglione now Silvestre, in the cathedral of Como, at Porta<br \/>\ndella Rana &amp;c.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>769.<\/p>\n<p>CONCERNING ARCHITRAVES OF ONE OR SEVERAL PIECES.<\/p>\n<p>An architrave of several pieces is stronger than that of one single<br \/>\npiece, if those pieces are placed with their length in the direction<br \/>\nof the centre of the world. This is proved because stones have their<br \/>\ngrain or fibre generated in the contrary direction i. e. in the<br \/>\ndirection of the opposite horizons of the hemisphere, and this is<br \/>\ncontrary to fibres of the plants which have &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The text is incomplete in the original.]<\/p>\n<p>_The Proportions of the stories of a building are indicated by a<br \/>\nsketch in MS. S. K. M. II2 11b (see Pl. LXXXV No. 15). The measures<br \/>\nare written on the left side, as follows: br 1 1\/2&#8211;6 3\/4&#8211;br<br \/>\n1\/12&#8211;2 br&#8211;9 e 1\/2&#8211;1 1\/2&#8211;br 5&#8211;o 9&#8211;o 3 [br=braccia; o=oncie].<\/p>\n<p>Pl. LXXXV No. 13 (MS. B. 62a) and Pl. XCIII No. 1. (MS. B. 15a) give<br \/>\na few examples of arches supported on piers._<\/p>\n<p>_XIII.<\/p>\n<p>Theoretical writings on Architecture.<\/p>\n<p>Leonardo&#8217;s original writings on the theory of Architecture have come<br \/>\ndown to us only in a fragmentary state; still, there seems to be no<br \/>\ndoubt that he himself did not complete them. It would seem that<br \/>\nLeonardo entertained the idea of writing a large and connected book<br \/>\non Architecture; and it is quite evident that the materials we<br \/>\npossess, which can be proved to have been written at different<br \/>\nperiods, were noted down with a more or less definite aim and<br \/>\npurpose. They might all be collected under the one title: &#8220;Studies<br \/>\non the Strength of Materials&#8221;. Among them the investigations on the<br \/>\nsubject of fissures in walls are particularly thorough, and very<br \/>\nfully reported; these passages are also especially interesting,<br \/>\nbecause Leonardo was certainly the first writer on architecture who<br \/>\never treated the subject at all. Here, as in all other cases<br \/>\nLeonardo carefully avoids all abstract argument. His data are not<br \/>\nderived from the principles of algebra, but from the laws of<br \/>\nmechanics, and his method throughout is strictly experimental.<\/p>\n<p>Though the conclusions drawn from his investigations may not have<br \/>\nthat precision which we are accustomed to find in Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nscientific labours, their interest is not lessened. They prove at<br \/>\nany rate his deep sagacity and wonderfully clear mind. No one<br \/>\nperhaps, who has studied these questions since Leonardo, has<br \/>\ncombined with a scientific mind anything like the artistic delicacy<br \/>\nof perception which gives interest and lucidity to his observations.<\/p>\n<p>I do not assert that the arrangement here adopted for the passages<br \/>\nin question is that originally intended by Leonardo; but their<br \/>\ndistribution into five groups was suggested by the titles, or<br \/>\nheadings, which Leonardo himself prefixed to most of these notes.<br \/>\nSome of the longer sections perhaps should not, to be in strict<br \/>\nagreement with this division, have been reproduced in their entirety<br \/>\nin the place where they occur. But the comparatively small amount of<br \/>\nthe materials we possess will render them, even so, sufficiently<br \/>\nintelligible to the reader; it did not therefore seem necessary or<br \/>\ndesirable to subdivide the passages merely for the sake of strict<br \/>\nclassification._<\/p>\n<p><em>The small number of chapters given under the fifth class, treating<br \/>\non the centre of gravity in roof-beams, bears no proportion to the<br \/>\nnumber of drawings and studies which refer to the same subject. Only<br \/>\na small selection of these are reproduced in this work since the<br \/>\nmajority have no explanatory text.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>ON FISSURES IN WALLS.<\/p>\n<p>770.<\/p>\n<p>First write the treatise on the causes of the giving way of walls<br \/>\nand then, separately, treat of the remedies.<\/p>\n<p>Parallel fissures constantly occur in buildings which are erected on<br \/>\na hill side, when the hill is composed of stratified rocks with an<br \/>\noblique stratification, because water and other moisture often<br \/>\npenetrates these oblique seams carrying in greasy and slippery soil;<br \/>\nand as the strata are not continuous down to the bottom of the<br \/>\nvalley, the rocks slide in the direction of the slope, and the<br \/>\nmotion does not cease till they have reached the bottom of the<br \/>\nvalley, carrying with them, as though in a boat, that portion of the<br \/>\nbuilding which is separated by them from the rest. The remedy for<br \/>\nthis is always to build thick piers under the wall which is<br \/>\nslipping, with arches from one to another, and with a good scarp and<br \/>\nlet the piers have a firm foundation in the strata so that they may<br \/>\nnot break away from them.<\/p>\n<p>In order to find the solid part of these strata, it is necessary to<br \/>\nmake a shaft at the foot of the wall of great depth through the<br \/>\nstrata; and in this shaft, on the side from which the hill slopes,<br \/>\nsmooth and flatten a space one palm wide from the top to the bottom;<br \/>\nand after some time this smooth portion made on the side of the<br \/>\nshaft, will show plainly which part of the hill is moving.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CIV.]<\/p>\n<p>771.<\/p>\n<p>The cracks in walls will never be parallel unless the part of the<br \/>\nwall that separates from the remainder does not slip down.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT IS THE LAW BY WHICH BUILDINGS HAVE STABILITY.<\/p>\n<p>The stability of buildings is the result of the contrary law to the<br \/>\ntwo former cases. That is to say that the walls must be all built up<br \/>\nequally, and by degrees, to equal heights all round the building,<br \/>\nand the whole thickness at once, whatever kind of walls they may be.<br \/>\nAnd although a thin wall dries more quickly than a thick one it will<br \/>\nnot necessarily give way under the added weight day by day and thus,<br \/>\n[16] although a thin wall dries more quickly than a thick one, it<br \/>\nwill not give way under the weight which the latter may acquire from<br \/>\nday to day. Because if double the amount of it dries in one day, one<br \/>\nof double the thickness will dry in two days or thereabouts; thus<br \/>\nthe small addition of weight will be balanced by the smaller<br \/>\ndifference of time [18].<\/p>\n<p>The adversary says that <em>a<\/em> which projects, slips down.<\/p>\n<p>And here the adversary says that <em>r<\/em> slips and not <em>c<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>HOW TO PROGNOSTICATE THE CAUSES OF CRACKS IN ANY SORT OF WALL.<\/p>\n<p>The part of the wall which does not slip is that in which the<br \/>\nobliquity projects and overhangs the portion which has parted from<br \/>\nit and slipped down.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE SITUATION OF FOUNDATIONS AND IN WHAT PLACES THEY ARE A CAUSE<br \/>\nOF RUIN.<\/p>\n<p>When the crevice in the wall is wider at the top than at the bottom,<br \/>\nit is a manifest sign, that the cause of the fissure in the wall is<br \/>\nremote from the perpendicular line through the crevice.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Lines 1-5 refer to Pl. CV, No. 2. Line 9 <em>alle due<br \/>\nanteciedete<\/em>, see on the same page.<\/p>\n<p>Lines 16-18. The translation of this is doubtful, and the meaning in<br \/>\nany case very obscure.<\/p>\n<p>Lines 19-23 are on the right hand margin close to the two sketches<br \/>\non Pl. CII, No. 3.]<\/p>\n<p>772.<\/p>\n<p>OF CRACKS IN WALLS, WHICH ARE WIDE AT THE BOTTOM AND NARROW AT THE<br \/>\nTOP AND OF THEIR CAUSES.<\/p>\n<p>That wall which does not dry uniformly in an equal time, always<br \/>\ncracks.<\/p>\n<p>A wall though of equal thickness will not dry with equal quickness<br \/>\nif it is not everywhere in contact with the same medium. Thus, if<br \/>\none side of a wall were in contact with a damp slope and the other<br \/>\nwere in contact with the air, then this latter side would remain of<br \/>\nthe same size as before; that side which dries in the air will<br \/>\nshrink or diminish and the side which is kept damp will not dry. And<br \/>\nthe dry portion will break away readily from the damp portion<br \/>\nbecause the damp part not shrinking in the same proportion does not<br \/>\ncohere and follow the movement of the part which dries continuously.<\/p>\n<p>OF ARCHED CRACKS, WIDE AT THE TOP, AND NARROW BELOW.<\/p>\n<p>Arched cracks, wide at the top and narrow below are found in<br \/>\nwalled-up doors, which shrink more in their height than in their<br \/>\nbreadth, and in proportion as their height is greater than their<br \/>\nwidth, and as the joints of the mortar are more numerous in the<br \/>\nheight than in the width.<\/p>\n<p>The crack diminishes less in <em>r o<\/em> than in <em>m n<\/em>, in proportion as<br \/>\nthere is less material between <em>r<\/em> and <em>o<\/em> than between <em>n<\/em> and <em>m<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Any crack made in a concave wall is wide below and narrow at the<br \/>\ntop; and this originates, as is here shown at <em>b c d<\/em>, in the side<br \/>\nfigure.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>That which gets wet increases in proportion to the moisture it<br \/>\nimbibes.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p>And a wet object shrinks, while drying, in proportion to the<br \/>\namount of moisture which evaporates from it.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>[Footnote: The text of this passage is reproduced in facsimile on<br \/>\nPl. CVI to the left. L. 36-40 are written inside the sketch No. 2.<br \/>\nL. 41-46 are partly written over the sketch No. 3 to which they<br \/>\nrefer.]<\/p>\n<p>773.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE CAUSES OF FISSURES IN [THE WALLS OF] PUBLIC AND PRIVATE<br \/>\nBUILDINGS.<\/p>\n<p>The walls give way in cracks, some of which are more or less<br \/>\nvertical and others are oblique. The cracks which are in a vertical<br \/>\ndirection are caused by the joining of new walls, with old walls,<br \/>\nwhether straight or with indentations fitting on to those of the old<br \/>\nwall; for, as these indentations cannot bear the too great weight of<br \/>\nthe wall added on to them, it is inevitable that they should break,<br \/>\nand give way to the settling of the new wall, which will shrink one<br \/>\nbraccia in every ten, more or less, according to the greater or<br \/>\nsmaller quantity of mortar used between the stones of the masonry,<br \/>\nand whether this mortar is more or less liquid. And observe, that<br \/>\nthe walls should always be built first and then faced with the<br \/>\nstones intended to face them. For, if you do not proceed thus, since<br \/>\nthe wall settles more than the stone facing, the projections left on<br \/>\nthe sides of the wall must inevitably give way; because the stones<br \/>\nused for facing the wall being larger than those over which they are<br \/>\nlaid, they will necessarily have less mortar laid between the<br \/>\njoints, and consequently they settle less; and this cannot happen if<br \/>\nthe facing is added after the wall is dry.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b<\/em> the new wall, <em>c<\/em> the old wall, which has already settled; and<br \/>\nthe part <em>a b<\/em> settles afterwards, although <em>a<\/em>, being founded on<br \/>\n<em>c<\/em>, the old wall, cannot possibly break, having a stable foundation<br \/>\non the old wall. But only the remainder <em>b<\/em> of the new wall will<br \/>\nbreak away, because it is built from top to bottom of the building;<br \/>\nand the remainder of the new wall will overhang the gap above the<br \/>\nwall that has sunk.<\/p>\n<p>774.<\/p>\n<p>A new tower founded partly on old masonry.<\/p>\n<p>775.<\/p>\n<p>OF STONES WHICH DISJOIN THEMSELVES FROM THEIR MORTAR.<\/p>\n<p>Stones laid in regular courses from bottom to top and built up with<br \/>\nan equal quantity of mortar settle equally throughout, when the<br \/>\nmoisture that made the mortar soft evaporates.<\/p>\n<p>By what is said above it is proved that the small extent of the new<br \/>\nwall between <em>A<\/em> and <em>n<\/em> will settle but little, in proportion to<br \/>\nthe extent of the same wall between <em>c<\/em> and <em>d<\/em>. The proportion will<br \/>\nin fact be that of the thinness of the mortar in relation to the<br \/>\nnumber of courses or to the quantity of mortar laid between the<br \/>\nstones above the different levels of the old wall.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CV, No. 1. The top of the tower is wanting in<br \/>\nthis reproduction, and with it the letter <em>n<\/em> which, in the<br \/>\noriginal, stands above the letter <em>A<\/em> over the top of the tower,<br \/>\nwhile <em>c<\/em> stands perpendicularly over <em>d<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>776.<\/p>\n<p>This wall will break under the arch <em>e f<\/em>, because the seven whole<br \/>\nsquare bricks are not sufficient to sustain the spring of the arch<br \/>\nplaced on them. And these seven bricks will give way in their middle<br \/>\nexactly as appears in <em>a b<\/em>. The reason is, that the brick <em>a<\/em> has<br \/>\nabove it only the weight <em>a k<\/em>, whilst the last brick under the arch<br \/>\nhas above it the weight <em>c d x a<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>c d<\/em> seems to press on the arch towards the abutment at the point<br \/>\n<em>p<\/em> but the weight <em>p o<\/em> opposes resistence to it, whence the whole<br \/>\npressure is transmitted to the root of the arch. Therefore the foot<br \/>\nof the arch acts like 7 6, which is more than double of <em>x z<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>II.<\/p>\n<p>ON FISSURES IN NICHES.<\/p>\n<p>777.<\/p>\n<p>ON FISSURES IN NICHES.<\/p>\n<p>An arch constructed on a semicircle and bearing weights on the two<br \/>\nopposite thirds of its curve will give way at five points of the<br \/>\ncurve. To prove this let the weights be at <em>n m<\/em> which will break<br \/>\nthe arch <em>a<\/em>, <em>b<\/em>, <em>f<\/em>. I say that, by the foregoing, as the<br \/>\nextremities <em>c<\/em> and <em>a<\/em> are equally pressed upon by the thrust <em>n<\/em>,<br \/>\nit follows, by the 5th, that the arch will give way at the point<br \/>\nwhich is furthest from the two forces acting on them and that is the<br \/>\nmiddle <em>e<\/em>. The same is to be understood of the opposite curve, <em>d g<br \/>\nb<\/em>; hence the weights <em>n m<\/em> must sink, but they cannot sink by the<br \/>\n7th, without coming closer together, and they cannot come together<br \/>\nunless the extremities of the arch between them come closer, and if<br \/>\nthese draw together the crown of the arch must break; and thus the<br \/>\narch will give way in two places as was at first said &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>I ask, given a weight at <em>a<\/em> what counteracts it in the direction<br \/>\n<em>n<\/em> <em>f<\/em> and by what weight must the weight at <em>f<\/em> be counteracted.<\/p>\n<p>778.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE SHRINKING OF DAMP BODIES OF DIFFERENT THICKNESS AND WIDTH.<\/p>\n<p>The window <em>a<\/em> is the cause of the crack at <em>b<\/em>; and this crack is<br \/>\nincreased by the pressure of <em>n<\/em> and <em>m<\/em> which sink or penetrate<br \/>\ninto the soil in which foundations are built more than the lighter<br \/>\nportion at <em>b<\/em>. Besides, the old foundation under <em>b<\/em> has already<br \/>\nsettled, and this the piers <em>n<\/em> and <em>m<\/em> have not yet done. Hence the<br \/>\npart <em>b<\/em> does not settle down perpendicularly; on the contrary, it<br \/>\nis thrown outwards obliquely, and it cannot on the contrary be<br \/>\nthrown inwards, because a portion like this, separated from the main<br \/>\nwall, is larger outside than inside and the main wall, where it is<br \/>\nbroken, is of the same shape and is also larger outside than inside;<br \/>\ntherefore, if this separate portion were to fall inwards the larger<br \/>\nwould have to pass through the smaller&#8211;which is impossible. Hence<br \/>\nit is evident that the portion of the semicircular wall when<br \/>\ndisunited from the main wall will be thrust outwards, and not<br \/>\ninwards as the adversary says.<\/p>\n<p>When a dome or a half-dome is crushed from above by an excess of<br \/>\nweight the vault will give way, forming a crack which diminishes<br \/>\ntowards the top and is wide below, narrow on the inner side and wide<br \/>\noutside; as is the case with the outer husk of a pomegranate,<br \/>\ndivided into many parts lengthwise; for the more it is pressed in<br \/>\nthe direction of its length, that part of the joints will open most,<br \/>\nwhich is most distant from the cause of the pressure; and for that<br \/>\nreason the arches of the vaults of any apse should never be more<br \/>\nloaded than the arches of the principal building. Because that which<br \/>\nweighs most, presses most on the parts below, and they sink into the<br \/>\nfoundations; but this cannot happen to lighter structures like the<br \/>\nsaid apses.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The figure on Pl. CV, No. 4 belongs to the first<br \/>\nparagraph of this passage, lines 1-14; fig. 5 is sketched by the<br \/>\nside of lines l5&#8211;and following. The sketch below of a pomegranate<br \/>\nrefers to line 22. The drawing fig. 6 is, in the original, over line<br \/>\n37 and fig. 7 over line 54.]<\/p>\n<p>Which of these two cubes will shrink the more uniformly: the cube<br \/>\n<em>A<\/em> resting on the pavement, or the cube <em>b<\/em> suspended in the air,<br \/>\nwhen both cubes are equal in weight and bulk, and of clay mixed with<br \/>\nequal quantities of water?<\/p>\n<p>The cube placed on the pavement diminishes more in height than in<br \/>\nbreadth, which the cube above, hanging in the air, cannot do. Thus<br \/>\nit is proved. The cube shown above is better shown here below.<\/p>\n<p>The final result of the two cylinders of damp clay that is <em>a<\/em> and<br \/>\n<em>b<\/em> will be the pyramidal figures below <em>c<\/em> and <em>d<\/em>. This is proved<br \/>\nthus: The cylinder <em>a<\/em> resting on block of stone being made of clay<br \/>\nmixed with a great deal of water will sink by its weight, which<br \/>\npresses on its base, and in proportion as it settles and spreads all<br \/>\nthe parts will be somewhat nearer to the base because that is<br \/>\ncharged with the whole weight.<\/p>\n<p>III.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE NATURE OF THE ARCH.<\/p>\n<p>779.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT IS AN ARCH?<\/p>\n<p>The arch is nothing else than a force originated by two weaknesses,<br \/>\nfor the arch in buildings is composed of two segments of a circle,<br \/>\neach of which being very weak in itself tends to fall; but as each<br \/>\nopposes this tendency in the other, the two weaknesses combine to<br \/>\nform one strength.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE KIND OF PRESSURE IN ARCHES.<\/p>\n<p>As the arch is a composite force it remains in equilibrium because<br \/>\nthe thrust is equal from both sides; and if one of the segments<br \/>\nweighs more than the other the stability is lost, because the<br \/>\ngreater pressure will outweigh the lesser.<\/p>\n<p>OF DISTRIBUTING THE PRESSURE ABOVE AN ARCH.<\/p>\n<p>Next to giving the segments of the circle equal weight it is<br \/>\nnecessary to load them equally, or you will fall into the same<br \/>\ndefect as before.<\/p>\n<p>WHERE AN ARCH BREAKS.<\/p>\n<p>An arch breaks at the part which lies below half way from the<br \/>\ncentre.<\/p>\n<p>SECOND RUPTURE OF THE ARCH.<\/p>\n<p>If the excess of weight be placed in the middle of the arch at the<br \/>\npoint <em>a<\/em>, that weight tends to fall towards <em>b<\/em>, and the arch<br \/>\nbreaks at 2\/3 of its height at <em>c e<\/em>; and <em>g e<\/em> is as many times<br \/>\nstronger than <em>e a<\/em>, as <em>m o<\/em> goes into <em>m n<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>ON ANOTHER CAUSE OF RUIN.<\/p>\n<p>The arch will likewise give way under a transversal thrust, for when<br \/>\nthe charge is not thrown directly on the foot of the arch, the arch<br \/>\nlasts but a short time.<\/p>\n<p>780.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE STRENGTH OF THE ARCH.<\/p>\n<p>The way to give stability to the arch is to fill the spandrils with<br \/>\ngood masonry up to the level of its summit.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE LOADING OF ROUND ARCHES.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE PROPER MANNER OF LOADING THE POINTED ARCH.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE EVIL EFFECTS OF LOADING THE POINTED ARCH DIRECTLY ABOVE ITS<br \/>\nCROWN.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE DAMAGE DONE TO THE POINTED ARCH BY THROWING THE PRESSURE ON<br \/>\nTHE FLANKS.<\/p>\n<p>An arch of small curve is safe in itself, but if it be heavily<br \/>\ncharged, it is necessary to strengthen the flanks well. An arch of a<br \/>\nvery large curve is weak in itself, and stronger if it be charged,<br \/>\nand will do little harm to its abutments, and its places of giving<br \/>\nway are <em>o p<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Inside the large figure on the righi is the note: <em>Da<br \/>\npesare la forza dell&#8217; archo<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>781.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE REMEDY FOR EARTHQUAKES.<\/p>\n<p>The arch which throws its pressure perpendicularly on the abutments<br \/>\nwill fulfil its function whatever be its direction, upside down,<br \/>\nsideways or upright.<\/p>\n<p>The arch will not break if the chord of the outer arch does not<br \/>\ntouch the inner arch. This is manifest by experience, because<br \/>\nwhenever the chord <em>a o n<\/em> of the outer arch <em>n r a<\/em> approaches the<br \/>\ninner arch <em>x b y<\/em> the arch will be weak, and it will be weaker in<br \/>\nproportion as the inner arch passes beyond that chord. When an arch<br \/>\nis loaded only on one side the thrust will press on the top of the<br \/>\nother side and be transmitted to the spring of the arch on that<br \/>\nside; and it will break at a point half way between its two<br \/>\nextremes, where it is farthest from the chord.<\/p>\n<p>782.<\/p>\n<p>A continuous body which has been forcibly bent into an arch, thrusts<br \/>\nin the direction of the straight line, which it tends to recover.<\/p>\n<p>783.<\/p>\n<p>In an arch judiciously weighted the thrust is oblique, so that the<br \/>\ntriangle <em>c n b<\/em> has no weight upon it.<\/p>\n<p>784.<\/p>\n<p>I here ask what weight will be needed to counterpoise and resist the<br \/>\ntendency of each of these arches to give way?<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The two lower sketches are taken from the MS. S. K. M.<br \/>\nIII, 10a; they have there no explanatory text.]<\/p>\n<p>785.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE STRENGTH OF THE ARCH IN ARCHITECTURE.<\/p>\n<p>The stability of the arch built by an architect resides in the tie<br \/>\nand in the flanks.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE POSITION OF THE TIE IN THE ABOVE NAMED ARCH.<\/p>\n<p>The position of the tie is of the same importance at the beginning<br \/>\nof the arch and at the top of the perpendicular pier on which it<br \/>\nrests. This is proved by the 2nd &#8220;of supports&#8221; which says: that part<br \/>\nof a support has least resistance which is farthest from its solid<br \/>\nattachment; hence, as the top of the pier is farthest from the<br \/>\nmiddle of its true foundation and the same being the case at the<br \/>\nopposite extremities of the arch which are the points farthest from<br \/>\nthe middle, which is really its [upper] attachment, we have<br \/>\nconcluded that the tie <em>a b<\/em> requires to be in such a position as<br \/>\nthat its opposite ends are between the four above-mentioned<br \/>\nextremes.<\/p>\n<p>The adversary says that this arch must be more than half a circle,<br \/>\nand that then it will not need a tie, because then the ends will not<br \/>\nthrust outwards but inwards, as is seen in the excess at <em>a c<\/em>, <em>b<br \/>\nd<\/em>. To this it must be answered that this would be a very poor<br \/>\ndevice, for three reasons. The first refers to the strength of the<br \/>\narch, since it is proved that the circular parallel being composed<br \/>\nof two semicircles will only break where these semicircles cross<br \/>\neach other, as is seen in the figure <em>n m;<\/em> besides this it follows<br \/>\nthat there is a wider space between the extremes of the semicircle<br \/>\nthan between the plane of the walls; the third reason is that the<br \/>\nweight placed to counterbalance the strength of the arch diminishes<br \/>\nin proportion as the piers of the arch are wider than the space<br \/>\nbetween the piers. Fourthly in proportion as the parts at <em>c a b d<\/em><br \/>\nturn outwards, the piers are weaker to support the arch above them.<br \/>\nThe 5th is that all the material and weight of the arch which are in<br \/>\nexcess of the semicircle are useless and indeed mischievous; and<br \/>\nhere it is to be noted that the weight placed above the arch will be<br \/>\nmore likely to break the arch at <em>a b<\/em>, where the curve of the<br \/>\nexcess begins that is added to the semicircle, than if the pier were<br \/>\nstraight up to its junction with the semicircle [spring of the<br \/>\narch].<\/p>\n<p>AN ARCH LOADED OVER THE CROWN WILL GIVE WAY AT THE LEFT HAND AND<br \/>\nRIGHT HAND QUARTERS.<\/p>\n<p>This is proved by the 7th of this which says: The opposite ends of<br \/>\nthe support are equally pressed upon by the weight suspended to<br \/>\nthem; hence the weight shown at <em>f<\/em> is felt at <em>b c<\/em>, that is half<br \/>\nat each extremity; and by the third which says: in a support of<br \/>\nequal strength [throughout] that portion will give way soonest which<br \/>\nis farthest from its attachment; whence it follows that <em>d<\/em> being<br \/>\nequally distant from <em>f, e<\/em> &#8230;..<\/p>\n<p>If the centering of the arch does not settle as the arch settles,<br \/>\nthe mortar, as it dries, will shrink and detach itself from the<br \/>\nbricks between which it was laid to keep them together; and as it<br \/>\nthus leaves them disjoined the vault will remain loosely built, and<br \/>\nthe rains will soon destroy it.<\/p>\n<p>786.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE STRENGTH AND NATURE OF ARCHES, AND WHERE THEY ARE STRONG OR<br \/>\nWEAK; AND THE SAME AS TO COLUMNS.<\/p>\n<p>That part of the arch which is nearer to the horizontal offers least<br \/>\nresistance to the weight placed on it.<\/p>\n<p>When the triangle <em>a z n<\/em>, by settling, drives backwards the 2\/3 of<br \/>\neach 1\/2 circle that is <em>a s<\/em> and in the same way <em>z m<\/em>, the reason<br \/>\nis that <em>a<\/em> is perpendicularly over <em>b<\/em> and so likewise <em>z<\/em> is above<br \/>\n<em>f<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Either half of an arch, if overweighted, will break at 2\/3 of its<br \/>\nheight, the point which corresponds to the perpendicular line above<br \/>\nthe middle of its bases, as is seen at <em>a b<\/em>; and this happens<br \/>\nbecause the weight tends to fall past the point <em>r<\/em>.&#8211;And if,<br \/>\nagainst its nature it should tend to fall towards the point <em>s<\/em> the<br \/>\narch <em>n s<\/em> would break precisely in its middle. If the arch <em>n s<\/em><br \/>\nwere of a single piece of timber, if the weight placed at <em>n<\/em> should<br \/>\ntend to fall in the line <em>n m<\/em>, the arch would break in the middle<br \/>\nof the arch <em>e m<\/em>, otherwise it will break at one third from the top<br \/>\nat the point a because from <em>a<\/em> to <em>n<\/em> the arch is nearer to the<br \/>\nhorizontal than from <em>a<\/em> to <em>o<\/em> and from <em>o<\/em> to <em>s<\/em>, in proportion<br \/>\nas <em>p t<\/em> is greater than <em>t n<\/em>, <em>a o<\/em> will be stronger than <em>a n<\/em><br \/>\nand likewise in proportion as <em>s o<\/em> is stronger than <em>o a<\/em>, <em>r p<\/em><br \/>\nwill be greater than <em>p t<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>The arch which is doubled to four times of its thickness will bear<br \/>\nfour times the weight that the single arch could carry, and more in<br \/>\nproportion as the diameter of its thickness goes a smaller number of<br \/>\ntimes into its length. That is to say that if the thickness of the<br \/>\nsingle arch goes ten times into its length, the thickness of the<br \/>\ndoubled arch will go five times into its length. Hence as the<br \/>\nthickness of the double arch goes only half as many times into its<br \/>\nlength as that of the single arch does, it is reasonable that it<br \/>\nshould carry half as much more weight as it would have to carry if<br \/>\nit were in direct proportion to the single arch. Hence as this<br \/>\ndouble arch has 4 times the thickness of the single arch, it would<br \/>\nseem that it ought to bear 4 times the weight; but by the above rule<br \/>\nit is shown that it will bear exactly 8 times as much.<\/p>\n<p>THAT PIER, WHICH is CHARGED MOST UNEQUALLY, WILL SOONEST GIVE WAY.<\/p>\n<p>The column <em>c b<\/em>, being charged with an equal weight, [on each side]<br \/>\nwill be most durable, and the other two outward columns require on<br \/>\nthe part outside of their centre as much pressure as there is inside<br \/>\nof their centre, that is, from the centre of the column, towards the<br \/>\nmiddle of the arch.<\/p>\n<p>Arches which depend on chains for their support will not be very<br \/>\ndurable.<\/p>\n<p>THAT ARCH WILL BE OF LONGER DURATION WHICH HAS A GOOD ABUTMENT<br \/>\nOPPOSED TO ITS THRUST.<\/p>\n<p>The arch itself tends to fall. If the arch be 30 braccia and the<br \/>\ninterval between the walls which carry it be 20, we know that 30<br \/>\ncannot pass through the 20 unless 20 becomes likewise 30. Hence the<br \/>\narch being crushed by the excess of weight, and the walls offering<br \/>\ninsufficient resistance, part, and afford room between them, for the<br \/>\nfall of the arch.<\/p>\n<p>But if you do not wish to strengthen the arch with an iron tie you<br \/>\nmust give it such abutments as can resist the thrust; and you can do<br \/>\nthis thus: fill up the spandrels <em>m n<\/em> with stones, and direct the<br \/>\nlines of the joints between them to the centre of the circle of the<br \/>\narch, and the reason why this makes the arch durable is this. We<br \/>\nknow very well that if the arch is loaded with an excess of weight<br \/>\nabove its quarter as <em>a b<\/em>, the wall <em>f g<\/em> will be thrust outwards<br \/>\nbecause the arch would yield in that direction; if the other quarter<br \/>\n<em>b c<\/em> were loaded, the wall <em>f g<\/em> would be thrust inwards, if it<br \/>\nwere not for the line of stones <em>x y<\/em> which resists this.<\/p>\n<p>787.<\/p>\n<p>PLAN.<\/p>\n<p>Here it is shown how the arches made in the side of the octagon<br \/>\nthrust the piers of the angles outwards, as is shown by the line <em>h<br \/>\nc<\/em> and by the line <em>t d<\/em> which thrust out the pier <em>m<\/em>; that is they<br \/>\ntend to force it away from the centre of such an octagon.<\/p>\n<p>788.<\/p>\n<p>An Experiment to show that a weight placed on an arch does not<br \/>\ndischarge itself entirely on its columns; on the contrary the<br \/>\ngreater the weight placed on the arches, the less the arch transmits<br \/>\nthe weight to the columns. The experiment is the following. Let a<br \/>\nman be placed on a steel yard in the middle of the shaft of a well,<br \/>\nthen let him spread out his hands and feet between the walls of the<br \/>\nwell, and you will see him weigh much less on the steel yard; give<br \/>\nhim a weight on the shoulders, you will see by experiment, that the<br \/>\ngreater the weight you give him the greater effort he will make in<br \/>\nspreading his arms and legs, and in pressing against the wall and<br \/>\nthe less weight will be thrown on the steel yard.<\/p>\n<p>IV.<\/p>\n<p>ON FOUNDATIONS, THE NATURE OF THE GROUND AND SUPPORTS.<\/p>\n<p>789.<\/p>\n<p>The first and most important thing is stability.<\/p>\n<p>As to the foundations of the component parts of temples and other<br \/>\npublic buildings, the depths of the foundations must bear the same<br \/>\nproportions to each other as the weight of material which is to be<br \/>\nplaced upon them.<\/p>\n<p>Every part of the depth of earth in a given space is composed of<br \/>\nlayers, and each layer is composed of heavier or lighter materials,<br \/>\nthe lowest being the heaviest. And this can be proved, because these<br \/>\nlayers have been formed by the sediment from water carried down to<br \/>\nthe sea, by the current of rivers which flow into it. The heaviest<br \/>\npart of this sediment was that which was first thrown down, and so<br \/>\non by degrees; and this is the action of water when it becomes<br \/>\nstagnant, having first brought down the mud whence it first flowed.<br \/>\nAnd such layers of soil are seen in the banks of rivers, where their<br \/>\nconstant flow has cut through them and divided one slope from the<br \/>\nother to a great depth; where in gravelly strata the waters have run<br \/>\noff, the materials have, in consequence, dried and been converted<br \/>\ninto hard stone, and this happened most in what was the finest mud;<br \/>\nwhence we conclude that every portion of the surface of the earth<br \/>\nwas once at the centre of the earth, and <em>vice_versa<\/em> &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>790.<\/p>\n<p>The heaviest part of the foundations of buildings settles most, and<br \/>\nleaves the lighter part above it separated from it.<\/p>\n<p>And the soil which is most pressed, if it be porous yields most.<\/p>\n<p>You should always make the foundations project equally beyond the<br \/>\nweight of the walls and piers, as shown at <em>m a b<\/em>. If you do as<br \/>\nmany do, that is to say if you make a foundation of equal width from<br \/>\nthe bottom up to the surface of the ground, and charge it above with<br \/>\nunequal weights, as shown at <em>b e<\/em> and at <em>e o<\/em>, at the part of the<br \/>\nfoundation at <em>b e<\/em>, the pier of the angle will weigh most and<br \/>\nthrust its foundation downwards, which the wall at <em>e o<\/em> will not<br \/>\ndo; since it does not cover the whole of its foundation, and<br \/>\ntherefore thrusts less heavily and settles less. Hence, the pier <em>b<br \/>\ne<\/em> in settling cracks and parts from the wall <em>e o<\/em>. This may be<br \/>\nseen in most buildings which are cracked round the piers.<\/p>\n<p>791.<\/p>\n<p>The window <em>a<\/em> is well placed under the window <em>c<\/em>, and the window<br \/>\n<em>b<\/em> is badly placed under the pier <em>d<\/em>, because this latter is<br \/>\nwithout support and foundation; mind therefore never to make a break<br \/>\nunder the piers between the windows.<\/p>\n<p>792.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SUPPORTS.<\/p>\n<p>A pillar of which the thickness is increased will gain more than its<br \/>\ndue strength, in direct proportion to what its loses in relative<br \/>\nheight.<\/p>\n<p>EXAMPLE.<\/p>\n<p>If a pillar should be nine times as high as it is broad&#8211;that is to<br \/>\nsay, if it is one braccio thick, according to rule it should be nine<br \/>\nbraccia high&#8211;then, if you place 100 such pillars together in a mass<br \/>\nthis will be ten braccia broad and 9 high; and if the first pillar<br \/>\ncould carry 10000 pounds the second being only about as high as it<br \/>\nis wide, and thus lacking 8 parts of its proper length, it, that is<br \/>\nto say, each pillar thus united, will bear eight times more than<br \/>\nwhen disconnected; that is to say, that if at first it would carry<br \/>\nten thousand pounds, it would now carry 90 thousand.<\/p>\n<p>V.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE RESISTANCE OF BEAMS.<\/p>\n<p>793.<\/p>\n<p>That angle will offer the greatest resistance which is most acute,<br \/>\nand the most obtuse will be the weakest.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The three smaller sketches accompany the text in the<br \/>\noriginal, but the larger one is not directly connected with it. It<br \/>\nis to be found on fol. 89a of the same Manuscript and there we read<br \/>\nin a note, written underneath, <em>coverchio della perdicha del<br \/>\ncastello<\/em> (roof of the flagstaff of the castle),&#8211;Compare also Pl.<br \/>\nXCIII, No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>794.<\/p>\n<p>If the beams and the weight <em>o<\/em> are 100 pounds, how much weight will<br \/>\nbe wanted at <em>ae<\/em> to resist such a weight, that it may not fall<br \/>\ndown?<\/p>\n<p>795.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE LENGTH OF BEAMS.<\/p>\n<p>That beam which is more than 20 times as long as its greatest<br \/>\nthickness will be of brief duration and will break in half; and<br \/>\nremember, that the part built into the wall should be steeped in hot<br \/>\npitch and filleted with oak boards likewise so steeped. Each beam<br \/>\nmust pass through its walls and be secured beyond the walls with<br \/>\nsufficient chaining, because in consequence of earthquakes the beams<br \/>\nare often seen to come out of the walls and bring down the walls and<br \/>\nfloors; whilst if they are chained they will hold the walls strongly<br \/>\ntogether and the walls will hold the floors. Again I remind you<br \/>\nnever to put plaster over timber. Since by expansion and shrinking<br \/>\nof the timber produced by damp and dryness such floors often crack,<br \/>\nand once cracked their divisions gradually produce dust and an ugly<br \/>\neffect. Again remember not to lay a floor on beams supported on<br \/>\narches; for, in time the floor which is made on beams settles<br \/>\nsomewhat in the middle while that part of the floor which rests on<br \/>\nthe arches remains in its place; hence, floors laid over two kinds<br \/>\nof supports look, in time, as if they were made in hills [Footnote:<br \/>\n19 M. RAVAISSON, in his edition of MS. A gives a very different<br \/>\nrendering of this passage translating it thus: <em>Les planchers qui<br \/>\nsont soutenus par deux differentes natures de supports paraissent<br \/>\navec le temps faits en voute a cholli<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>Remarks on the style of Leonardo&#8217;s architecture.<\/p>\n<p>A few remarks may here be added on the style of Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\narchitectural studies. However incomplete, however small in scale,<br \/>\nthey allow us to establish a certain number of facts and<br \/>\nprobabilities, well worthy of consideration.<\/p>\n<p>When Leonardo began his studies the great name of Brunellesco was<br \/>\nstill the inspiration of all Florence, and we cannot doubt that<br \/>\nLeonardo was open to it, since we find among his sketches the plan<br \/>\nof the church of Santo Spirito[Footnote 1: See Pl. XCIV, No. 2. Then<br \/>\nonly in course of erection after the designs of Brunellesco, though<br \/>\nhe was already dead; finished in 1481.] and a lateral view of San<br \/>\nLorenzo (Pl. XCIV No. 1), a plan almost identical with the chapel<br \/>\nDegli Angeli, only begun by him (Pl. XCIV, No. 3) while among<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s designs for domes several clearly betray the influence of<br \/>\nBrunellesco&#8217;s Cupola and the lantern of Santa Maria del<br \/>\nFiore[Footnote 2: A small sketch of the tower of the Palazzo della<br \/>\nSignoria (MS. C.A. 309) proves that he also studied mediaeval<br \/>\nmonuments.]<\/p>\n<p>The beginning of the second period of modern Italian architecture<br \/>\nfalls during the first twenty years of Leonardo&#8217;s life. However the<br \/>\nnew impetus given by Leon Battista Alberti either was not generally<br \/>\nunderstood by his contemporaries, or those who appreciated it, had<br \/>\nno opportunity of showing that they did so. It was only when taken<br \/>\nup by Bramante and developed by him to the highest rank of modern<br \/>\narchitecture that this new influence was generally felt. Now the<br \/>\npeculiar feature of Leonardo&#8217;s sketches is that, like the works of<br \/>\nBramante, they appear to be the development and continuation of<br \/>\nAlberti&#8217;s.<\/p>\n<p>_But a question here occurs which is difficult to answer. Did<br \/>\nLeonardo, till he quitted Florence, follow the direction given by<br \/>\nthe dominant school of Brunellesco, which would then have given rise<br \/>\nto his &#8220;First manner&#8221;, or had he, even before he left Florence, felt<br \/>\nAlberti&#8217;s influence&#8211;either through his works (Palazzo Ruccellai,<br \/>\nand the front of Santa Maria Novella) or through personal<br \/>\nintercourse? Or was it not till he went to Milan that Alberti&#8217;s work<br \/>\nbegan to impress him through Bramante, who probably had known<br \/>\nAlberti at Mantua about 1470 and who not only carried out Alberti&#8217;s<br \/>\nviews and ideas, but, by his designs for St. Peter&#8217;s at Rome, proved<br \/>\nhimself the greatest of modern architects. When Leonardo went to<br \/>\nMilan Bramante had already been living there for many years. One of<br \/>\nhis earliest works in Milan was the church of Santa Maria presso San<br \/>\nSatiro, Via del Falcone[Footnote 1: Evidence of this I intend to<br \/>\ngive later on in a Life of Bramante, which I have in preparation.].<\/p>\n<p>Now we find among Leonardos studies of Cupolas on Plates LXXXIV and<br \/>\nLXXXV and in Pl. LXXX several sketches which seem to me to have been<br \/>\nsuggested by Bramante&#8217;s dome of this church.<\/p>\n<p>The MSS. B and Ash. II contain the plans of S. Sepolcro, the<br \/>\npavilion in the garden of the duke of Milan, and two churches,<br \/>\nevidently inspired by the church of San Lorenzo at Milan.<\/p>\n<p>MS. B. contains besides two notes relating to Pavia, one of them a<br \/>\ndesign for the sacristy of the Cathedral at Pavia, which cannot be<br \/>\nsupposed to be dated later than 1492, and it has probably some<br \/>\nrelation to Leonardo&#8217;s call to Pavia June 21, 1490[Footnote 2: The<br \/>\nsketch of the plan of Brunellesco&#8217;s church of Santo Spirito at<br \/>\nFlorence, which occurs in the same Manuscript, may have been done<br \/>\nfrom memory.]. These and other considerations justify us in<br \/>\nconcluding, that Leonardo made his studies of cupolas at Milan,<br \/>\nprobably between the years 1487 and 1492 in anticipation of the<br \/>\nerection of one of the grandest churches of Italy, the Cathedral of<br \/>\nPavia. This may explain the decidedly Lombardo-Bramantesque tendency<br \/>\nin the style of these studies, among which only a few remind us of<br \/>\nthe forms of the cupolas of S. Maria del Fiore and of the Baptistery<br \/>\nof Florence. Thus, although when compared with Bramante&#8217;s work,<br \/>\nseveral of these sketches plainly reveal that master&#8217;s influence, we<br \/>\nfind, among the sketches of domes, some, which show already<br \/>\nBramante&#8217;s classic style, of which the Tempietto of San Pietro in<br \/>\nMontorio, his first building executed at Rome, is the foremost<br \/>\nexample[Footnote 3: It may be mentioned here, that in 1494 Bramante<br \/>\nmade a similar design for the lantern of the Cupola of the Church of<br \/>\nSanta Maria delle Grazie.].<\/p>\n<p>On Plate LXXXIV is a sketch of the plan of a similar circular<br \/>\nbuilding; and the Mausoleum on Pl. XCVIII, no less than one of the<br \/>\npedestals for the statue of Francesco Sforza (Pl. LXV), is of the<br \/>\nsame type.<\/p>\n<p>The drawings Pl. LXXXIV No. 2, Pl. LXXXVI No. 1 and 2 and the ground<br \/>\nflour (&#8220;flour&#8221; sic but should be &#8220;floor&#8221; ?) of the building in the<br \/>\ndrawing Pl. XCI No. 2, with the interesting decoration by gigantic<br \/>\nstatues in large niches, are also, I believe, more in the style<br \/>\nBramante adopted at Rome, than in the Lombard style. Are we to<br \/>\nconclude from this that Leonardo on his part influenced Bramante in<br \/>\nthe sense of simplifying his style and rendering it more congenial<br \/>\nto antique art? The answer to this important question seems at first<br \/>\ndifficult to give, for we are here in presence of Bramante, the<br \/>\ngreatest of modern architects, and with Leonardo, the man comparable<br \/>\nwith no other. We have no knowledge of any buildings erected by<br \/>\nLeonardo, and unless we admit personal intercourse&#8211;which seems<br \/>\nprobable, but of which there is no proof&#8211;, it would be difficult to<br \/>\nunderstand how Leonardo could have affected Bramante&#8217;s style. The<br \/>\nconverse is more easily to be admitted, since Bramante, as we have<br \/>\nproved elsewhere, drew and built simultaneously in different<br \/>\nmanners, and though in Lombardy there is no building by him in his<br \/>\nclassic style, the use of brick for building, in that part of Italy,<br \/>\nmay easily account for it._<\/p>\n<p><em>Bramante&#8217;s name is incidentally mentioned in Leonardo&#8217;s manuscripts<br \/>\nin two passages (Nos. 1414 and 1448). On each occasion it is only a<br \/>\nslight passing allusion, and the nature of the context gives us no<br \/>\ndue information as to any close connection between the two artists.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>It might be supposed, on the ground of Leonardo&#8217;s relations with<br \/>\nthe East given in sections XVII and XXI of this volume, that some<br \/>\nevidence of oriental influence might be detected in his<br \/>\narchitectural drawings. I do not however think that any such traces<br \/>\ncan be pointed out with certainty unless perhaps the drawing for a<br \/>\nMausoleum, Pl. XC VIII.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Among several studies for the construction of cupolas above a Greek<br \/>\ncross there are some in which the forms are decidedly monotonous.<br \/>\nThese, it is clear, were not designed as models of taste; they must<br \/>\nbe regarded as the results of certain investigations into the laws<br \/>\nof proportion, harmony and contrast.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The designs for churches, on the plan of a Latin cross are<br \/>\nevidently intended to depart as little as possible from the form of<br \/>\na Greek cross; and they also show a preference for a nave surrounded<br \/>\nwith outer porticos.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The architectural forms preferred by Leonardo are pilasters coupled<br \/>\n(Pl. LXXXII No. 1; or grouped (Pl. LXXX No. 5 and XCIV No. 4), often<br \/>\ncombined with niches. We often meet with orders superposed, one in<br \/>\neach story, or two small orders on one story, in combination with<br \/>\none great order (Pl. XCVI No. 2).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The drum (tamburo) of these cupolas is generally octagonal, as in<br \/>\nthe cathedral of Florence, and with similar round windows in its<br \/>\nsides. In Pl. LXXXVII No. 2 it is circular like the model actually<br \/>\ncarried out by Michael Angelo at St. Peter&#8217;s.<\/p>\n<p>The cupola itself is either hidden under a pyramidal roof, as in the<br \/>\nBaptistery of Florence, San Lorenzo of Milan and most of the Lombard<br \/>\nchurches (Pl. XCI No. 1 and Pl. XCII No. 1); but it more generally<br \/>\nsuggests the curve of Sta Maria del Fiore (Pl. LXXXVIII No. 5; Pl.<br \/>\nXC No. 2; Pl. LXXXIX, M; Pl XC No. 4, Pl. XCVI No. 2). In other<br \/>\ncases (Pl. LXXX No. 4; Pl. LXXXIX; Pl. XC No. 2) it shows the sides<br \/>\nof the octagon crowned by semicircular pediments, as in<br \/>\nBrunellesco&#8217;s lantern of the Cathedral and in the model for the<br \/>\nCathedral of Pavia.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, in some sketches the cupola is either semicircular, or as<br \/>\nin Pl. LXXXVII No. 2, shows the beautiful line, adopted sixty years<br \/>\nlater by Michael Angelo for the existing dome of St. Peter&#8217;s.<\/p>\n<p>It is worth noticing that for all these domes Leonardo is not<br \/>\nsatisfied to decorate the exterior merely with ascending ribs or<br \/>\nmouldings, but employs also a system of horizontal parallels to<br \/>\ncomplete the architectural system. Not the least interesting are the<br \/>\ndesigns for the tiburio (cupola) of the Milan Cathedral. They show<br \/>\nsome of the forms, just mentioned, adapted to the peculiar gothic<br \/>\nstyle of that monument.<\/p>\n<p>The few examples of interiors of churches recall the style employed<br \/>\nin Lombardy by Bramante, for instance in S. Maria di Canepanuova at<br \/>\nPavia, or by Dolcebuono in the Monastero Maggiore at Milan (see Pl.<br \/>\nCI No. 1 [C. A. 181b; 546b]; Pl. LXXXIV No. 10).<\/p>\n<p>The few indications concerning palaces seem to prove that Leonardo<br \/>\nfollowed Alberti&#8217;s example of decorating the walls with pilasters<br \/>\nand a flat rustica, either in stone or by graffitti (Pl. CII No. 1<br \/>\nand Pl. LXXXV No. 14).<\/p>\n<p>By pointing out the analogies between Leonardo&#8217;s architecture and<br \/>\nthat of other masters we in no way pretend to depreciate his<br \/>\nindividual and original inventive power. These are at all events<br \/>\nbeyond dispute. The project for the Mausoleum (Pl. XCVIII) would<br \/>\nalone suffice to rank him among the greatest architects who ever<br \/>\nlived. The peculiar shape of the tower (Pl. LXXX), of the churches<br \/>\nfor preaching (Pl. XCVII No. 1 and pages 56 and 57, Fig. 1-4), his<br \/>\ncurious plan for a city with high and low level streets (Pl. LXXVII<br \/>\nand LXXVIII No. 2 and No. 3), his Loggia with fountains (Pl. LXXXII<br \/>\nNo. 4) reveal an originality, a power and facility of invention for<br \/>\nalmost any given problem, which are quite wonderful.<\/p>\n<p><em>In addition to all these qualities he propably stood alone in his<br \/>\nday in one department of architectural study,&#8211;his investigations,<br \/>\nnamely, as to the resistance of vaults, foundations, walls and<br \/>\narches.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>As an application of these studies the plan of a semicircular vault<br \/>\n(Pl. CIII No. 2) may be mentioned here, disposed so as to produce no<br \/>\nthrust on the columns on which it rests:<\/em> volta i botte e non<br \/>\nispignie ifori le colone. <em>Above the geometrical patterns on the<br \/>\nsame sheet, close to a circle inscribed in a square is the note:<\/em> la<br \/>\nragio d&#8217;una volta cioe il terzo del diamitro della sua &#8230; del<br \/>\ntedesco in domo.<\/p>\n<p><em>There are few data by which to judge of Leonardo&#8217;s style in the<br \/>\ntreatment of detail. On Pl. LXXXV No. 10 and Pl. CIII No. 3, we find<br \/>\nsome details of pillars; on Pl. CI No. 3 slender pillars designed<br \/>\nfor a fountain and on Pl. CIII No. 1 MS. B, is a pen and ink drawing<br \/>\nof a vase which also seems intended for a fountain. Three handles<br \/>\nseem to have been intended to connect the upper parts with the base.<br \/>\nThere can be no doubt that Leonardo, like Bramante, but unlike<br \/>\nMichael Angelo, brought infinite delicacy of motive and execution to<br \/>\nbear on the details of his work.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>XIV.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Anatomy, Zoology and Physiology.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo&#8217;s eminent place in the history of medicine, as a pioneer<br \/>\nin the sciences of Anatomy and Physiology, will never be appreciated<br \/>\ntill it is possible to publish the mass of manuscripts in which he<br \/>\nlargely treated of these two branches of learning. In the present<br \/>\nwork I must necessarily limit myself to giving the reader a general<br \/>\nview of these labours, by publishing his introductory notes to the<br \/>\nvarious books on anatomical subjects. I have added some extracts,<br \/>\nand such observations as are scattered incidentally through these<br \/>\ntreatises, as serving to throw a light on Leonardo&#8217;s scientific<br \/>\nattitude, besides having an interest for a wider circle than that of<br \/>\nspecialists only.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>VASARI expressly mentions Leonardo&#8217;s anatomical studies, having had<br \/>\noccasion to examine the manuscript books which refer to them.<br \/>\nAccording to him Leonardo studied Anatomy in the companionship of<br \/>\nMarc Antonio della Torre<\/em> &#8220;aiutato e scambievolmente<br \/>\naiutando.&#8221;<em>&#8211;This learned Anatomist taught the science in the<br \/>\nuniversities first of Padua and then of Pavia, and at Pavia he and<br \/>\nLeonardo may have worked and studied together. We have no clue to<br \/>\nany exact dates, but in the year 1506 Marc Antonio della Torre seems<br \/>\nto have not yet left Padua. He was scarcely thirty years old when he<br \/>\ndied in 1512, and his writings on anatomy have not only never been<br \/>\npublished, but no manuscript copy of them is known to exist.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>This is not the place to enlarge on the connection between Leonardo<br \/>\nand Marc Antonio della Torre. I may however observe that I have not<br \/>\nbeen able to discover in Leonardo&#8217;s manuscripts on anatomy any<br \/>\nmention of his younger contemporary. The few quotations which occur<br \/>\nfrom writers on medicine&#8211;either of antiquity or of the middle ages<br \/>\nare printed in Section XXII. Here and there in the manuscripts<br \/>\nmention is made of an anonymous &#8220;adversary&#8221;<\/em> (avversario) <em>whose<br \/>\nviews are opposed and refuted by Leonardo, but there is no ground<br \/>\nfor supposing that Marc Antonio della Torre should have been this<br \/>\n&#8220;adversary&#8221;.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>_Only a very small selection from the mass of anatomical drawings<br \/>\nleft by Leonardo have been published here in facsimile, but to form<br \/>\nany adequate idea of their scientific merit they should be compared<br \/>\nwith the coarse and inadequate figures given in the published books<br \/>\nof the early part of the XVI. century.<\/p>\n<p>William Hunter, the great surgeon&#8211;a competent judge&#8211;who had an<br \/>\nopportunity in the time of George III. of seeing the originals in<br \/>\nthe King&#8217;s Library, has thus recorded his opinion: &#8220;I expected to<br \/>\nsee little more than such designs in Anatomy as might be useful to a<br \/>\npainter in his own profession. But I saw, and indeed with<br \/>\nastonishment, that Leonardo had been a general and deep student.<br \/>\nWhen I consider what pains he has taken upon every part of the body,<br \/>\nthe superiority of his universal genius, his particular excellence<br \/>\nin mechanics and hydraulics, and the attention with which such a man<br \/>\nwould examine and see objects which he has to draw, I am fully<br \/>\npersuaded that Leonardo was the best Anatomist, at that time, in the<br \/>\nworld &#8230; Leonardo was certainly the first man, we know of, who<br \/>\nintroduced the practice of making anatomical drawings&#8221; (Two<br \/>\nintroductory letters. London 1784, pages 37 and 39).<\/p>\n<p>The illustrious German Naturalist Johan Friedrich Blumenback<br \/>\nesteemed them no less highly; he was one of the privileged few who,<br \/>\nafter Hunter, had the chance of seeing these Manuscripts. He writes:<br \/>\n<em>Der Scharfblick dieses grossen Forschers und Darstellers der Natur<br \/>\nhat schon auf Dinge geachtet, die noch Jahrhunderte nachher<br \/>\nunbemerkt geblieben sind<\/em>&#8221; (see <em>Blumenbach&#8217;s medicinische<br \/>\nBibliothek<\/em>, Vol. 3, St. 4, 1795. page 728).<\/p>\n<p>These opinions were founded on the drawings alone. Up to the present<br \/>\nday hardly anything has been made known of the text, and, for the<br \/>\nreasons I have given, it is my intention to reproduce here no more<br \/>\nthan a selection of extracts which I have made from the originals at<br \/>\nWindsor Castle and elsewhere. In the Bibliography of the<br \/>\nManuscripts, at the end of this volume a short review is given of<br \/>\nthe valuable contents of these Anatomical note books which are at<br \/>\npresent almost all in the possession of her Majesty the Queen of<br \/>\nEngland. It is, I believe, possible to assign the date with<br \/>\napproximate accuracy to almost all the fragments, and I am thus led<br \/>\nto conclude that the greater part of Leonardo&#8217;s anatomical<br \/>\ninvestigations were carried out after the death of della Torre.<\/p>\n<p>Merely in reading the introductory notes to his various books on<br \/>\nAnatomy which are here printed it is impossible to resist the<br \/>\nimpression that the Master&#8217;s anatomical studies bear to a very great<br \/>\nextent the stamp of originality and independent thought.<\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>ANATOMY.<\/p>\n<p>796.<\/p>\n<p>A general introduction<\/p>\n<p>I wish to work miracles;&#8211;it may be that I shall possess less than<br \/>\nother men of more peaceful lives, or than those who want to grow<br \/>\nrich in a day. I may live for a long time in great poverty, as<br \/>\nalways happens, and to all eternity will happen, to alchemists, the<br \/>\nwould-be creators of gold and silver, and to engineers who would<br \/>\nhave dead water stir itself into life and perpetual motion, and to<br \/>\nthose supreme fools, the necromancer and the enchanter.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 23: The following seems to be directed against students of<br \/>\npainting and young artists rather than against medical men and<br \/>\nanatomists.]<\/p>\n<p>And you, who say that it would be better to watch an anatomist at<br \/>\nwork than to see these drawings, you would be right, if it were<br \/>\npossible to observe all the things which are demonstrated in such<br \/>\ndrawings in a single figure, in which you, with all your cleverness,<br \/>\nwill not see nor obtain knowledge of more than some few veins, to<br \/>\nobtain a true and perfect knowledge of which I have dissected more<br \/>\nthan ten human bodies, destroying all the other members, and<br \/>\nremoving the very minutest particles of the flesh by which these<br \/>\nveins are surrounded, without causing them to bleed, excepting the<br \/>\ninsensible bleeding of the capillary veins; and as one single body<br \/>\nwould not last so long, since it was necessary to proceed with<br \/>\nseveral bodies by degrees, until I came to an end and had a complete<br \/>\nknowledge; this I repeated twice, to learn the differences [59].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Lines 1-59 and 60-89 are written in two parallel columns.<br \/>\nWhen we here find Leonardo putting himself in the same category as<br \/>\nthe Alchemists and Necromancers, whom he elsewhere mocks at so<br \/>\nbitterly, it is evidently meant ironically. In the same way<br \/>\nLeonardo, in the introduction to the Books on Perspective sets<br \/>\nhimself with transparent satire on a level with other writers on the<br \/>\nsubject.]<\/p>\n<p>And if you should have a love for such things you might be prevented<br \/>\nby loathing, and if that did not prevent you, you might be deterred<br \/>\nby the fear of living in the night hours in the company of those<br \/>\ncorpses, quartered and flayed and horrible to see. And if this did<br \/>\nnot prevent you, perhaps you might not be able to draw so well as is<br \/>\nnecessary for such a demonstration; or, if you had the skill in<br \/>\ndrawing, it might not be combined with knowledge of perspective; and<br \/>\nif it were so, you might not understand the methods of geometrical<br \/>\ndemonstration and the method of the calculation of forces and of the<br \/>\nstrength of the muscles; patience also may be wanting, so that you<br \/>\nlack perseverance. As to whether all these things were found in me<br \/>\nor not [Footnote 84: Leonardo frequently, and perhaps habitually,<br \/>\nwrote in note books of a very small size and only moderately thick;<br \/>\nin most of those which have been preserved undivided, each contains<br \/>\nless than fifty leaves. Thus a considerable number of such volumes<br \/>\nmust have gone to make up a volume of the bulk of the &#8216;<em>Codex<br \/>\nAtlanticus<\/em>&#8216; which now contains nearly 1200 detached leaves. In the<br \/>\npassage under consideration, which was evidently written at a late<br \/>\nperiod of his life, Leonardo speaks of his Manuscript note-books as<br \/>\nnumbering 12O; but we should hardly be justified in concluding from<br \/>\nthis passage that the greater part of his Manuscripts were now<br \/>\nmissing (see <em>Prolegomena<\/em>, Vol. I, pp. 5-7).], the hundred and<br \/>\ntwenty books composed by me will give verdict Yes or No. In these I<br \/>\nhave been hindered neither by avarice nor negligence, but simply by<br \/>\nwant of time. Farewell [89].<\/p>\n<p>Plans and suggestions for the arrangement of materials (797-802).<\/p>\n<p>797.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE ORDER OF THE BOOK.<\/p>\n<p>This work must begin with the conception of man, and describe the<br \/>\nnature of the womb and how the foetus lives in it, up to what stage<br \/>\nit resides there, and in what way it quickens into life and feeds.<br \/>\nAlso its growth and what interval there is between one stage of<br \/>\ngrowth and another. What it is that forces it out from the body of<br \/>\nthe mother, and for what reasons it sometimes comes out of the<br \/>\nmother&#8217;s womb before the due time.<\/p>\n<p>Then I will describe which are the members, which, after the boy is<br \/>\nborn, grow more than the others, and determine the proportions of a<br \/>\nboy of one year.<\/p>\n<p>Then describe the fully grown man and woman, with their proportions,<br \/>\nand the nature of their complexions, colour, and physiognomy.<\/p>\n<p>Then how they are composed of veins, tendons, muscles and bones.<br \/>\nThis I shall do at the end of the book. Then, in four drawings,<br \/>\nrepresent four universal conditions of men. That is, Mirth, with<br \/>\nvarious acts of laughter, and describe the cause of laughter.<br \/>\nWeeping in various aspects with its causes. Contention, with various<br \/>\nacts of killing; flight, fear, ferocity, boldness, murder and every<br \/>\nthing pertaining to such cases. Then represent Labour, with pulling,<br \/>\nthrusting, carrying, stopping, supporting and such like things.<\/p>\n<p>Further I would describe attitudes and movements. Then perspective,<br \/>\nconcerning the functions and effects of the eye; and of<br \/>\nhearing&#8211;here I will speak of music&#8211;, and treat of the other<br \/>\nsenses.<\/p>\n<p>And then describe the nature of the senses.<\/p>\n<p>This mechanism of man we will demonstrate in &#8230; figures; of which<br \/>\nthe three first will show the ramification of the bones; that is:<br \/>\nfirst one to show their height and position and shape: the second<br \/>\nwill be seen in profile and will show the depth of the whole and of<br \/>\nthe parts, and their position. The third figure will be a<br \/>\ndemonstration of the bones of the backparts. Then I will make three<br \/>\nother figures from the same point of view, with the bones sawn<br \/>\nacross, in which will be shown their thickness and hollowness. Three<br \/>\nother figures of the bones complete, and of the nerves which rise<br \/>\nfrom the nape of the neck, and in what limbs they ramify. And three<br \/>\nothers of the bones and veins, and where they ramify. Then three<br \/>\nfigures with the muscles and three with the skin, and their proper<br \/>\nproportions; and three of woman, to illustrate the womb and the<br \/>\nmenstrual veins which go to the breasts.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The meaning of the word <em>nervo<\/em> varies in different<br \/>\npassages, being sometimes used for <em>muscolo<\/em> (muscle).]<\/p>\n<p>798.<\/p>\n<p>THE ORDER OF THE BOOK.<\/p>\n<p>This depicting of mine of the human body will be as clear to you as<br \/>\nif you had the natural man before you; and the reason is that if you<br \/>\nwish thoroughly to know the parts of man, anatomically, you&#8211;or your<br \/>\neye&#8211;require to see it from different aspects, considering it from<br \/>\nbelow and from above and from its sides, turning it about and<br \/>\nseeking the origin of each member; and in this way the natural<br \/>\nanatomy is sufficient for your comprehension. But you must<br \/>\nunderstand that this amount of knowledge will not continue to<br \/>\nsatisfy you; seeing the very great confusion that must result from<br \/>\nthe combination of tissues, with veins, arteries, nerves, sinews,<br \/>\nmuscles, bones, and blood which, of itself, tinges every part the<br \/>\nsame colour. And the veins, which discharge this blood, are not<br \/>\ndiscerned by reason of their smallness. Moreover integrity of the<br \/>\ntissues, in the process of the investigating the parts within them,<br \/>\nis inevitably destroyed, and their transparent substance being<br \/>\ntinged with blood does not allow you to recognise the parts covered<br \/>\nby them, from the similarity of their blood-stained hue; and you<br \/>\ncannot know everything of the one without confusing and destroying<br \/>\nthe other. Hence, some further anatomy drawings become necessary. Of<br \/>\nwhich you want three to give full knowledge of the veins and<br \/>\narteries, everything else being destroyed with the greatest care.<br \/>\nAnd three others to display the tissues; and three for the sinews<br \/>\nand muscles and ligaments; and three for the bones and cartilages;<br \/>\nand three for the anatomy of the bones, which have to be sawn to<br \/>\nshow which are hollow and which are not, which have marrow and which<br \/>\nare spongy, and which are thick from the outside inwards, and which<br \/>\nare thin. And some are extremely thin in some parts and thick in<br \/>\nothers, and in some parts hollow or filled up with bone, or full of<br \/>\nmarrow, or spongy. And all these conditions are sometimes found in<br \/>\none and the same bone, and in some bones none of them. And three you<br \/>\nmust have for the woman, in which there is much that is mysterious<br \/>\nby reason of the womb and the foetus. Therefore by my drawings every<br \/>\npart will be known to you, and all by means of demonstrations from<br \/>\nthree different points of view of each part; for when you have seen<br \/>\na limb from the front, with any muscles, sinews, or veins which take<br \/>\ntheir rise from the opposite side, the same limb will be shown to<br \/>\nyou in a side view or from behind, exactly as if you had that same<br \/>\nlimb in your hand and were turning it from side to side until you<br \/>\nhad acquired a full comprehension of all you wished to know. In the<br \/>\nsame way there will be put before you three or four demonstrations<br \/>\nof each limb, from various points of view, so that you will be left<br \/>\nwith a true and complete knowledge of all you wish to learn of the<br \/>\nhuman figure[Footnote 35: Compare Pl. CVII. The original drawing at<br \/>\nWindsor is 28 1\/2 X 19 1\/2 centimetres. The upper figures are<br \/>\nslightly washed with Indian ink. On the back of this drawing is the<br \/>\ntext No. 1140.].<\/p>\n<p>Thus, in twelve entire figures, you will have set before you the<br \/>\ncosmography of this lesser world on the same plan as, before me, was<br \/>\nadopted by Ptolemy in his cosmography; and so I will afterwards<br \/>\ndivide them into limbs as he divided the whole world into provinces;<br \/>\nthen I will speak of the function of each part in every direction,<br \/>\nputting before your eyes a description of the whole form and<br \/>\nsubstance of man, as regards his movements from place to place, by<br \/>\nmeans of his different parts. And thus, if it please our great<br \/>\nAuthor, I may demonstrate the nature of men, and their customs in<br \/>\nthe way I describe his figure.<\/p>\n<p>And remember that the anatomy of the nerves will not give the<br \/>\nposition of their ramifications, nor show you which muscles they<br \/>\nbranch into, by means of bodies dissected in running water or in<br \/>\nlime water; though indeed their origin and starting point may be<br \/>\nseen without such water as well as with it. But their ramifications,<br \/>\nwhen under running water, cling and unite&#8211;just like flat or hemp<br \/>\ncarded for spinning&#8211;all into a skein, in a way which makes it<br \/>\nimpossible to trace in which muscles or by what ramification the<br \/>\nnerves are distributed among those muscles.<\/p>\n<p>799.<\/p>\n<p>THE ARRANGEMENT OF ANATOMY<\/p>\n<p>First draw the bones, let us say, of the arm, and put in the motor<br \/>\nmuscle from the shoulder to the elbow with all its lines. Then<br \/>\nproceed in the same way from the elbow to the wrist. Then from the<br \/>\nwrist to the hand and from the hand to the fingers.<\/p>\n<p>And in the arm you will put the motors of the fingers which open,<br \/>\nand these you will show separately in their demonstration. In the<br \/>\nsecond demonstration you will clothe these muscles with the<br \/>\nsecondary motors of the fingers and so proceed by degrees to avoid<br \/>\nconfusion. But first lay on the bones those muscles which lie close<br \/>\nto the said bones, without confusion of other muscles; and with<br \/>\nthese you may put the nerves and veins which supply their<br \/>\nnourishment, after having first drawn the tree of veins and nerves<br \/>\nover the simple bones.<\/p>\n<p>800.<\/p>\n<p>Begin the anatomy at the head and finish at the sole of the foot.<\/p>\n<p>801.<\/p>\n<p>3 men complete, 3 with bones and nerves, 3 with the bones only. Here<br \/>\nwe have 12 demonstrations of entire figures.<\/p>\n<p>802.<\/p>\n<p>When you have finished building up the man, you will make the statue<br \/>\nwith all its superficial measurements.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Cresciere l&#8217;omo<\/em>. The meaning of this expression appears<br \/>\nto be different here and in the passage C.A. 157a, 468a (see No.<br \/>\n526, Note 1. 2). Here it can hardly mean anything else than<br \/>\nmodelling, since the sculptor forms the figure by degrees, by adding<br \/>\nwet clay and the figure consequently increases or grows. <em>Tu farai<br \/>\nla statua<\/em> would then mean, you must work out the figure in marble.<br \/>\nIf this interpretation is the correct one, this passage would have<br \/>\nno right to find a place in the series on anatomical studies. I may<br \/>\nsay that it was originally inserted in this connection under the<br \/>\nimpression that <em>di cresciere<\/em> should be read <em>descrivere<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>Plans for the representation of muscles by drawings (803-809).<\/p>\n<p>803.<\/p>\n<p>You must show all the motions of the bones with their joints to<br \/>\nfollow the demonstration of the first three figures of the bones,<br \/>\nand this should be done in the first book.<\/p>\n<p>804.<\/p>\n<p>Remember that to be certain of the point of origin of any muscle,<br \/>\nyou must pull the sinew from which the muscle springs in such a way<br \/>\nas to see that muscle move, and where it is attached to the<br \/>\nligaments of the bones.<\/p>\n<p>NOTE.<\/p>\n<p>You will never get any thing but confusion in demonstrating the<br \/>\nmuscles and their positions, origin, and termination, unless you<br \/>\nfirst make a demonstration of thin muscles after the manner of linen<br \/>\nthreads; and thus you can represent them, one over another as nature<br \/>\nhas placed them; and thus, too, you can name them according to the<br \/>\nlimb they serve; for instance the motor of the point of the great<br \/>\ntoe, of its middle bone, of its first bone, &amp;c. And when you have<br \/>\nthe knowledge you will draw, by the side of this, the true form and<br \/>\nsize and position of each muscle. But remember to give the threads<br \/>\nwhich explain the situation of the muscles in the position which<br \/>\ncorresponds to the central line of each muscle; and so these threads<br \/>\nwill demonstrate the form of the leg and their distance in a plain<br \/>\nand clear manner.<\/p>\n<p>I have removed the skin from a man who was so shrunk by illness that<br \/>\nthe muscles were worn down and remained in a state like thin<br \/>\nmembrane, in such a way that the sinews instead of merging in<br \/>\nmuscles ended in wide membrane; and where the bones were covered by<br \/>\nthe skin they had very little over their natural size.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The photograph No. 41 of Grosvenor Gallery Publications:<br \/>\na drawing of the muscles of the foot, includes a complete facsimile<br \/>\nof the text of this passage.]<\/p>\n<p>805.<\/p>\n<p>Which nerve causes the motion of the eye so that the motion of one<br \/>\neye moves the other?<\/p>\n<p>Of frowning the brows, of raising the brows, of lowering the<br \/>\nbrows,&#8211;of closing the eyes, of opening the eyes,&#8211;of raising the<br \/>\nnostrils, of opening the lips, with the teeth shut, of pouting with<br \/>\nthe lips, of smiling, of astonishment.&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Describe the beginning of man when it is caused in the womb and why<br \/>\nan eight months child does not live. What sneezing is. What yawning<br \/>\nis. Falling sickness, spasms, paralysis, shivering with cold,<br \/>\nsweating, fatigue, hunger, sleepiness, thirst, lust.<\/p>\n<p>Of the nerve which is the cause of movement from the shoulder to the<br \/>\nelbow, of the movement from the elbow to the hand, from the joint of<br \/>\nthe hand to the springing of the fingers. From the springing of the<br \/>\nfingers to the middle joints, and from the middle joints to the<br \/>\nlast.<\/p>\n<p>Of the nerve which causes the movement of the thigh, and from the<br \/>\nknee to the foot, and from the joint of the foot to the toes, and<br \/>\nthen to the middle of the toes and of the rotary motion of the leg.<\/p>\n<p>806.<\/p>\n<p>ANATOMY.<\/p>\n<p>Which nerves or sinews of the hand are those which close and part<br \/>\nthe fingers and toes latteraly?<\/p>\n<p>807.<\/p>\n<p>Remove by degrees all the parts of the front of a man in making your<br \/>\ndissection, till you come to the bones. Description of the parts of<br \/>\nthe bust and of their motions.<\/p>\n<p>808.<\/p>\n<p>Give the anatomy of the leg up to the hip, in all views and in every<br \/>\naction and in every state; veins, arteries, nerves, sinews and<br \/>\nmuscles, skin and bones; then the bones in sections to show the<br \/>\nthickness of the bones.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A straightened leg in profile is sketched by the side of<br \/>\nthis text.]<\/p>\n<p>On corpulency and leanness (809-811).<\/p>\n<p>809.<\/p>\n<p>Make the rule and give the measurement of each muscle, and give the<br \/>\nreasons of all their functions, and in which way they work and what<br \/>\nmakes them work &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>[4] First draw the spine of the back; then clothe it by degrees, one<br \/>\nafter the other, with each of its muscles and put in the nerves and<br \/>\narteries and veins to each muscle by itself; and besides these note<br \/>\nthe vertebrae to which they are attached; which of the intestines<br \/>\ncome in contact with them; and which bones and other organs &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>The most prominent parts of lean people are most prominent in the<br \/>\nmuscular, and equally so in fat persons. But concerning the<br \/>\ndifference in the forms of the muscles in fat persons as compared<br \/>\nwith muscular persons, it shall be described below.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The two drawings given on Pl. CVIII no. 1 come between<br \/>\nlines 3 and 4. A good and very early copy of this drawing without<br \/>\nthe written text exists in the collection of drawings belonging to<br \/>\nChrist&#8217;s College Oxford, where it is attributed to Leonardo.]<\/p>\n<p>810.<\/p>\n<p>Describe which muscles disappear in growing fat, and which become<br \/>\nvisible in growing lean.<\/p>\n<p>And observe that that part which on the surface of a fat person is<br \/>\nmost concave, when he grows lean becomes more prominent.<\/p>\n<p>Where the muscles separate one from another you must give profiles<br \/>\nand where they coalesce &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>811.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE HUMAN FIGURE.<\/p>\n<p>Which is the part in man, which, as he grows fatter, never gains<br \/>\nflesh?<\/p>\n<p>Or what part which as a man grows lean never falls away with a too<br \/>\nperceptible diminution? And among the parts which grow fat which is<br \/>\nthat which grows fattest?<\/p>\n<p>Among those which grow lean which is that which grows leanest?<\/p>\n<p>In very strong men which are the muscles which are thickest and most<br \/>\nprominent?<\/p>\n<p>In your anatomy you must represent all the stages of the limbs from<br \/>\nman&#8217;s creation to his death, and then till the death of the bone;<br \/>\nand which part of him is first decayed and which is preserved the<br \/>\nlongest.<\/p>\n<p>And in the same way of extreme leanness and extreme fatness.<\/p>\n<p>The divisions of the head (812. 813).<\/p>\n<p>812.<\/p>\n<p>ANATOMY.<\/p>\n<p>There are eleven elementary tissues:&#8211; Cartilage, bones, nerves,<br \/>\nveins, arteries, fascia, ligament and sinews, skin, muscle and fat.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE HEAD.<\/p>\n<p>The divisions of the head are 10, viz. 5 external and 5 internal,<br \/>\nthe external are the hair, skin, muscle, fascia and the skull; the<br \/>\ninternal are the dura mater, the pia mater, [which enclose] the<br \/>\nbrain. The pia mater and the dura mater come again underneath and<br \/>\nenclose the brain; then the rete mirabile, and the occipital bone,<br \/>\nwhich supports the brain from which the nerves spring.<\/p>\n<p>813.<\/p>\n<p><em>a<\/em>. hair<\/p>\n<p><em>n<\/em>. skin<\/p>\n<p><em>c<\/em>. muscle<\/p>\n<p><em>m<\/em>. fascia<\/p>\n<p><em>o<\/em>. skull <em>i.e.<\/em> bone<\/p>\n<p><em>b<\/em>. dura mater<\/p>\n<p><em>d<\/em>. pia mater<\/p>\n<p><em>f<\/em>. brain<\/p>\n<p><em>r<\/em>. pia mater, below<\/p>\n<p><em>t<\/em>. dura mater<\/p>\n<p><em>l<\/em>. rete mirablile<\/p>\n<p><em>s<\/em>. the occipitul bone.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CVIII, No. 3.]<\/p>\n<p>Physiological problems (814. 815).<\/p>\n<p>814.<\/p>\n<p>Of the cause of breathing, of the cause of the motion of the heart,<br \/>\nof the cause of vomiting, of the cause of the descent of food from<br \/>\nthe stomach, of the cause of emptying the intestines.<\/p>\n<p>Of the cause of the movement of the superfluous matter through the<br \/>\nintestines.<\/p>\n<p>Of the cause of swallowing, of the cause of coughing, of the cause<br \/>\nof yawning, of the cause of sneezing, of the cause of limbs getting<br \/>\nasleep.<\/p>\n<p>Of the cause of losing sensibility in any limb.<\/p>\n<p>Of the cause of tickling.<\/p>\n<p>Of the cause of lust and other appetites of the body, of the cause<br \/>\nof urine and also of all the natural excretions of the body.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: By the side of this text stands the pen and ink drawing<br \/>\nreproduced on Pl. CVIII, No. 4; a skull with indications of the<br \/>\nveins in the fleshy covering.]<\/p>\n<p>815.<\/p>\n<p>The tears come from the heart and not from the brain.<\/p>\n<p>Define all the parts, of which the body is composed, beginning with<br \/>\nthe skin with its outer cuticle which is often chapped by the<br \/>\ninfluence of the sun.<\/p>\n<p>II.<\/p>\n<p>ZOOLOGY AND COMPARATIVE ANATOMY.<\/p>\n<p>The divisions of the animal kingdom (816. 817).<\/p>\n<p>816.<\/p>\n<p><em>Man<\/em>. The description of man, which includes that of such creatures<br \/>\nas are of almost the same species, as Apes, Monkeys and the like,<br \/>\nwhich are many,<\/p>\n<p><em>The Lion<\/em> and its kindred, as Panthers. [Footnote 3: <em>Leonza<\/em>&#8211;wild<br \/>\ncat? &#8220;<em>Secondo alcuni, lo stesso che Leonessa; e secondo altri con<br \/>\npiu certezza, lo stesso che Pantera<\/em>&#8221; FANFANI, <em>Vocabolario<\/em> page<br \/>\n858.] Wildcats (?) Tigers, Leopards, Wolfs, Lynxes, Spanish cats,<br \/>\ncommon cats and the like.<\/p>\n<p><em>The Horse<\/em> and its kindred, as Mule, Ass and the like, with incisor<br \/>\nteeth above and below.<\/p>\n<p><em>The Bull<\/em> and its allies with horns and without upper incisors as<br \/>\nthe Buffalo, Stag Fallow Deer, Wild Goat, Swine, Goat, wild Goats<br \/>\nMuskdeers, Chamois, Giraffe.<\/p>\n<p>817.<\/p>\n<p>Describe the various forms of the intestines of the human species,<br \/>\nof apes and such like. Then, in what way the leonine species differ,<br \/>\nand then the bovine, and finally birds; and arrange this description<br \/>\nafter the manner of a disquisition.<\/p>\n<p>Miscellaneous notes on the study of Zoology (818-821).<\/p>\n<p>818.<\/p>\n<p>Procure the placenta of a calf when it is born and observe the form<br \/>\nof the cotyledons, if their cotyledons are male or female.<\/p>\n<p>819.<\/p>\n<p>Describe the tongue of the woodpecker and the jaw of the crocodile.<\/p>\n<p>820.<\/p>\n<p>Of the flight of the 4th kind of butterflies that consume winged<br \/>\nants. Of the three principal positions of the wings of birds in<br \/>\ndownward flight.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A passing allusion is all I can here permit myself to<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s elaborate researches into the flight of birds. Compare<br \/>\nthe observations on this subject in the Introduction to section<br \/>\nXVIII and in the Bibliography of Manuscripts at the end of the<br \/>\nwork.]<\/p>\n<p>821.<\/p>\n<p>Of the way in which the tail of a fish acts in propelling the fish;<br \/>\nas in the eel, snake and leech.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A sketch of a fish, swimming upwards is in the original,<br \/>\ninserted above this text.&#8211;Compare No. 1114.]<\/p>\n<p>Comparative study of the structure of bones and of the action of<br \/>\nmuscles (822-826).<\/p>\n<p>822.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE PALM OF THE HAND.<\/p>\n<p>Then I will discourse of the hands of each animal to show in what<br \/>\nthey vary; as in the bear, which has the ligatures of the sinews of<br \/>\nthe toes joined above the instep.<\/p>\n<p>823.<\/p>\n<p>A second demonstration inserted between anatomy and [the treatise<br \/>\non] the living being.<\/p>\n<p>You will represent here for a comparison, the legs of a frog, which<br \/>\nhave a great resemblance to the legs of man, both in the bones and<br \/>\nin the muscles. Then, in continuation, the hind legs of the hare,<br \/>\nwhich are very muscular, with strong active muscles, because they<br \/>\nare not encumbered with fat.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text is written by the side of a drawing in black<br \/>\nchalk of a nude male figure, but there is no connection between the<br \/>\nsketch and the text.]<\/p>\n<p>824.<\/p>\n<p>Here I make a note to demonstrate the difference there is between<br \/>\nman and the horse and in the same way with other animals. And first<br \/>\nI will begin with the bones, and then will go on to all the muscles<br \/>\nwhich spring from the bones without tendons and end in them in the<br \/>\nsame way, and then go on to those which start with a single tendon<br \/>\nat one end.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CVIII, No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>825.<\/p>\n<p>Note on the bendings of joints and in what way the flesh grows upon<br \/>\nthem in their flexions or extensions; and of this most important<br \/>\nstudy write a separate treatise: in the description of the movements<br \/>\nof animals with four feet; among which is man, who likewise in his<br \/>\ninfancy crawls on all fours.<\/p>\n<p>826.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE WAY OF WALKING IN MAN.<\/p>\n<p>The walking of man is always after the universal manner of walking<br \/>\nin animals with 4 legs, inasmuch as just as they move their feet<br \/>\ncrosswise after the manner of a horse in trotting, so man moves his<br \/>\n4 limbs crosswise; that is, if he puts forward his right foot in<br \/>\nwalking he puts forward, with it, his left arm and vice versa,<br \/>\ninvariably.<\/p>\n<p>III.<\/p>\n<p>PHYSIOLOGY.<\/p>\n<p>Comparative study of the organs of sense in men and animals.<\/p>\n<p>827.<\/p>\n<p>I have found that in the composition of the human body as compared<br \/>\nwith the bodies of animals the organs of sense are duller and<br \/>\ncoarser. Thus it is composed of less ingenious instruments, and of<br \/>\nspaces less capacious for receiving the faculties of sense. I have<br \/>\nseen in the Lion tribe that the sense of smell is connected with<br \/>\npart of the substance of the brain which comes down the nostrils,<br \/>\nwhich form a spacious receptacle for the sense of smell, which<br \/>\nenters by a great number of cartilaginous vesicles with several<br \/>\npassages leading up to where the brain, as before said, comes down.<\/p>\n<p>The eyes in the Lion tribe have a large part of the head for their<br \/>\nsockets and the optic nerves communicate at once with the brain; but<br \/>\nthe contrary is to be seen in man, for the sockets of the eyes are<br \/>\nbut a small part of the head, and the optic nerves are very fine and<br \/>\nlong and weak, and by the weakness of their action we see by day but<br \/>\nbadly at night, while these animals can see as well at night as by<br \/>\nday. The proof that they can see is that they prowl for prey at<br \/>\nnight and sleep by day, as nocturnal birds do also.<\/p>\n<p>Advantages in the structure of the eye in certain animals (828-831).<\/p>\n<p>828.<\/p>\n<p>Every object we see will appear larger at midnight than at midday,<br \/>\nand larger in the morning than at midday.<\/p>\n<p>This happens because the pupil of the eye is much smaller at midday<br \/>\nthan at any other time.<\/p>\n<p>In proportion as the eye or the pupil of the owl is larger in<br \/>\nproportion to the animal than that of man, so much the more light<br \/>\ncan it see at night than man can; hence at midday it can see nothing<br \/>\nif its pupil does not diminish; and, in the same way, at night<br \/>\nthings look larger to it than by day.<\/p>\n<p>829.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE EYES IN ANIMALS.<\/p>\n<p>The eyes of all animals have their pupils adapted to dilate and<br \/>\ndiminish of their own accord in proportion to the greater or less<br \/>\nlight of the sun or other luminary. But in birds the variation is<br \/>\nmuch greater; and particularly in nocturnal birds, such as horned<br \/>\nowls, and in the eyes of one species of owl; in these the pupil<br \/>\ndilates in such away as to occupy nearly the whole eye, or<br \/>\ndiminishes to the size of a grain of millet, and always preserves<br \/>\nthe circular form. But in the Lion tribe, as panthers, pards,<br \/>\nounces, tigers, lynxes, Spanish cats and other similar animals the<br \/>\npupil diminishes from the perfect circle to the figure of a pointed<br \/>\noval such as is shown in the margin. But man having a weaker sight<br \/>\nthan any other animal is less hurt by a very strong light and his<br \/>\npupil increases but little in dark places; but in the eyes of these<br \/>\nnocturnal animals, the horned owl&#8211;a bird which is the largest of<br \/>\nall nocturnal birds&#8211;the power of vision increases so much that in<br \/>\nthe faintest nocturnal light (which we call darkness) it sees with<br \/>\nmuch more distinctness than we do in the splendour of noon day, at<br \/>\nwhich time these birds remain hidden in dark holes; or if indeed<br \/>\nthey are compelled to come out into the open air lighted up by the<br \/>\nsun, they contract their pupils so much that their power of sight<br \/>\ndiminishes together with the quantity of light admitted.<\/p>\n<p>Study the anatomy of various eyes and see which are the muscles<br \/>\nwhich open and close the said pupils of the eyes of animals.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 24, lines 8 and fol.]<\/p>\n<p>830.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b n<\/em> is the membrane which closes the eye from below, upwards,<br \/>\nwith an opaque film, <em>c n b<\/em> encloses the eye in front and behind<br \/>\nwith a transparent membrane.<\/p>\n<p>It closes from below, upwards, because it [the eye] comes downwards.<\/p>\n<p>When the eye of a bird closes with its two lids, the first to close<br \/>\nis the nictitating membrane which closes from the lacrymal duct over<br \/>\nto the outer corner of the eye; and the outer lid closes from below<br \/>\nupwards, and these two intersecting motions begin first from the<br \/>\nlacrymatory duct, because we have already seen that in front and<br \/>\nbelow birds are protected and use only the upper portion of the eye<br \/>\nfrom fear of birds of prey which come down from above and behind;<br \/>\nand they uncover first the membrane from the outer corner, because<br \/>\nif the enemy comes from behind, they have the power of escaping to<br \/>\nthe front; and again the muscle called the nictitating membrane is<br \/>\ntransparent, because, if the eye had not such a screen, they could<br \/>\nnot keep it open against the wind which strikes against the eye in<br \/>\nthe rush of their rapid flight. And the pupil of the eye dilates and<br \/>\ncontracts as it sees a less or greater light, that is to say intense<br \/>\nbrilliancy.<\/p>\n<p>831.<\/p>\n<p>If at night your eye is placed between the light and the eye of a<br \/>\ncat, it will see the eye look like fire.<\/p>\n<p>Remarks on the organs of speech<\/p>\n<p>(832. 833).<\/p>\n<p>832.<\/p>\n<p><em>a  e  i  o  u<br \/>\nba be bi bo bu<br \/>\nca ce ci co cu<br \/>\nda de di do du<br \/>\nfa fe fi fo fu<br \/>\nga ge gi go gu<br \/>\nla le li lo lu<br \/>\nma me mi mo mu<br \/>\nna ne ni no nu<br \/>\npa pe pi po pu<br \/>\nqa qe qi qo qu<br \/>\nra re ri ro ru<br \/>\nsa se si so su<br \/>\nta te ti to tu<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The tongue is found to have 24 muscles which correspond to the six<br \/>\nmuscles which compose the portion of the tongue which moves in the<br \/>\nmouth.<\/p>\n<p>And when <em>a o u<\/em> are spoken with a clear and rapid pronunciation, it<br \/>\nis necessary, in order to pronounce continuously, without any pause<br \/>\nbetween, that the opening of the lips should close by degrees; that<br \/>\nis, they are wide apart in saying <em>a<\/em>, closer in saying <em>o<\/em>, and<br \/>\nmuch closer still to pronounce <em>u<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>It may be shown how all the vowels are pronounced with the farthest<br \/>\nportion of the false palate which is above the epiglottis.<\/p>\n<p>833.<\/p>\n<p>If you draw in breath by the nose and send it out by the mouth you<br \/>\nwill hear the sound made by the division that is the membrane in<br \/>\n[Footnote 5: The text here breaks off.]&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>On the conditions of sight (834. 835).<\/p>\n<p>834.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE NATURE OF SIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>I say that sight is exercised by all animals, by the medium of<br \/>\nlight; and if any one adduces, as against this, the sight of<br \/>\nnocturnal animals, I must say that this in the same way is subject<br \/>\nto the very same natural laws. For it will easily be understood that<br \/>\nthe senses which receive the images of things do not project from<br \/>\nthemselves any visual virtue [Footnote 4: Compare No. 68.]. On the<br \/>\ncontrary the atmospheric medium which exists between the object and<br \/>\nthe sense incorporates in itself the figure of things, and by its<br \/>\ncontact with the sense transmits the object to it. If the<br \/>\nobject&#8211;whether by sound or by odour&#8211;presents its spiritual force<br \/>\nto the ear or the nose, then light is not required and does not act.<br \/>\nThe forms of objects do not send their images into the air if they<br \/>\nare not illuminated [8]; and the eye being thus constituted cannot<br \/>\nreceive that from the air, which the air does not possess, although<br \/>\nit touches its surface. If you choose to say that there are many<br \/>\nanimals that prey at night, I answer that when the little light<br \/>\nwhich suffices the nature of their eyes is wanting, they direct<br \/>\nthemselves by their strong sense of hearing and of smell, which are<br \/>\nnot impeded by the darkness, and in which they are very far superior<br \/>\nto man. If you make a cat leap, by daylight, among a quantity of<br \/>\njars and crocks you will see them remain unbroken, but if you do the<br \/>\nsame at night, many will be broken. Night birds do not fly about<br \/>\nunless the moon shines full or in part; rather do they feed between<br \/>\nsun-down and the total darkness of the night.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 8: See No. 58-67.]<\/p>\n<p>No body can be apprehended without light and shade, and light and<br \/>\nshade are caused by light.<\/p>\n<p>835.<\/p>\n<p>WHY MEN ADVANCED IN AGE SEE BETTER AT A DISTANCE.<\/p>\n<p>Sight is better from a distance than near in those men who are<br \/>\nadvancing in age, because the same object transmits a smaller<br \/>\nimpression of itself to the eye when it is distant than when it is<br \/>\nnear.<\/p>\n<p>The seat of the common sense.<\/p>\n<p>836.<\/p>\n<p>The Common Sense, is that which judges of things offered to it by<br \/>\nthe other senses. The ancient speculators have concluded that that<br \/>\npart of man which constitutes his judgment is caused by a central<br \/>\norgan to which the other five senses refer everything by means of<br \/>\nimpressibility; and to this centre they have given the name Common<br \/>\nSense. And they say that this Sense is situated in the centre of the<br \/>\nhead between Sensation and Memory. And this name of Common Sense is<br \/>\ngiven to it solely because it is the common judge of all the other<br \/>\nfive senses <em>i.e.<\/em> Seeing, Hearing, Touch, Taste and Smell. This<br \/>\nCommon Sense is acted upon by means of Sensation which is placed as<br \/>\na medium between it and the senses. Sensation is acted upon by means<br \/>\nof the images of things presented to it by the external instruments,<br \/>\nthat is to say the senses which are the medium between external<br \/>\nthings and Sensation. In the same way the senses are acted upon by<br \/>\nobjects. Surrounding things transmit their images to the senses and<br \/>\nthe senses transfer them to the Sensation. Sensation sends them to<br \/>\nthe Common Sense, and by it they are stamped upon the memory and are<br \/>\nthere more or less retained according to the importance or force of<br \/>\nthe impression. That sense is most rapid in its function which is<br \/>\nnearest to the sensitive medium and the eye, being the highest is<br \/>\nthe chief of the others. Of this then only we will speak, and the<br \/>\nothers we will leave in order not to make our matter too long.<br \/>\nExperience tells us that the eye apprehends ten different natures of<br \/>\nthings, that is: Light and Darkness, one being the cause of the<br \/>\nperception of the nine others, and the other its absence:&#8211; Colour<br \/>\nand substance, form and place, distance and nearness, motion and<br \/>\nstillness [Footnote 15: Compare No. 23.].<\/p>\n<p>On the origin of the soul.<\/p>\n<p>837.<\/p>\n<p>Though human ingenuity may make various inventions which, by the<br \/>\nhelp of various machines answering the same end, it will never<br \/>\ndevise any inventions more beautiful, nor more simple, nor more to<br \/>\nthe purpose than Nature does; because in her inventions nothing is<br \/>\nwanting, and nothing is superfluous, and she needs no counterpoise<br \/>\nwhen she makes limbs proper for motion in the bodies of animals. But<br \/>\nshe puts into them the soul of the body, which forms them that is<br \/>\nthe soul of the mother which first constructs in the womb the form<br \/>\nof the man and in due time awakens the soul that is to inhabit it.<br \/>\nAnd this at first lies dormant and under the tutelage of the soul of<br \/>\nthe mother, who nourishes and vivifies it by the umbilical vein,<br \/>\nwith all its spiritual parts, and this happens because this<br \/>\numbilicus is joined to the placenta and the cotyledons, by which the<br \/>\nchild is attached to the mother. And these are the reason why a<br \/>\nwish, a strong craving or a fright or any other mental suffering in<br \/>\nthe mother, has more influence on the child than on the mother; for<br \/>\nthere are many cases when the child loses its life from them, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>This discourse is not in its place here, but will be wanted for the<br \/>\none on the composition of animated bodies&#8211;and the rest of the<br \/>\ndefinition of the soul I leave to the imaginations of friars, those<br \/>\nfathers of the people who know all secrets by inspiration.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 57: <em>lettere incoronate<\/em>. By this term Leonardo probably<br \/>\nunderstands not the Bible only, but the works of the early Fathers,<br \/>\nand all the books recognised as sacred by the Roman Church.] I leave<br \/>\nalone the sacred books; for they are supreme truth.<\/p>\n<p>On the relations of the soul to the organs of sense.<\/p>\n<p>838.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THE FIVE SENSES ARE THE MINISTERS OF THE SOUL.<\/p>\n<p>The soul seems to reside in the judgment, and the judgment would<br \/>\nseem to be seated in that part where all the senses meet; and this<br \/>\nis called the Common Sense and is not all-pervading throughout the<br \/>\nbody, as many have thought. Rather is it entirely in one part.<br \/>\nBecause, if it were all-pervading and the same in every part, there<br \/>\nwould have been no need to make the instruments of the senses meet<br \/>\nin one centre and in one single spot; on the contrary it would have<br \/>\nsufficed that the eye should fulfil the function of its sensation on<br \/>\nits surface only, and not transmit the image of the things seen, to<br \/>\nthe sense, by means of the optic nerves, so that the soul&#8211;for the<br \/>\nreason given above&#8211; may perceive it in the surface of the eye. In<br \/>\nthe same way as to the sense of hearing, it would have sufficed if<br \/>\nthe voice had merely sounded in the porous cavity of the indurated<br \/>\nportion of the temporal bone which lies within the ear, without<br \/>\nmaking any farther transit from this bone to the common sense, where<br \/>\nthe voice confers with and discourses to the common judgment. The<br \/>\nsense of smell, again, is compelled by necessity to refer itself to<br \/>\nthat same judgment. Feeling passes through the perforated cords and<br \/>\nis conveyed to this common sense. These cords diverge with infinite<br \/>\nramifications into the skin which encloses the members of the body<br \/>\nand the viscera. The perforated cords convey volition and sensation<br \/>\nto the subordinate limbs. These cords and the nerves direct the<br \/>\nmotions of the muscles and sinews, between which they are placed;<br \/>\nthese obey, and this obedience takes effect by reducing their<br \/>\nthickness; for in swelling, their length is reduced, and the nerves<br \/>\nshrink which are interwoven among the particles of the limbs; being<br \/>\nextended to the tips of the fingers, they transmit to the sense the<br \/>\nobject which they touch.<\/p>\n<p>The nerves with their muscles obey the tendons as soldiers obey the<br \/>\nofficers, and the tendons obey the Common [central] Sense as the<br \/>\nofficers obey the general. [27] Thus the joint of the bones obeys<br \/>\nthe nerve, and the nerve the muscle, and the muscle the tendon and<br \/>\nthe tendon the Common Sense. And the Common Sense is the seat of the<br \/>\nsoul [28], and memory is its ammunition, and the impressibility is<br \/>\nits referendary since the sense waits on the soul and not the soul<br \/>\non the sense. And where the sense that ministers to the soul is not<br \/>\nat the service of the soul, all the functions of that sense are also<br \/>\nwanting in that man&#8217;s life, as is seen in those born mute and blind.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The peculiar use of the words <em>nervo<\/em>, <em>muscolo<\/em>,<br \/>\n<em>corda<\/em>, <em>senso comune<\/em>, which are here literally rendered by nerve,<br \/>\nmuscle cord or tendon and Common Sense may be understood from lines<br \/>\n27 and 28.]<\/p>\n<p>On involuntary muscular action.<\/p>\n<p>839.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THE NERVES SOMETIMES ACT OF THEMSELVES WITHOUT ANY COMMANDS FROM<br \/>\nTHE OTHER FUNCTIONS OF THE SOUL.<\/p>\n<p>This is most plainly seen; for you will see palsied and shivering<br \/>\npersons move, and their trembling limbs, as their head and hands,<br \/>\nquake without leave from their soul and their soul with all its<br \/>\npower cannot prevent their members from trembling. The same thing<br \/>\nhappens in falling sickness, or in parts that have been cut off, as<br \/>\nin the tails of lizards. The idea or imagination is the helm and<br \/>\nguiding-rein of the senses, because the thing conceived of moves the<br \/>\nsense. Pre-imagining, is imagining the things that are to be.<br \/>\nPost-imagining, is imagining the things that are past.<\/p>\n<p>Miscellaneous physiological observations (840-842).<\/p>\n<p>840.<\/p>\n<p>There are four Powers: memory and intellect, desire and<br \/>\ncovetousness. The two first are mental and the others sensual. The<br \/>\nthree senses: sight, hearing and smell cannot well be prevented;<br \/>\ntouch and taste not at all. Smell is connected with taste in dogs<br \/>\nand other gluttonous animals.<\/p>\n<p>841.<\/p>\n<p>I reveal to men the origin of the first, or perhaps second cause of<br \/>\ntheir existence.<\/p>\n<p>842.<\/p>\n<p>Lust is the cause of generation.<\/p>\n<p>Appetite is the support of life. Fear or timidity is the<br \/>\nprolongation of life and preservation of its instruments.<\/p>\n<p>The laws of nutrition and the support of life (843-848).<\/p>\n<p>843.<\/p>\n<p>HOW THE BODY OF ANIMALS IS CONSTANTLY DYING AND BEING RENEWED.<\/p>\n<p>The body of any thing whatever that takes nourishment constantly<br \/>\ndies and is constantly renewed; because nourishment can only enter<br \/>\ninto places where the former nourishment has expired, and if it has<br \/>\nexpired it no longer has life. And if you do not supply nourishment<br \/>\nequal to the nourishment which is gone, life will fail in vigour,<br \/>\nand if you take away this nourishment, the life is entirely<br \/>\ndestroyed. But if you restore as much is destroyed day by day, then<br \/>\nas much of the life is renewed as is consumed, just as the flame of<br \/>\nthe candle is fed by the nourishment afforded by the liquid of this<br \/>\ncandle, which flame continually with a rapid supply restores to it<br \/>\nfrom below as much as is consumed in dying above: and from a<br \/>\nbrilliant light is converted in dying into murky smoke; and this<br \/>\ndeath is continuous, as the smoke is continuous; and the continuance<br \/>\nof the smoke is equal to the continuance of the nourishment, and in<br \/>\nthe same instant all the flame is dead and all regenerated,<br \/>\nsimultaneously with the movement of its own nourishment.<\/p>\n<p>844.<\/p>\n<p>King of the animals&#8211;as thou hast described him&#8211;I should rather say<br \/>\nking of the beasts, thou being the greatest&#8211;because thou hast<br \/>\nspared slaying them, in order that they may give thee their children<br \/>\nfor the benefit of the gullet, of which thou hast attempted to make<br \/>\na sepulchre for all animals; and I would say still more, if it were<br \/>\nallowed me to speak the entire truth [5]. But we do not go outside<br \/>\nhuman matters in telling of one supreme wickedness, which does not<br \/>\nhappen among the animals of the earth, inasmuch as among them are<br \/>\nfound none who eat their own kind, unless through want of sense (few<br \/>\nindeed among them, and those being mothers, as with men, albeit they<br \/>\nbe not many in number); and this happens only among the rapacious<br \/>\nanimals, as with the leonine species, and leopards, panthers lynxes,<br \/>\ncats and the like, who sometimes eat their children; but thou,<br \/>\nbesides thy children devourest father, mother, brothers and friends;<br \/>\nnor is this enough for thee, but thou goest to the chase on the<br \/>\nislands of others, taking other men and these half-naked, the &#8230;<br \/>\nand the &#8230; thou fattenest, and chasest them down thy own<br \/>\nthroat[18]; now does not nature produce enough simples, for thee to<br \/>\nsatisfy thyself? and if thou art not content with simples, canst<br \/>\nthou not by the mixture of them make infinite compounds, as Platina<br \/>\nwrote[Footnote 21: <em>Come scrisse il Platina<\/em> (Bartolomeo Sacchi, a<br \/>\nfamous humanist). The Italian edition of his treatise <em>De arte<br \/>\ncoquinaria<\/em>, was published under the title <em>De la honestra<br \/>\nvoluptate, e valetudine, Venezia<\/em> 1487.], and other authors on<br \/>\nfeeding?<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: We are led to believe that Leonardo himself was a<br \/>\nvegetarian from the following interesting passage in the first of<br \/>\nAndrea Corsali&#8217;s letters to Giuliano de&#8217;Medici: <em>Alcuni gentili<br \/>\nchiamati Guzzarati non si cibano di cosa, alcuna che tenga sangue,<br \/>\nne fra essi loro consentono che si noccia ad alcuna cosa animata,<br \/>\ncome il nostro Leonardo da Vinci<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>5-18. Amerigo Vespucci, with whom Leonardo was personally<br \/>\nacquainted, writes in his second letter to Pietro Soderini, about<br \/>\nthe inhabitants of the Canary Islands after having stayed there in<br \/>\n1503: &#8220;<em>Hanno una scelerata liberta di viuere; &#8230; si cibano di<br \/>\ncarne humana, di maniera che il padre magia il figliuolo, et<br \/>\nall&#8217;incontro il figliuolo il padre secondo che a caso e per sorte<br \/>\nauiene. Io viddi un certo huomo sceleratissimo che si vantaua, et si<br \/>\nteneua a non piccola gloria di hauer mangiato piu di trecento<br \/>\nhuomini. Viddi anche vna certa citta, nella quale io dimorai forse<br \/>\nventisette giorni, doue le carni humane, hauendole salate, eran<br \/>\nappicate alli traui, si come noi alli traui di cucina<\/em> <em>appicchiamo<br \/>\nle carni di cinghali secche al sole o al fumo, et massimamente<br \/>\nsalsiccie, et altre simil cose: anzi si marauigliauano gradem ete<br \/>\nche noi non magiaissimo della carne de nemici, le quali dicono<br \/>\nmuouere appetito, et essere di marauiglioso sapore, et le lodano<br \/>\ncome cibi soaui et delicati (Lettere due di Amerigo Vespucci<br \/>\nFiorentino drizzate al magnifico Pietro Soderini, Gonfaloniere della<br \/>\neccelsa Republica di Firenze<\/em>; various editions).]<\/p>\n<p>845.<\/p>\n<p>Our life is made by the death of others.<\/p>\n<p>In dead matter insensible life remains, which, reunited to the<br \/>\nstomachs of living beings, resumes life, both sensual and<br \/>\nintellectual.<\/p>\n<p>846.<\/p>\n<p>Here nature appears with many animals to have been rather a cruel<br \/>\nstepmother than a mother, and with others not a stepmother, but a<br \/>\nmost tender mother.<\/p>\n<p>847.<\/p>\n<p>Man and animals are really the passage and the conduit of food, the<br \/>\nsepulchre of animals and resting place of the dead, one causing the<br \/>\ndeath of the other, making themselves the covering for the<br \/>\ncorruption of other dead [bodies].<\/p>\n<p>On the circulation of the blood (848-850).<\/p>\n<p>848.<\/p>\n<p>Death in old men, when not from fever, is caused by the veins which<br \/>\ngo from the spleen to the valve of the liver, and which thicken so<br \/>\nmuch in the walls that they become closed up and leave no passage<br \/>\nfor the blood that nourishes it.<\/p>\n<p>[6]The incessant current of the blood through the veins makes these<br \/>\nveins thicken and become callous, so that at last they close up and<br \/>\nprevent the passage of the blood.<\/p>\n<p>849.<\/p>\n<p>The waters return with constant motion from the lowest depths of the<br \/>\nsea to the utmost height of the mountains, not obeying the nature of<br \/>\nheavier bodies; and in this they resemble the blood of animated<br \/>\nbeings which always moves from the sea of the heart and flows<br \/>\ntowards the top of the head; and here it may burst a vein, as may be<br \/>\nseen when a vein bursts in the nose; all the blood rises from below<br \/>\nto the level of the burst vein. When the water rushes out from the<br \/>\nburst vein in the earth, it obeys the law of other bodies that are<br \/>\nheavier than the air since it always seeks low places.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: From this passage it is quite plain that Leonardo had not<br \/>\nmerely a general suspicion of the circulation of the blood but a<br \/>\nvery clear conception of it. Leonardo&#8217;s studies on the muscles of<br \/>\nthe heart are to be found in the MS. W. An. III. but no information<br \/>\nabout them has hitherto been made public. The limits of my plan in<br \/>\nthis work exclude all purely anatomical writings, therefore only a<br \/>\nvery brief excerpt from this note book can be given here. WILLIAM<br \/>\nHARVEY (born 1578 and Professor of Anatomy at Cambridge from 1615)<br \/>\nis always considered to have been the discoverer of the circulation<br \/>\nof the blood. He studied medicine at Padua in 1598, and in 1628<br \/>\nbrought out his memorable and important work: <em>De motu cordis et<br \/>\nsanguinis<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>850.<\/p>\n<p>That the blood which returns when the heart opens again is not the<br \/>\nsame as that which closes the valves of the heart.<\/p>\n<p>Some notes on medicine (851-855).<\/p>\n<p>851.<\/p>\n<p>Make them give you the definition and remedies for the case &#8230; and<br \/>\nyou will see that men are selected to be doctors for diseases they<br \/>\ndo not know.<\/p>\n<p>852.<\/p>\n<p>A remedy for scratches taught me by the Herald to the King of<br \/>\nFrance. 4 ounces of virgin wax, 4 ounces of colophony, 2 ounces of<br \/>\nincense. Keep each thing separate; and melt the wax, and then put in<br \/>\nthe incense and then the colophony, make a mixture of it and put it<br \/>\non the sore place.<\/p>\n<p>853.<\/p>\n<p>Medicine is the restoration of discordant elements; sickness is the<br \/>\ndiscord of the elements infused into the living body.<\/p>\n<p>854.<\/p>\n<p>Those who are annoyed by sickness at sea should drink extract of<br \/>\nwormwood.<\/p>\n<p>855.<\/p>\n<p>To keep in health, this rule is wise: Eat only when you want and<br \/>\nrelish food. Chew thoroughly that it may do you good. Have it well<br \/>\ncooked, unspiced and undisguised. He who takes medicine is ill<br \/>\nadvised.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This appears to be a sketch for a poem.]<\/p>\n<p>856.<\/p>\n<p>I teach you to preserve your health; and in this you will succed<br \/>\nbetter in proportion as you shun physicians, because their medicines<br \/>\nare the work of alchemists.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This passage is written on the back of the drawing Pl.<br \/>\nCVIII. Compare also No. 1184.]<\/p>\n<p><em>XV<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>Astronomy<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>Ever since the publication by Venturi in<\/em> 1797 <em>and Libri in<\/em> 1840<br \/>\n<em>of some few passages of Leonardo&#8217;s astronomical notes, scientific<br \/>\nastronomers have frequently expressed the opinion, that they must<br \/>\nhave been based on very important discoveries, and that the great<br \/>\npainter also deserved a conspicuous place in the history of this<br \/>\nscience. In the passages here printed, a connected view is given of<br \/>\nhis astronomical studies as they lie scattered through the<br \/>\nmanuscripts, which have come down to us. Unlike his other purely<br \/>\nscientific labours, Leonardo devotes here a good deal of attention<br \/>\nto the opinions of the ancients, though he does not follow the<br \/>\npractice universal in his day of relying on them as authorities; he<br \/>\nonly quotes them, as we shall see, in order to refute their<br \/>\narguments. His researches throughout have the stamp of independent<br \/>\nthought. There is nothing in these writings to lead us to suppose<br \/>\nthat they were merely an epitome of the general learning common to<br \/>\nthe astronomers of the period. As early as in the XIVth century<br \/>\nthere were chairs of astronomy in the universities of Padua and<br \/>\nBologna, but so late as during the entire XVIth century Astronomy<br \/>\nand Astrology were still closely allied.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>It is impossible now to decide whether Leonardo, when living in<br \/>\nFlorence, became acquainted in his youth with the doctrines of Paolo<br \/>\nToscanelli the great astronomer and mathematician (died<\/em> 1482_), of<br \/>\nwhose influence and teaching but little is now known, beyond the<br \/>\nfact that he advised and encouraged Columbus to carry out his<br \/>\nproject of sailing round the world. His name is nowhere mentioned by<br \/>\nLeonardo, and from the dates of the manuscripts from which the texts<br \/>\non astronomy are taken, it seems highly probable that Leonardo<br \/>\ndevoted his attention to astronomical studies less in his youth than<br \/>\nin his later years. It was evidently his purpose to treat of<br \/>\nAstronomy in a connected form and in a separate work (see the<br \/>\nbeginning of Nos._ 866 <em>and<\/em> 892_; compare also No._ 1167_). It is<br \/>\nquite in accordance with his general scientific thoroughness that he<br \/>\nshould propose to write a special treatise on Optics as an<br \/>\nintroduction to Astronomy (see Nos._ 867 <em>and<\/em> 877_). Some of the<br \/>\nchapters belonging to this Section bear the title &#8220;Prospettiva&#8221;<br \/>\n<em>(see Nos.<\/em> 869 <em>and<\/em> 870_), this being the term universally applied<br \/>\nat the time to Optics as well as Perspective (see Vol. I, p._ 10,<br \/>\n<em>note to No.<\/em> 13, <em>l.<\/em> 10_)_.<\/p>\n<p><em>At the beginning of the XVIth century the Ptolemaic theory of the<br \/>\nuniverse was still universally accepted as the true one, and<br \/>\nLeonardo conceives of the earth as fixed, with the moon and sun<br \/>\nrevolving round it, as they are represented in the diagram to No.<\/em><br \/>\n897. <em>He does not go into any theory of the motions of the planets;<br \/>\nwith regard to these and the fixed stars he only investigates the<br \/>\nphenomena of their luminosity. The spherical form of the earth he<br \/>\ntakes for granted as an axiom from the first, and he anticipates<br \/>\nNewton by pointing out the universality of Gravitation not merely in<br \/>\nthe earth, but even in the moon. Although his acute research into<br \/>\nthe nature of the moon&#8217;s light and the spots on the moon did not<br \/>\nbring to light many results of lasting importance beyond making it<br \/>\nevident that they were a refutation of the errors of his<br \/>\ncontemporaries, they contain various explanations of facts which<br \/>\nmodern science need not modify in any essential point, and<br \/>\ndiscoveries which history has hitherto assigned to a very much later<br \/>\ndate<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>The ingenious theory by which he tries to explain the nature of<br \/>\nwhat is known as earth shine, the reflection of the sun&#8217;s rays by<br \/>\nthe earth towards the moon, saying that it is a peculiar refraction,<br \/>\noriginating in the innumerable curved surfaces of the waves of the<br \/>\nsea may be regarded as absurd; but it must not be forgotten that he<br \/>\nhad no means of detecting the fundamental error on which he based<br \/>\nit, namely: the assumption that the moon was at a relatively short<br \/>\ndistance from the earth. So long as the motion of the earth round<br \/>\nthe sun remained unknown, it was of course impossible to form any<br \/>\nestimate of the moon&#8217;s distance from the earth by a calculation of<br \/>\nits parallax<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>Before the discovery of the telescope accurate astronomical<br \/>\nobservations were only possible to a very limited extent. It would<br \/>\nappear however from certain passages in the notes here printed for<br \/>\nthe first time, that Leonardo was in a position to study the spots<br \/>\nin the moon more closely than he could have done with the unaided<br \/>\neye. So far as can be gathered from the mysterious language in which<br \/>\nthe description of his instrument is wrapped, he made use of<br \/>\nmagnifying glasses; these do not however seem to have been<br \/>\nconstructed like a telescope&#8211;telescopes were first made about<\/em><br \/>\n1600. <em>As LIBRI pointed out<\/em> (Histoire des Sciences mathematiques<br \/>\nIII, 101) <em>Fracastoro of Verona<\/em> (1473-1553) <em>succeeded in<br \/>\nmagnifying the moon&#8217;s face by an arrangement of lenses (compare No.<\/em><br \/>\n910, <em>note), and this gives probability to Leonardo&#8217;s invention at a<br \/>\nnot much earlier date.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>THE EARTH AS A PLANET.<\/p>\n<p>The earth&#8217;s place in the universe (857. 858).<\/p>\n<p>857.<\/p>\n<p>The equator, the line of the horizon, the ecliptic, the meridian:<\/p>\n<p>These lines are those which in all their parts are equidistant from<br \/>\nthe centre of the globe.<\/p>\n<p>858.<\/p>\n<p>The earth is not in the centre of the Sun&#8217;s orbit nor at the centre<br \/>\nof the universe, but in the centre of its companion elements, and<br \/>\nunited with them. And any one standing on the moon, when it and the<br \/>\nsun are both beneath us, would see this our earth and the element of<br \/>\nwater upon it just as we see the moon, and the earth would light it<br \/>\nas it lights us.<\/p>\n<p>The fundamental laws of the solar system (859-864).<\/p>\n<p>859.<\/p>\n<p>Force arises from dearth or abundance; it is the child of physical<br \/>\nmotion, and the grand-child of spiritual motion, and the mother and<br \/>\norigin of gravity. Gravity is limited to the elements of water and<br \/>\nearth; but this force is unlimited, and by it infinite worlds might<br \/>\nbe moved if instruments could be made by which the force could be<br \/>\ngenerated.<\/p>\n<p>Force, with physical motion, and gravity, with resistance are the<br \/>\nfour external powers on which all actions of mortals depend.<\/p>\n<p>Force has its origin in spiritual motion; and this motion, flowing<br \/>\nthrough the limbs of sentient animals, enlarges their muscles. Being<br \/>\nenlarged by this current the muscles are shrunk in length and<br \/>\ncontract the tendons which are connected with them, and this is the<br \/>\ncause of the force of the limbs in man.<\/p>\n<p>The quality and quantity of the force of a man are able to give<br \/>\nbirth to other forces, which will be proportionally greater as the<br \/>\nmotions produced by them last longer.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Only part of this passage belongs, strictly speaking, to<br \/>\nthis section. The principle laid down in the second paragraph is<br \/>\nmore directly connected with the notes given in the preceding<br \/>\nsection on Physiology.]<\/p>\n<p>860.<\/p>\n<p>Why does not the weight <em>o<\/em> remain in its place? It does not remain<br \/>\nbecause it has no resistance. Where will it move to? It will move<br \/>\ntowards the centre [of gravity]. And why by no other line? Because a<br \/>\nweight which has no support falls by the shortest road to the lowest<br \/>\npoint which is the centre of the world. And why does the weight know<br \/>\nhow to find it by so short a line? Because it is not independant and<br \/>\ndoes not move about in various directions.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text and the sketch belonging to it, are reproduced<br \/>\non Pl. CXXI.]<\/p>\n<p>861.<\/p>\n<p>Let the earth turn on which side it may the surface of the waters<br \/>\nwill never move from its spherical form, but will always remain<br \/>\nequidistant from the centre of the globe.<\/p>\n<p>Granting that the earth might be removed from the centre of the<br \/>\nglobe, what would happen to the water?<\/p>\n<p>It would remain in a sphere round that centre equally thick, but the<br \/>\nsphere would have a smaller diameter than when it enclosed the<br \/>\nearth.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 896, lines 48-64; and No. 936.]<\/p>\n<p>862.<\/p>\n<p>Supposing the earth at our antipodes which supports the ocean were<br \/>\nto rise and stand uncovered, far out of the sea, but remaining<br \/>\nalmost level, by what means afterwards, in the course of time, would<br \/>\nmountains and vallies be formed?<\/p>\n<p>And the rocks with their various strata?<\/p>\n<p>863.<\/p>\n<p>Each man is always in the middle of the surface of the earth and<br \/>\nunder the zenith of his own hemisphere, and over the centre of the<br \/>\nearth.<\/p>\n<p>864.<\/p>\n<p>Mem.: That I must first show the distance of the sun from the earth;<br \/>\nand, by means of a ray passing through a small hole into a dark<br \/>\nchamber, detect its real size; and besides this, by means of the<br \/>\naqueous sphere calculate the size of the globe &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Here it will be shown, that when the sun is in the meridian of our<br \/>\nhemisphere [Footnote 10: <em>Antipodi orientali cogli occidentali<\/em>. The<br \/>\nword <em>Antipodes<\/em> does not here bear its literal sense, but&#8211;as we<br \/>\nmay infer from the simultaneous reference to inhabitants of the<br \/>\nNorth and South&#8211; is used as meaning men living at a distance of 90<br \/>\ndegrees from the zenith of the rational horizon of each observer.],<br \/>\nthe antipodes to the East and to the West, alike, and at the same<br \/>\ntime, see the sun mirrored in their waters; and the same is equally<br \/>\ntrue of the arctic and antarctic poles, if indeed they are<br \/>\ninhabited.<\/p>\n<p>How to prove that the earth is a planet (865-867).<\/p>\n<p>865.<\/p>\n<p>That the earth is a star.<\/p>\n<p>866.<\/p>\n<p>In your discourse you must prove that the earth is a star much like<br \/>\nthe moon, and the glory of our universe; and then you must treat of<br \/>\nthe size of various stars, according to the authors.<\/p>\n<p>867.<\/p>\n<p>THE METHOD OF PROVING THAT THE EARTH IS A STAR.<\/p>\n<p>First describe the eye; then show how the twinkling of a star is<br \/>\nreally in the eye and why one star should twinkle more than another,<br \/>\nand how the rays from the stars originate in the eye; and add, that<br \/>\nif the twinkling of the stars were really in the stars &#8211;as it seems<br \/>\nto be&#8211;that this twinkling appears to be an extension as great as<br \/>\nthe diameter of the body of the star; therefore, the star being<br \/>\nlarger than the earth, this motion effected in an instant would be a<br \/>\nrapid doubling of the size of the star. Then prove that the surface<br \/>\nof the air where it lies contiguous to fire, and the surface of the<br \/>\nfire where it ends are those into which the solar rays penetrate,<br \/>\nand transmit the images of the heavenly bodies, large when they<br \/>\nrise, and small, when they are on the meridian. Let <em>a<\/em> be the earth<br \/>\nand <em>n d m<\/em> the surface of the air in contact with the sphere of<br \/>\nfire; <em>h f g<\/em> is the orbit of the moon or, if you please, of the<br \/>\nsun; then I say that when the sun appears on the horizon <em>g<\/em>, its<br \/>\nrays are seen passing through the surface of the air at a slanting<br \/>\nangle, that is <em>o m<\/em>; this is not the case at <em>d k<\/em>. And so it<br \/>\npasses through a greater mass of air; all of <em>e m<\/em> is a denser<br \/>\natmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>868.<\/p>\n<p>Beyond the sun and us there is darkness and so the air appears blue.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare Vol. I, No. 301.]<\/p>\n<p>869.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>It is possible to find means by which the eye shall not see remote<br \/>\nobjects as much diminished as in natural perspective, which<br \/>\ndiminishes them by reason of the convexity of the eye which<br \/>\nnecessarily intersects, at its surface, the pyramid of every image<br \/>\nconveyed to the eye at a right angle on its spherical surface. But<br \/>\nby the method I here teach in the margin [9] these pyramids are<br \/>\nintersected at right angles close to the surface of the pupil. The<br \/>\nconvex pupil of the eye can take in the whole of our hemisphere,<br \/>\nwhile this will show only a single star; but where many small stars<br \/>\ntransmit their images to the surface of the pupil those stars are<br \/>\nextremely small; here only one star is seen but it will be large.<br \/>\nAnd so the moon will be seen larger and its spots of a more defined<br \/>\nform [Footnote 20 and fol.: Telescopes were not in use till a century<br \/>\nlater. Compare No. 910 and page 136.]. You must place close to the<br \/>\neye a glass filled with the water of which mention is made in number<br \/>\n4 of Book 113 &#8220;On natural substances&#8221; [Footnote 23: <em>libro<\/em> 113.<br \/>\nThis is perhaps the number of a book in some library catalogue. But<br \/>\nit may refer, on the other hand, to one of the 120 Books mentioned<br \/>\nin No. 796. l. 84.]; for this water makes objects which are enclosed<br \/>\nin balls of crystalline glass appear free from the glass.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>Among the smaller objects presented to the pupil of the eye, that<br \/>\nwhich is closest to it, will be least appreciable to the eye. And at<br \/>\nthe same time, the experiments here made with the power of sight,<br \/>\nshow that it is not reduced to speck if the &amp;c. [32][Footnote 32:<br \/>\nCompare with this the passage in Vol. I, No. 52, written about<br \/>\ntwenty years earlier.].<\/p>\n<p>Read in the margin.<\/p>\n<p>[34]Those objects are seen largest which come to the eye at the<br \/>\nlargest angles.<\/p>\n<p>But the images of the objects conveyed to the pupil of the eye are<br \/>\ndistributed to the pupil exactly as they are distributed in the air:<br \/>\nand the proof of this is in what follows; that when we look at the<br \/>\nstarry sky, without gazing more fixedly at one star than another,<br \/>\nthe sky appears all strewn with stars; and their proportions to the<br \/>\neye are the same as in the sky and likewise the spaces between them<br \/>\n[61].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 9. 32. <em>in margine:<\/em> lines 34-61 are, in the original,<br \/>\nwritten on the margin and above them is the diagram to which<br \/>\nLeonardo seems to refer here.]<\/p>\n<p>870.<\/p>\n<p>PERSPECTIVE.<\/p>\n<p>Among objects moved from the eye at equal distance, that undergoes<br \/>\nleast diminution which at first was most remote.<\/p>\n<p>When various objects are removed at equal distances farther from<br \/>\ntheir original position, that which was at first the farthest from<br \/>\nthe eye will diminish least. And the proportion of the diminution<br \/>\nwill be in proportion to the relative distance of the objects from<br \/>\nthe eye before they were removed.<\/p>\n<p>That is to say in the object <em>t<\/em> and the object <em>e<\/em> the proportion<br \/>\nof their distances from the eye <em>a<\/em> is quintuple. I remove each from<br \/>\nits place and set it farther from the eye by one of the 5 parts into<br \/>\nwhich the proposition is divided. Hence it happens that the nearest<br \/>\nto the eye has doubled the distance and according to the last<br \/>\nproposition but one of this, is diminished by the half of its whole<br \/>\nsize; and the body <em>e<\/em>, by the same motion, is diminished 1\/5 of its<br \/>\nwhole size. Therefore, by that same last proposition but one, that<br \/>\nwhich is said in this last proposition is true; and this I say of<br \/>\nthe motions of the celestial bodies which are more distant by 3500<br \/>\nmiles when setting than when overhead, and yet do not increase or<br \/>\ndiminish in any sensible degree.<\/p>\n<p>871.<\/p>\n<p><em>a b<\/em> is the aperture through which the sun passes, and if you could<br \/>\nmeasure the size of the solar rays at <em>n m<\/em>, you could accurately<br \/>\ntrace the real lines of the convergence of the solar rays, the<br \/>\nmirror being at <em>a b<\/em>, and then show the reflected rays at equal<br \/>\nangles to <em>n m<\/em>; but, as you want to have them at <em>n m<\/em>, take them<br \/>\nat the. inner side of the aperture at cd, where they maybe measured<br \/>\nat the spot where the solar rays fall. Then place your mirror at the<br \/>\ndistance <em>a b<\/em>, making the rays <em>d b<\/em>, <em>c a<\/em> fall and then be<br \/>\nreflected at equal angles towards <em>c d<\/em>; and this is the best<br \/>\nmethod, but you must use this mirror always in the same month, and<br \/>\nthe same day, and hour and instant, and this will be better than at<br \/>\nno fixed time because when the sun is at a certain distance it<br \/>\nproduces a certain pyramid of rays.<\/p>\n<p>872.<\/p>\n<p><em>a<\/em>, the side of the body in light and shade <em>b<\/em>, faces the whole<br \/>\nportion of the hemisphere bed <em>e f<\/em>, and does not face any part of<br \/>\nthe darkness of the earth. And the same occurs at the point <em>o<\/em>;<br \/>\ntherefore the space a <em>o<\/em> is throughout of one and the same<br \/>\nbrightness, and s faces only four degrees of the hemisphere <em>d e f g<br \/>\nh<\/em>, and also the whole of the earth <em>s h<\/em>, which will render it<br \/>\ndarker; and how much must be demonstrated by calculation. [Footnote:<br \/>\nThis passage, which has perhaps a doubtful right to its place in<br \/>\nthis connection, stands in the Manuscript between those given in<br \/>\nVol. I as No. 117 and No. 427.]<\/p>\n<p>873.<\/p>\n<p>THE REASON OF THE INCREASED SIZE OF THE SUN IN THE WEST.<\/p>\n<p>Some mathematicians explain that the sun looks larger as it sets,<br \/>\nbecause the eye always sees it through a denser atmosphere, alleging<br \/>\nthat objects seen through mist or through water appear larger. To<br \/>\nthese I reply: No; because objects seen through a mist are similar<br \/>\nin colour to those at a distance; but not being similarly diminished<br \/>\nthey appear larger. Again, nothing increases in size in smooth<br \/>\nwater; and the proof of this may be seen by throwing a light on a<br \/>\nboard placed half under water. But the reason why the sun looks<br \/>\nlarger is that every luminous body appears larger in proportion as<br \/>\nit is more remote. [Footnote: Lines 5 and 6 are thus rendered by M.<br \/>\nRAVAISSON in his edition of MS. A. &#8220;<em>De meme, aucune chose ne croit<br \/>\ndans l&#8217;eau plane, et tu en feras l&#8217;experience<\/em> en calquant un ais<br \/>\nsous l&#8217;eau.&#8221;&#8211;Compare the diagrams in Vol. I, p. 114.]<\/p>\n<p>On the luminosity of the Earth in the universal space (874-878).<\/p>\n<p>874.<\/p>\n<p>In my book I propose to show, how the ocean and the other seas must,<br \/>\nby means of the sun, make our world shine with the appearance of a<br \/>\nmoon, and to the remoter worlds it looks like a star; and this I<br \/>\nshall prove.<\/p>\n<p>Show, first that every light at a distance from the eye throws out<br \/>\nrays which appear to increase the size of the luminous body; and<br \/>\nfrom this it follows that 2 &#8230;[Footnote 10: Here the text breaks<br \/>\noff; lines 11 and fol. are written in the margin.].<\/p>\n<p>[11]The moon is cold and moist. Water is cold and moist. Thus our<br \/>\nseas must appear to the moon as the moon does to us.<\/p>\n<p>875.<\/p>\n<p>The waves in water magnify the image of an object reflected in it.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>a<\/em> be the sun, and <em>n m<\/em> the ruffled water, <em>b<\/em> the image of<br \/>\nthe sun when the water is smooth. Let <em>f<\/em> be the eye which sees the<br \/>\nimage in all the waves included within the base of the triangle <em>c e<br \/>\nf<\/em>. Now the sun reflected in the unruffled surface occupied the<br \/>\nspace <em>c d<\/em>, while in the ruffled surface it covers all the watery<br \/>\nspace <em>c e<\/em> (as is proved in the 4th of my &#8220;Perspective&#8221;) [Footnote<br \/>\n9: <em>Nel quarto della mia prospettiva<\/em>. If this reference is to the<br \/>\ndiagrams accompanying the text&#8211;as is usual with Leonardo&#8211;and not<br \/>\nto some particular work, the largest of the diagrams here given must<br \/>\nbe meant. It is the lowest and actually the fifth, but he would have<br \/>\ncalled it the fourth, for the text here given is preceded on the<br \/>\nsame page of the manuscript by a passage on whirlpools, with the<br \/>\ndiagram belonging to it also reproduced here. The words <em>della mia<br \/>\nprospettiva<\/em> may therefore indicate that the diagram to the<br \/>\npreceding chapter treating on a heterogeneal subject is to be<br \/>\nexcluded. It is a further difficulty that this diagram belongs<br \/>\nproperly to lines 9-10 and not to the preceding sentence. The<br \/>\nreflection of the sun in water is also discussed in the Theoretical<br \/>\npart of the Book on Painting; see Vol. I, No. 206, 207.] and it will<br \/>\ncover more of the water in proportion as the reflected image is<br \/>\nremote from the eye [10].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original sketch, inside the circle in the first<br \/>\ndiagram, is written <em>Sole<\/em> (sun), and to the right of it <em>luna<\/em><br \/>\n(moon). Thus either of these heavenly bodies may be supposed to fill<br \/>\nthat space. Within the lower circle is written <em>simulacro<\/em> (image).<br \/>\nIn the two next diagrams at the spot here marked <em>L<\/em> the word <em>Luna<\/em><br \/>\nis written, and in the last <em>sole<\/em> is written in the top circle at<br \/>\n<em>a<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>The image of the sun will be more brightly shown in small waves than<br \/>\nin large ones&#8211;and this is because the reflections or images of the<br \/>\nsun are more numerous in the small waves than in large ones, and the<br \/>\nmore numerous reflections of its radiance give a larger light than<br \/>\nthe fewer.<\/p>\n<p>Waves which intersect like the scales of a fir cone reflect the<br \/>\nimage of the sun with the greatest splendour; and this is the case<br \/>\nbecause the images are as many as the ridges of the waves on which<br \/>\nthe sun shines, and the shadows between these waves are small and<br \/>\nnot very dark; and the radiance of so many reflections together<br \/>\nbecomes united in the image which is transmitted to the eye, so that<br \/>\nthese shadows are imperceptible.<\/p>\n<p>That reflection of the sun will cover most space on the surface of<br \/>\nthe water which is most remote from the eye which sees it.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>a<\/em> be the sun, <em>p q<\/em> the reflection of the sun; <em>a b<\/em> is the<br \/>\nsurface of the water, in which the sun is mirrored, and <em>r<\/em> the eye<br \/>\nwhich sees this reflection on the surface of the water occupying the<br \/>\nspace <em>o m<\/em>. <em>c<\/em> is the eye at a greater distance from the surface<br \/>\nof the water and also from the reflection; hence this reflection<br \/>\ncovers a larger space of water, by the distance between <em>n<\/em> and <em>o<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>876.<\/p>\n<p>It is impossible that the side of a spherical mirror, illuminated by<br \/>\nthe sun, should reflect its radiance unless this mirror were<br \/>\nundulating or filled with bubbles.<\/p>\n<p>You see here the sun which lights up the moon, a spherical mirror,<br \/>\nand all of its surface, which faces the sun is rendered radiant.<\/p>\n<p>Whence it may be concluded that what shines in the moon is water<br \/>\nlike that of our seas, and in waves as that is; and that portion<br \/>\nwhich does not shine consists of islands and terra firma.<\/p>\n<p>This diagram, of several spherical bodies interposed between the eye<br \/>\nand the sun, is given to show that, just as the reflection of the<br \/>\nsun is seen in each of these bodies, in the same way that image may<br \/>\nbe seen in each curve of the waves of the sea; and as in these many<br \/>\nspheres many reflections of the sun are seen, so in many waves there<br \/>\nare many images, each of which at a great distance is much magnified<br \/>\nto the eye. And, as this happens with each wave, the spaces<br \/>\ninterposed between the waves are concealed; and, for this reason, it<br \/>\nlooks as though the many suns mirrored in the many waves were but<br \/>\none continuous sun; and the shadows,, mixed up with the luminous<br \/>\nimages, render this radiance less brilliant than that of the sun<br \/>\nmirrored in these waves.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original, at letter <em>A<\/em> in the diagram &#8220;<em>Sole<\/em>&#8221;<br \/>\n(the sun) is written, and at <em>o<\/em> &#8220;<em>occhio<\/em>&#8221; (the eye).]<\/p>\n<p>877.<\/p>\n<p>This will have before it the treatise on light and shade.<\/p>\n<p>The edges in the moon will be most strongly lighted and reflect most<br \/>\nlight, because, there, nothing will be visible but the tops of the<br \/>\nwaves of the water [Footnote 5: I have thought it unnecessary to<br \/>\nreproduce the detailed explanation of the theory of reflection on<br \/>\nwaves contained in the passage which follows this.].<\/p>\n<p>878.<\/p>\n<p>The sun will appear larger in moving water or on waves than in still<br \/>\nwater; an example is the light reflected on the strings of a<br \/>\nmonochord.<\/p>\n<p>II.<\/p>\n<p>THE SUN.<\/p>\n<p>The question of the true and of the apparent size of the sun<br \/>\n(879-884).<\/p>\n<p>879.<\/p>\n<p>IN PRAISE OF THE SUN.<\/p>\n<p>If you look at the stars, cutting off the rays (as may be done by<br \/>\nlooking through a very small hole made with the extreme point of a<br \/>\nvery fine needle, placed so as almost to touch the eye), you will<br \/>\nsee those stars so minute that it would seem as though nothing could<br \/>\nbe smaller; it is in fact their great distance which is the reason<br \/>\nof their diminution, for many of them are very many times larger<br \/>\nthan the star which is the earth with water. Now reflect what this<br \/>\nour star must look like at such a distance, and then consider how<br \/>\nmany stars might be added&#8211;both in longitude and latitude&#8211;between<br \/>\nthose stars which are scattered over the darkened sky. But I cannot<br \/>\nforbear to condemn many of the ancients, who said that the sun was<br \/>\nno larger than it appears; among these was Epicurus, and I believe<br \/>\nthat he founded his reason on the effects of a light placed in our<br \/>\natmosphere equidistant from the centre of the earth. Any one looking<br \/>\nat it never sees it diminished in size at whatever distance; and the<br \/>\nrea-<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 879-882: What Leonardo says of Epicurus&#8211; who according to<br \/>\nLEWIS, <em>The Astronomy of the ancients<\/em>, and MADLER, <em>Geschichte der<br \/>\nHimmelskunde<\/em>, did not devote much attention to the study of<br \/>\ncelestial phenomena&#8211;, he probably derived from Book X of Diogenes<br \/>\nLaertius, whose <em>Vitae Philosophorum<\/em> was not printed in Greek till<br \/>\n1533, but the Latin translation appeared in 1475.]<\/p>\n<p>880.<\/p>\n<p>sons of its size and power I shall reserve for Book 4. But I wonder<br \/>\ngreatly that Socrates<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 2: <em>Socrates;<\/em> I have little light to throw on this<br \/>\nreference. Plato&#8217;s Socrates himself declares on more than one<br \/>\noccasion that in his youth he had turned his mind to the study of<br \/>\ncelestial phenomena (METEWPA) but not in his later years (see G. C.<br \/>\nLEWIS, <em>The Astronomy of the ancients<\/em>, page 109; MADLER,<br \/>\n<em>Geschichte der Himmelskunde<\/em>, page 41). Here and there in Plato&#8217;s<br \/>\nwritings we find incidental notes on the sun and other heavenly<br \/>\nbodies. Leonardo may very well have known of these, since the Latin<br \/>\nversion by Ficinus was printed as early as 1491; indeed an undated<br \/>\nedition exists which may very likely have appeared between 1480&#8211;90.<\/p>\n<p>There is but one passage in Plato, Epinomis (p. 983) where he speaks<br \/>\nof the physical properties of the sun and says that it is larger<br \/>\nthan the earth.<\/p>\n<p>Aristotle who goes very fully into the subject says the same. A<br \/>\ncomplete edition of Aristotele&#8217;s works was first printed in Venice<br \/>\n1495-98, but a Latin version of the Books <em>De Coelo et Mundo<\/em> and<br \/>\n<em>De Physica<\/em> had been printed in Venice as early as in 1483 (H.<br \/>\nMULLER-STRUBING).]<\/p>\n<p>should have depreciated that solar body, saying that it was of the<br \/>\nnature of incandescent stone, and the one who opposed him as to that<br \/>\nerror was not far wrong. But I only wish I had words to serve me to<br \/>\nblame those who are fain to extol the worship of men more than that<br \/>\nof the sun; for in the whole universe there is nowhere to be seen a<br \/>\nbody of greater magnitude and power than the sun. Its light gives<br \/>\nlight to all the celestial bodies which are distributed throughout<br \/>\nthe universe; and from it descends all vital force, for the heat<br \/>\nthat is in living beings comes from the soul [vital spark]; and<br \/>\nthere is no other centre of heat and light in the universe as will<br \/>\nbe shown in Book 4; and certainly those who have chosen to worship<br \/>\nmen as gods&#8211;as Jove, Saturn, Mars and the like&#8211;have fallen into<br \/>\nthe gravest error, seeing that even if a man were as large as our<br \/>\nearth, he would look no bigger than a little star which appears but<br \/>\nas a speck in the universe; and seeing again that these men are<br \/>\nmortal, and putrid and corrupt in their sepulchres.<\/p>\n<p>Marcellus [Footnote 23: I have no means of identifying <em>Marcello<\/em><br \/>\nwho is named in the margin. It may be Nonius Marcellus, an obscure<br \/>\nRoman Grammarian of uncertain date (between the IInd and Vth<br \/>\ncenturies A. C.) the author of the treatise <em>De compendiosa doctrina<br \/>\nper litteras ad filium<\/em> in which he treats <em>de rebus omnibus et<br \/>\nquibusdam aliis<\/em>. This was much read in the middle ages. The <em>editto<br \/>\nprinceps<\/em> is dated 1470 (H. MULLER-STRUBING).] and many others<br \/>\npraise the sun.<\/p>\n<p>881.<\/p>\n<p>Epicurus perhaps saw the shadows cast by columns on the walls in<br \/>\nfront of them equal in diameter to the columns from which the<br \/>\nshadows were cast; and the breadth of the shadows being parallel<br \/>\nfrom beginning to end, he thought he might infer that the sun also<br \/>\nwas directly opposite to this parallel and that consequently its<br \/>\nbreadth was not greater than that of the column; not perceiving that<br \/>\nthe diminution in the shadow was insensibly slight by reason of the<br \/>\nremoteness of the sun. If the sun were smaller than the earth, the<br \/>\nstars on a great portion of our hemisphere would have no light,<br \/>\nwhich is evidence against Epicurus who says the sun is only as large<br \/>\nas it appears.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original the writing is across the diagram.]<\/p>\n<p>882.<\/p>\n<p>Epicurus says the sun is the size it looks. Hence as it looks about<br \/>\na foot across we must consider that to be its size; it would follow<br \/>\nthat when the moon eclipses the sun, the sun ought not to appear the<br \/>\nlarger, as it does. Then, the moon being smaller than the sun, the<br \/>\nmoon must be less than a foot, and consequently when our world<br \/>\neclipses the moon, it must be less than a foot by a finger&#8217;s<br \/>\nbreadth; inasmuch as if the sun is a foot across, and our earth<br \/>\ncasts a conical shadow on the moon, it is inevitable that the<br \/>\nluminous cause of the cone of shadow must be larger than the opaque<br \/>\nbody which casts the cone of shadow.<\/p>\n<p>883.<\/p>\n<p>To measure how many times the diameter of the sun will go into its<br \/>\ncourse in 24 hours.<\/p>\n<p>Make a circle and place it to face the south, after the manner of a<br \/>\nsundial, and place a rod in the middle in such a way as that its<br \/>\nlength points to the centre of this circle, and mark the shadow cast<br \/>\nin the sunshine by this rod on the circumference of the circle, and<br \/>\nthis shadow will be&#8211;let us say&#8211; as broad as from <em>a<\/em> to <em>n<\/em>. Now<br \/>\nmeasure how many times this shadow will go into this circumference<br \/>\nof a circle, and that will give you the number of times that the<br \/>\nsolar body will go into its orbit in 24 hours. Thus you may see<br \/>\nwhether Epicurus was [right in] saying that the sun was only as<br \/>\nlarge as it looked; for, as the apparent diameter of the sun is<br \/>\nabout a foot, and as that sun would go a thousand times into the<br \/>\nlength of its course in 24 hours, it would have gone a thousand<br \/>\nfeet, that is 300 braccia, which is the sixth of a mile. Whence it<br \/>\nwould follow that the course of the sun during the day would be the<br \/>\nsixth part of a mile and that this venerable snail, the sun will<br \/>\nhave travelled 25 braccia an hour.<\/p>\n<p>884.<\/p>\n<p>Posidonius composed books on the size of the sun. [Footnote:<br \/>\nPoseidonius of Apamea, commonly called the Rhodian, because he<br \/>\ntaught in Rhodes, was a Stoic philosopher, a contemporary and friend<br \/>\nof Cicero&#8217;s, and the author of numerous works on natural science,<br \/>\namong them.<\/p>\n<p>Strabo quotes no doubt from one of his works, when he says that<br \/>\nPoseidonius explained how it was that the sun looked larger when it<br \/>\nwas rising or setting than during the rest of its course (III, p.<br \/>\n135). Kleomedes, a later Greek Naturalist also mentions this<br \/>\nobservation of Poseidonius&#8217; without naming the title of his work;<br \/>\nhowever, as Kleomedes&#8217; Cyclia Theorica was not printed till 1535,<br \/>\nLeonardo must have derived his quotation from Strabo. He probably<br \/>\nwrote this note in 1508, and as the original Greek was first printed<br \/>\nin Venice in 1516, we must suppose him to quote here from the<br \/>\ntranslation by Guarinus Veronensis, which was printed as early as<br \/>\n1471, also at Venice (H. MULLER-STRUBING).]<\/p>\n<p>Of the nature of Sunlight.<\/p>\n<p>885.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE PROOF THAT THE SUN IS HOT BY NATURE AND NOT BY VIRTUE.<\/p>\n<p>Of the nature of Sunlight.<\/p>\n<p>That the heat of the sun resides in its nature and not in its virtue<br \/>\n[or mode of action] is abundantly proved by the radiance of the<br \/>\nsolar body on which the human eye cannot dwell and besides this no<br \/>\nless manifestly by the rays reflected from a concave mirror,<br \/>\nwhich&#8211;when they strike the eye with such splendour that the eye<br \/>\ncannot bear them&#8211;have a brilliancy equal to the sun in its own<br \/>\nplace. And that this is true I prove by the fact that if the mirror<br \/>\nhas its concavity formed exactly as is requisite for the collecting<br \/>\nand reflecting of these rays, no created being could endure the<br \/>\nheat that strikes from the reflected rays of such a mirror. And if<br \/>\nyou argue that the mirror itself is cold and yet send forth hot<br \/>\nrays, I should reply that those rays come really from the sun and<br \/>\nthat it is the ray of the concave mirror after having passed through<br \/>\nthe window.<\/p>\n<p>Considerations as to the size of the sun (886-891).<\/p>\n<p>886.<\/p>\n<p>The sun does not move. [Footnote: This sentence occurs incidentally<br \/>\namong mathematical notes, and is written in unusually large<br \/>\nletters.]<\/p>\n<p>887.<\/p>\n<p>PROOF THAT THE NEARER YOU ARE TO THE SOURCE OF THE SOLAR RAYS, THE<br \/>\nLARGER WILL THE REFLECTION OF THE SUN FROM THE SEA APPEAR TO YOU.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Lines 4 and fol. Compare Vol. I, Nos. 130, 131.] If it is<br \/>\nfrom the centre that the sun employs its radiance to intensify the<br \/>\npower of its whole mass, it is evident that the farther its rays<br \/>\nextend, the more widely they will be divided; and this being so,<br \/>\nyou, whose eye is near the water that mirrors the sun, see but a<br \/>\nsmall portion of the rays of the sun strike the surface of the<br \/>\nwater, and reflecting the form of the sun. But if you were near to<br \/>\nthe sun&#8211;as would be the case when the sun is on the meridian and<br \/>\nthe sea to the westward&#8211;you would see the sun, mirrored in the sea,<br \/>\nof a very great size; because, as you are nearer to the sun, your<br \/>\neye taking in the rays nearer to the point of radiation takes more<br \/>\nof them in, and a great splendour is the result. And in this way it<br \/>\ncan be proved that the moon must have seas which reflect the sun,<br \/>\nand that the parts which do not shine are land.<\/p>\n<p>888.<\/p>\n<p>Take the measure of the sun at the solstice in mid-June.<\/p>\n<p>889.<\/p>\n<p>WHY THE SUN APPEARS LARGER WHEN SETTING THAN AT NOON, WHEN IT IS<br \/>\nNEAR TO US.<\/p>\n<p>Every object seen through a curved medium seems to be of larger size<br \/>\nthan it is.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: At A is written <em>sole<\/em> (the sun), at B <em>terra<\/em> (the<br \/>\nearth).]<\/p>\n<p>890.<\/p>\n<p>Because the eye is small it can only see the image of the sun as of<br \/>\na small size. If the eye were as large as the sun it would see the<br \/>\nimage of the sun in water of the same size as the real body of the<br \/>\nsun, so long as the water is smooth.<\/p>\n<p>891.<\/p>\n<p>A METHOD OF SEEING THE SUN ECLIPSED WITHOUT PAIN TO THE EYE.<\/p>\n<p>Take a piece of paper and pierce holes in it with a needle, and look<br \/>\nat the sun through these holes.<\/p>\n<p>III.<\/p>\n<p>THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>On the luminousity of the moon (892-901).<\/p>\n<p>892.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>As I propose to treat of the nature of the moon, it is necessary<br \/>\nthat first I should describe the perspective of mirrors, whether<br \/>\nplane, concave or convex; and first what is meant by a luminous ray,<br \/>\nand how it is refracted by various kinds of media; then, when a<br \/>\nreflected ray is most powerful, whether when the angle of incidence<br \/>\nis acute, right, or obtuse, or from a convex, a plane, or a concave<br \/>\nsurface; or from an opaque or a transparent body. Besides this, how<br \/>\nit is that the solar rays which fall on the waves of the sea, are<br \/>\nseen by the eye of the same width at the angle nearest to the eye,<br \/>\nas at the highest line of the waves on the horizon; but<br \/>\nnotwithstanding this the solar rays reflected from the waves of the<br \/>\nsea assume the pyramidal form and consequently, at each degree of<br \/>\ndistance increase proportionally in size, although to our sight,<br \/>\nthey appear as parallel.<\/p>\n<p>1st. Nothing that has very little weight is opaque.<\/p>\n<p>2dly. Nothing that is excessively weighty can remain beneath that<br \/>\nwhich is heavier.<\/p>\n<p>3dly. As to whether the moon is situated in the centre of its<br \/>\nelements or not.<\/p>\n<p>And, if it has no proper place of its own, like the earth, in the<br \/>\nmidst of its elements, why does it not fall to the centre of our<br \/>\nelements? [Footnote 26: The problem here propounded by Leonardo was<br \/>\nnot satisfactorily answered till Newton in 1682 formulated the law<br \/>\nof universal attraction and gravitation. Compare No. 902, lines<br \/>\n5-15.]<\/p>\n<p>And, if the moon is not in the centre of its own elements and yet<br \/>\ndoes not fall, it must then be lighter than any other element.<\/p>\n<p>And, if the moon is lighter than the other elements why is it opaque<br \/>\nand not transparent?<\/p>\n<p>When objects of various sizes, being placed at various distances,<br \/>\nlook of equal size, there must be the same relative proportion in<br \/>\nthe distances as in the magnitudes of the objects.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the diagram Leonardo wrote <em>sole<\/em> at the place marked<br \/>\n<em>A<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>893.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOON AND WHETHER IT IS POLISHED AND SPHERICAL.<\/p>\n<p>The image of the sun in the moon is powerfully luminous, and is only<br \/>\non a small portion of its surface. And the proof may be seen by<br \/>\ntaking a ball of burnished gold and placing it in the dark with a<br \/>\nlight at some distance from it; and then, although it will<br \/>\nilluminate about half of the ball, the eye will perceive its<br \/>\nreflection only in a small part of its surface, and all the rest of<br \/>\nthe surface reflects the darkness which surrounds it; so that it is<br \/>\nonly in that spot that the image of the light is seen, and all the<br \/>\nrest remains invisible, the eye being at a distance from the ball.<br \/>\nThe same thing would happen on the surface of the moon if it were<br \/>\npolished, lustrous and opaque, like all bodies with a reflecting<br \/>\nsurface.<\/p>\n<p>Show how, if you were standing on the moon or on a star, our earth<br \/>\nwould seem to reflect the sun as the moon does.<\/p>\n<p>And show that the image of the sun in the sea cannot appear one and<br \/>\nundivided, as it appears in a perfectly plane mirror.<\/p>\n<p>894.<\/p>\n<p>How shadows are lost at great distances, as is shown by the shadow<br \/>\nside of the moon which is never seen. [Footnote: Compare also Vol.<br \/>\nI, Nos. 175-179.]<\/p>\n<p>895.<\/p>\n<p>Either the moon has intrinsic luminosity or not. If it has, why does<br \/>\nit not shine without the aid of the sun? But if it has not any light<br \/>\nin itself it must of necessity be a spherical mirror; and if it is a<br \/>\nmirror, is it not proved in Perspective that the image of a luminous<br \/>\nobject will never be equal to the extent of surface of the<br \/>\nreflecting body that it illuminates? And if it be thus [Footnote 13:<br \/>\nAt A, in the diagram, Leonardo wrote &#8220;<em>sole<\/em>&#8221; (the sun), and at B<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>luna o noi terra<\/em>&#8221; (the moon or our earth). Compare also the text<br \/>\nof No. 876.], as is here shown at <em>r s<\/em> in the figure, whence comes<br \/>\nso great an extent of radiance as that of the full moon as we see<br \/>\nit, at the fifteenth day of the moon?<\/p>\n<p>896.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>The moon has no light in itself; but so much of it as faces the sun<br \/>\nis illuminated, and of that illumined portion we see so much as<br \/>\nfaces the earth. And the moon&#8217;s night receives just as much light as<br \/>\nis lent it by our waters as they reflect the image of the sun, which<br \/>\nis mirrored in all those waters which are on the side towards the<br \/>\nsun. The outside or surface of the waters forming the seas of the<br \/>\nmoon and of the seas of our globe is always ruffled little or much,<br \/>\nor more or less&#8211;and this roughness causes an extension of the<br \/>\nnumberless images of the sun which are repeated in the ridges and<br \/>\nhollows, the sides and fronts of the innumerable waves; that is to<br \/>\nsay in as many different spots on each wave as our eyes find<br \/>\ndifferent positions to view them from. This could not happen, if the<br \/>\naqueous sphere which covers a great part of the moon were uniformly<br \/>\nspherical, for then the images of the sun would be one to each<br \/>\nspectator, and its reflections would be separate and independent and<br \/>\nits radiance would always appear circular; as is plainly to be seen<br \/>\nin the gilt balls placed on the tops of high buildings. But if those<br \/>\ngilt balls were rugged or composed of several little balls, like<br \/>\nmulberries, which are a black fruit composed of minute round<br \/>\nglobules, then each portion of these little balls, when seen in the<br \/>\nsun, would display to the eye the lustre resulting from the<br \/>\nreflection of the sun, and thus, in one and the same body many tiny<br \/>\nsuns would be seen; and these often combine at a long distance and<br \/>\nappear as one. The lustre of the new moon is brighter and stronger,<br \/>\nthan when the moon is full; and the reason of this is that the angle<br \/>\nof incidence is more obtuse in the new than in the full moon, in<br \/>\nwhich the angles [of incidence and reflection] are highly acute. The<br \/>\nwaves of the moon therefore mirror the sun in the hollows of the<br \/>\nwaves as well as on the ridges, and the sides remain in shadow. But<br \/>\nat the sides of the moon the hollows of the waves do not catch the<br \/>\nsunlight, but only their crests; and thus the images are fewer and<br \/>\nmore mixed up with the shadows in the hollows; and this<br \/>\nintermingling of the shaded and illuminated spots comes to the eye<br \/>\nwith a mitigated splendour, so that the edges will be darker,<br \/>\nbecause the curves of the sides of the waves are insufficient to<br \/>\nreflect to the eye the rays that fall upon them. Now the new moon<br \/>\nnaturally reflects the solar rays more directly towards the eye from<br \/>\nthe crests of the waves than from any other part, as is shown by the<br \/>\nform of the moon, whose rays a strike the waves <em>b<\/em> and are<br \/>\nreflected in the line <em>b d<\/em>, the eye being situated at <em>d<\/em>. This<br \/>\ncannot happen at the full moon, when the solar rays, being in the<br \/>\nwest, fall on the extreme waters of the moon to the East from <em>n<\/em> to<br \/>\n<em>m<\/em>, and are not reflected to the eye in the West, but are thrown<br \/>\nback eastwards, with but slight deflection from the straight course<br \/>\nof the solar ray; and thus the angle of incidence is very wide<br \/>\nindeed.<\/p>\n<p>The moon is an opaque and solid body and if, on the contrary, it<br \/>\nwere transparent, it would not receive the light of the sun.<\/p>\n<p>The yellow or yolk of an egg remains in the middle of the albumen,<br \/>\nwithout moving on either side; now it is either lighter or heavier<br \/>\nthan this albumen, or equal to it; if it is lighter, it ought to<br \/>\nrise above all the albumen and stop in contact with the shell of the<br \/>\negg; and if it is heavier, it ought to sink, and if it is equal, it<br \/>\nmight just as well be at one of the ends, as in the middle or below<br \/>\n[54].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 48-64: Compare No. 861.]<\/p>\n<p>The innumerable images of the solar rays reflected from the<br \/>\ninnumerable waves of the sea, as they fall upon those waves, are<br \/>\nwhat cause us to see the very broad and continuous radiance on the<br \/>\nsurface of the sea.<\/p>\n<p>897.<\/p>\n<p>That the sun could not be mirrored in the body of the moon, which is<br \/>\na convex mirror, in such a way as that so much of its surface as is<br \/>\nilluminated by the sun, should reflect the sun unless the moon had a<br \/>\nsurface adapted to reflect it&#8211;in waves and ridges, like the surface<br \/>\nof the sea when its surface is moved by the wind.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original diagrams <em>sole<\/em> is written at the place<br \/>\nmarked <em>A; luna<\/em> at <em>C,<\/em> and <em>terra<\/em> at the two spots marked <em>B<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>The waves in water multiply the image of the object reflected in it.<\/p>\n<p>These waves reflect light, each by its own line, as the surface of<br \/>\nthe fir cone does [Footnote 14: See the diagram p. 145.]<\/p>\n<p>These are 2 figures one different from the other; one with<br \/>\nundulating water and the other with smooth water.<\/p>\n<p>It is impossible that at any distance the image of the sun cast on<br \/>\nthe surface of a spherical body should occupy the half of the<br \/>\nsphere.<\/p>\n<p>Here you must prove that the earth produces all the same effects<br \/>\nwith regard to the moon, as the moon with regard to the earth.<\/p>\n<p>The moon, with its reflected light, does not shine like the sun,<br \/>\nbecause the light of the moon is not a continuous reflection of that<br \/>\nof the sun on its whole surface, but only on the crests and hollows<br \/>\nof the waves of its waters; and thus the sun being confusedly<br \/>\nreflected, from the admixture of the shadows that lie between the<br \/>\nlustrous waves, its light is not pure and clear as the sun is.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 38: This refers to the small diagram placed between <em>B<\/em><br \/>\nand <em>B<\/em>.&#8211;]. The earth between the moon on the fifteenth day and the<br \/>\nsun. [Footnote 39: See the diagram below the one referred to in the<br \/>\npreceding note.] Here the sun is in the East and the moon on the<br \/>\nfifteenth day in the West. [Footnote 40.41: Refers to the diagram<br \/>\nbelow the others.] The moon on the fifteenth [day] between the earth<br \/>\nand the sun. [41]Here it is the moon which has the sun to the West<br \/>\nand the earth to the East.<\/p>\n<p>898.<\/p>\n<p>WHAT SORT OF THING THE MOON IS.<\/p>\n<p>The moon is not of itself luminous, but is highly fitted to<br \/>\nassimilate the character of light after the manner of a mirror, or<br \/>\nof water, or of any other reflecting body; and it grows larger in<br \/>\nthe East and in the West, like the sun and the other planets. And<br \/>\nthe reason is that every luminous body looks larger in proportion as<br \/>\nit is remote. It is easy to understand that every planet and star is<br \/>\nfarther from us when in the West than when it is overhead, by about<br \/>\n3500 miles, as is proved on the margin [Footnote 7: refers to the<br \/>\nfirst diagram.&#8211;A = <em>sole<\/em> (the sun), B = <em>terra<\/em> (the earth), C =<br \/>\n<em>luna<\/em> (the moon).], and if you see the sun or moon mirrored in the<br \/>\nwater near to you, it looks to you of the same size in the water as<br \/>\nin the sky. But if you recede to the distance of a mile, it will<br \/>\nlook 100 times larger; and if you see the sun reflected in the sea<br \/>\nat sunset, its image would look to you more than 10 miles long;<br \/>\nbecause that reflected image extends over more than 10 miles of sea.<br \/>\nAnd if you could stand where the moon is, the sun would look to you,<br \/>\nas if it were reflected from all the sea that it illuminates by day;<br \/>\nand the land amid the water would appear just like the dark spots<br \/>\nthat are on the moon, which, when looked at from our earth, appears<br \/>\nto men the same as our earth would appear to any men who might dwell<br \/>\nin the moon.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text has already been published by LIBRI: <em>Histoire<br \/>\ndes Sciences,<\/em> III, pp. 224, 225.]<\/p>\n<p>OF THE NATURE OF THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>When the moon is entirely lighted up to our sight, we see its full<br \/>\ndaylight; and at that time, owing to the reflection of the solar<br \/>\nrays which fall on it and are thrown off towards us, its ocean casts<br \/>\noff less moisture towards us; and the less light it gives the more<br \/>\ninjurious it is.<\/p>\n<p>899.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>I say that as the moon has no light in itself and yet is luminous,<br \/>\nit is inevitable but that its light is caused by some other body.<\/p>\n<p>900.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>All my opponent&#8217;s arguments to say that there is no water in the<br \/>\nmoon. [Footnote: The objections are very minutely noted down in the<br \/>\nmanuscript, but they hardly seem to have a place here.]<\/p>\n<p>901.<\/p>\n<p>Answer to Maestro Andrea da Imola, who said that the solar rays<br \/>\nreflected from a convex mirror are mingled and lost at a short<br \/>\ndistance; whereby it is altogether denied that the luminous side of<br \/>\nthe moon is of the nature of a mirror, and that consequently the<br \/>\nlight is not produced by the innumerable multitude of the waves of<br \/>\nthat sea, which I declared to be the portion of the moon which is<br \/>\nilluminated by the solar rays.<\/p>\n<p>Let <em>o p<\/em> be the body of the sun, <em>c n s<\/em> the moon, and <em>b<\/em> the eye<br \/>\nwhich, above the base <em>c n<\/em> of the cathetus <em>c n m<\/em>, sees the body<br \/>\nof the sun reflected at equal angles <em>c n<\/em>; and the same again on<br \/>\nmoving the eye from <em>b<\/em> to <em>a<\/em>. [Footnote: The large diagram on the<br \/>\nmargin of page 161 belongs to this chapter.]<\/p>\n<p>Explanation of the lumen cinereum in the moon.<\/p>\n<p>902.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>No solid body is less heavy than the atmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 1. On the margin are the words <em>tola romantina,<br \/>\ntola&#8211;ferro stagnato<\/em> (tinned iron); <em>romantina<\/em> is some special<br \/>\nkind of sheet-iron no longer known by that name.]<\/p>\n<p>Having proved that the part of the moon that shines consists of<br \/>\nwater, which mirrors the body of the sun and reflects the radiance<br \/>\nit receives from it; and that, if these waters were devoid of waves,<br \/>\nit would appear small, but of a radiance almost like the sun; &#8211;[5]<br \/>\nIt must now be shown whether the moon is a heavy or a light body:<br \/>\nfor, if it were a heavy body&#8211;admitting that at every grade of<br \/>\ndistance from the earth greater levity must prevail, so that water<br \/>\nis lighter than the earth, and air than water, and fire than air and<br \/>\nso on successively&#8211;it would seem that if the moon had density as it<br \/>\nreally has, it would have weight, and having weight, that it could<br \/>\nnot be sustained in the space where it is, and consequently that it<br \/>\nwould fall towards the centre of the universe and become united to<br \/>\nthe earth; or if not the moon itself, at least its waters would fall<br \/>\naway and be lost from it, and descend towards the centre, leaving<br \/>\nthe moon without any and so devoid of lustre. But as this does not<br \/>\nhappen, as might in reason be expected, it is a manifest sign that<br \/>\nthe moon is surrounded by its own elements: that is to say water,<br \/>\nair and fire; and thus is, of itself and by itself, suspended in<br \/>\nthat part of space, as our earth with its element is in this part of<br \/>\nspace; and that heavy bodies act in the midst of its elements just<br \/>\nas other heavy bodies do in ours [Footnote 15: This passage would<br \/>\ncertainly seem to establish Leonardo&#8217;s claim to be regarded as the<br \/>\noriginal discoverer of the cause of the ashy colour of the new moon<br \/>\n(<em>lumen cinereum<\/em>). His observations however, having hitherto<br \/>\nremained unknown to astronomers, Moestlin and Kepler have been<br \/>\ncredited with the discoveries which they made independently a<br \/>\ncentury later.<\/p>\n<p>Some disconnected notes treat of the same subject in MS. C. A. 239b;<br \/>\n718b and 719b; &#8220;<em>Perche la luna cinta della parte alluminata dal<br \/>\nsole in ponente, tra maggior splendore in mezzo a tal cerchio, che<br \/>\nquando essa eclissava il sole. Questo accade perche nell&#8217; eclissare<br \/>\nil sole ella ombrava il nostro oceano, il qual caso non accade<br \/>\nessendo in ponente, quando il sole alluma esso oceano<\/em>.&#8221; The editors<br \/>\nof the &#8220;<em>Saggio<\/em>&#8221; who first published this passage (page 12) add<br \/>\nanother short one about the seasons in the moon which I confess not<br \/>\nto have seen in the original manuscript: &#8220;<em>La luna ha ogni mese un<br \/>\nverno e una state, e ha maggiori freddi e maggiori caldi, e i suoi<br \/>\nequinozii son piu freddi de&#8217; nostri.<\/em>&#8220;]<\/p>\n<p>When the eye is in the East and sees the moon in the West near to<br \/>\nthe setting sun, it sees it with its shaded portion surrounded by<br \/>\nluminous portions; and the lateral and upper portion of this light<br \/>\nis derived from the sun, and the lower portion from the ocean in the<br \/>\nWest, which receives the solar rays and reflects them on the lower<br \/>\nwaters of the moon, and indeed affords the part of the moon that is<br \/>\nin shadow as much radiance as the moon gives the earth at midnight.<br \/>\nTherefore it is not totally dark, and hence some have believed that<br \/>\nthe moon must in parts have a light of its own besides that which is<br \/>\ngiven it by the sun; and this light is due, as has been said, to the<br \/>\nabove- mentioned cause,&#8211;that our seas are illuminated by the sun.<\/p>\n<p>Again, it might be said that the circle of radiance shown by the<br \/>\nmoon when it and the sun are both in the West is wholly borrowed<br \/>\nfrom the sun, when it, and the sun, and the eye are situated as is<br \/>\nshown above.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 23. 24: The larger of the two diagrams reproduced above<br \/>\nstands between these two lines, and the smaller one is sketched in<br \/>\nthe margin. At the spot marked <em>A<\/em> Leonardo wrote <em>corpo solare<\/em><br \/>\n(solar body) in the larger diagram and <em>Sole<\/em> (sun) in the smaller<br \/>\none. At <em>C luna<\/em> (moon) is written and at <em>B terra<\/em> (the earth).]<\/p>\n<p>Some might say that the air surrounding the moon as an element,<br \/>\ncatches the light of the sun as our atmosphere does, and that it is<br \/>\nthis which completes the luminous circle on the body of the moon.<\/p>\n<p>Some have thought that the moon has a light of its own, but this<br \/>\nopinion is false, because they have founded it on that dim light<br \/>\nseen between the hornes of the new moon, which looks dark where it<br \/>\nis close to the bright part, while against the darkness of the<br \/>\nbackground it looks so light that many have taken it to be a ring of<br \/>\nnew radiance completing the circle where the tips of the horns<br \/>\nilluminated by the sun cease to shine [Footnote 34: See Pl. CVIII,<br \/>\nNo. 5.]. And this difference of background arises from the fact that<br \/>\nthe portion of that background which is conterminous with the bright<br \/>\npart of the moon, by comparison with that brightness looks darker<br \/>\nthan it is; while at the upper part, where a portion of the luminous<br \/>\ncircle is to be seen of uniform width, the result is that the moon,<br \/>\nbeing brighter there than the medium or background on which it is<br \/>\nseen by comparison with that darkness it looks more luminous at that<br \/>\nedge than it is. And that brightness at such a time itself is<br \/>\nderived from our ocean and other inland-seas. These are, at that<br \/>\ntime, illuminated by the sun which is already setting in such a way<br \/>\nas that the sea then fulfils the same function to the dark side of<br \/>\nthe moon as the moon at its fifteenth day does to us when the sun is<br \/>\nset. And the small amount of light which the dark side of the moon<br \/>\nreceives bears the same proportion to the light of that side which<br \/>\nis illuminated, as that&#8230; [Footnote 42: Here the text breaks off;<br \/>\nlines 43-52 are written on the margin.].<\/p>\n<p>If you want to see how much brighter the shaded portion of the moon<br \/>\nis than the background on which it is seen, conceal the luminous<br \/>\nportion of the moon with your hand or with some other more distant<br \/>\nobject.<\/p>\n<p>On the spots in the moon (903-907).<\/p>\n<p>903.<\/p>\n<p>THE SPOTS ON THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>Some have said that vapours rise from the moon, after the manner of<br \/>\nclouds and are interposed between the moon and our eyes. But, if<br \/>\nthis were the case, these spots would never be permanent, either as<br \/>\nto position or form; and, seeing the moon from various aspects, even<br \/>\nif these spots did not move they would change in form, as objects do<br \/>\nwhich are seen from different sides.<\/p>\n<p>904.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SPOTS ON THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>Others say that the moon is composed of more or less transparent<br \/>\nparts; as though one part were something like alabaster and others<br \/>\nlike crystal or glass. It would follow from this that the sun<br \/>\ncasting its rays on the less transparent portions, the light would<br \/>\nremain on the surface, and so the denser part would be illuminated,<br \/>\nand the transparent portions would display the shadow of their<br \/>\ndarker depths; and this is their account of the structure and nature<br \/>\nof the moon. And this opinion has found favour with many<br \/>\nphilosophers, and particularly with Aristotle, and yet it is a false<br \/>\nview&#8211;for, in the various phases and frequent changes of the moon<br \/>\nand sun to our eyes, we should see these spots vary, at one time<br \/>\nlooking dark and at another light: they would be dark when the sun<br \/>\nis in the West and the moon in the middle of the sky; for then the<br \/>\ntransparent hollows would be in shadow as far as the tops of the<br \/>\nedges of those transparent hollows, because the sun could not then<br \/>\nfling his rays into the mouth of the hollows, which however, at full<br \/>\nmoon, would be seen in bright light, at which time the moon is in<br \/>\nthe East and faces the sun in the West; then the sun would<br \/>\nilluminate even the lowest depths of these transparent places and<br \/>\nthus, as there would be no shadows cast, the moon at these times<br \/>\nwould not show us the spots in question; and so it would be, now<br \/>\nmore and now less, according to the changes in the position of the<br \/>\nsun to the moon, and of the moon to our eyes, as I have said above.<\/p>\n<p>905.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SPOTS ON THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>It has been asserted, that the spots on the moon result from the<br \/>\nmoon being of varying thinness or density; but if this were so, when<br \/>\nthere is an eclipse of the moon the solar rays would pierce through<br \/>\nthe portions which were thin as is alleged [Footnote 3-5: <em>Eclissi<\/em>.<br \/>\nThis word, as it seems to me, here means eclipses of the sun; and<br \/>\nthe sense of the passage, as I understand it, is that by the<br \/>\nforegoing hypothesis the moon, when it comes between the sun and the<br \/>\nearth must appear as if pierced,&#8211;we may say like a sieve.]. But as<br \/>\nwe do not see this effect the opinion must be false.<\/p>\n<p>Others say that the surface of the moon is smooth and polished and<br \/>\nthat, like a mirror, it reflects in itself the image of our earth.<br \/>\nThis view is also false, inasmuch as the land, where it is not<br \/>\ncovered with water, presents various aspects and forms. Hence when<br \/>\nthe moon is in the East it would reflect different spots from those<br \/>\nit would show when it is above us or in the West; now the spots on<br \/>\nthe moon, as they are seen at full moon, never vary in the course of<br \/>\nits motion over our hemisphere. A second reason is that an object<br \/>\nreflected in a convex body takes up but a small portion of that<br \/>\nbody, as is proved in perspective [Footnote 18: <em>come e provato<\/em>.<br \/>\nThis alludes to the accompanying diagram.]. The third reason is that<br \/>\nwhen the moon is full, it only faces half the hemisphere of the<br \/>\nilluminated earth, on which only the ocean and other waters reflect<br \/>\nbright light, while the land makes spots on that brightness; thus<br \/>\nhalf of our earth would be seen girt round with the brightness of<br \/>\nthe sea lighted up by the sun, and in the moon this reflection would<br \/>\nbe the smallest part of that moon. Fourthly, a radiant body cannot<br \/>\nbe reflected from another equally radiant; therefore the sea, since<br \/>\nit borrows its brightness from the sun,&#8211;as the moon does&#8211;, could<br \/>\nnot cause the earth to be reflected in it, nor indeed could the body<br \/>\nof the sun be seen reflected in it, nor indeed any star opposite to<br \/>\nit.<\/p>\n<p>906.<\/p>\n<p>If you keep the details of the spots of the moon under observation<br \/>\nyou will often find great variation in them, and this I myself have<br \/>\nproved by drawing them. And this is caused by the clouds that rise<br \/>\nfrom the waters in the moon, which come between the sun and those<br \/>\nwaters, and by their shadow deprive these waters of the sun&#8217;s rays.<br \/>\nThus those waters remain dark, not being able to reflect the solar<br \/>\nbody.<\/p>\n<p>907.<\/p>\n<p>How the spots on the moon must have varied from what they formerly<br \/>\nwere, by reason of the course of its waters.<\/p>\n<p>On the moon&#8217;s halo.<\/p>\n<p>908.<\/p>\n<p>OF HALOS ROUND THE MOON.<\/p>\n<p>I have found, that the circles which at night seem to surround the<br \/>\nmoon, of various sizes, and degrees of density are caused by various<br \/>\ngradations in the densities of the vapours which exist at different<br \/>\naltitudes between the moon and our eyes. And of these halos the<br \/>\nlargest and least red is caused by the lowest of these vapours; the<br \/>\nsecond, smaller one, is higher up, and looks redder because it is<br \/>\nseen through two vapours. And so on, as they are higher they will<br \/>\nappear smaller and redder, because, between the eye and them, there<br \/>\nis thicker vapour. Whence it is proved that where they are seen to<br \/>\nbe reddest, the vapours are most dense.<\/p>\n<p>On instruments for observing the moon (909. 910).<\/p>\n<p>909.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to prove why the moon appears larger than it is, when it<br \/>\nreaches the horizon; take a lens which is highly convex on one<br \/>\nsurface and concave on the opposite, and place the concave side next<br \/>\nthe eye, and look at the object beyond the convex surface; by this<br \/>\nmeans you will have produced an exact imitation of the atmosphere<br \/>\nincluded beneath the sphere of fire and outside that of water; for<br \/>\nthis atmosphere is concave on the side next the earth, and convex<br \/>\ntowards the fire.<\/p>\n<p>910.<\/p>\n<p>Construct glasses to see the moon magnified.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See the Introduction, p. 136, Fracastoro says in his work<br \/>\nHomocentres: &#8220;<em>Per dua specilla ocularla si quis perspiciat, alteri<br \/>\naltero superposito, majora multo et propinquiora videbit<br \/>\nomnia.&#8211;Quin imo quaedam specilla ocularia fiunt tantae densitatis,<br \/>\nut si per ea quis aut lunam, aut aliud siderum spectet, adeo<br \/>\npropinqua illa iudicet, ut ne turres ipsas excedant<\/em>&#8221; (sect. II c. 8<br \/>\nand sect. III, c. 23).]<\/p>\n<p>******** 911 &#8211; 912 MISSING ***<\/p>\n<p>when the sun is seen through the boughs of trees bare of their<br \/>\nleaves, at some distance the branches do not conceal any portion of<br \/>\nthe sun from our eye. The same thing happens with the above<br \/>\nmentioned planets which, though they have no light of their own, do<br \/>\nnot&#8211;as has been said&#8211;conceal any part of the sun from our eye<br \/>\n[18].<\/p>\n<p>SECOND ARGUMENT.<\/p>\n<p>Some say that the stars appear most brilliant at night in proportion<br \/>\nas they are higher up; and that if they had no light of their own,<br \/>\nthe shadow of the earth which comes between them and the sun, would<br \/>\ndarken them, since they would not face nor be faced by the solar<br \/>\nbody. But those persons have not considered that the conical shadow<br \/>\nof the earth cannot reach many of the stars; and even as to those it<br \/>\ndoes reach, the cone is so much diminished that it covers very<br \/>\nlittle of the star&#8217;s mass, and all the rest is illuminated by the<br \/>\nsun.<\/p>\n<p>913.<\/p>\n<p>Why the planets appear larger in the East than they do overhead,<br \/>\nwhereas the contrary should be the case, as they are 3500 miles<br \/>\nnearer to us when in mid sky than when on the horizon.<\/p>\n<p>All the degrees of the elements, through which the images of the<br \/>\ncelestial bodies pass to reach the eye, are equal curves and the<br \/>\nangles by which the central line of those images passes through<br \/>\nthem, are unequal angles [Footnote 13: <em>inequali<\/em>, here and<br \/>\nelsewhere does not mean unequal in the sense of not being equal to<br \/>\neach other, but angles which are not right angles.]; and the<br \/>\ndistance is greater, as is shown by the excess of <em>a b<\/em> beyond <em>a<br \/>\nd<\/em>; and the enlargement of these celestial bodies on the horizon is<br \/>\nshown by the 9th of the 7th.<\/p>\n<p>Observations on the stars.<\/p>\n<p>914.<\/p>\n<p>To see the real nature of the planets open the covering and note at<br \/>\nthe base [Footnote 4: <em>basa<\/em>. This probably alludes to some<br \/>\ninstrument, perhaps the Camera obscura.] one single planet, and the<br \/>\nreflected movement of this base will show the nature of the said<br \/>\nplanet; but arrange that the base may face only one at the time.<\/p>\n<p>On history of astronomy.<\/p>\n<p>915.<\/p>\n<p>Cicero says in [his book] De Divinatione that Astrology has been<br \/>\npractised five hundred seventy thousand years before the Trojan war.<\/p>\n<p>57000.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The statement that CICERO, <em>De Divin.<\/em> ascribes the<br \/>\ndiscovery of astrology to a period 57000 years before the Trojan war<br \/>\nI believe to be quite erroneous. According to ERNESTI, <em>Clavis<br \/>\nCiceroniana,<\/em> CH. G. SCHULZ (<em>Lexic. Cicer.<\/em>) and the edition of <em>De<br \/>\nDivin.<\/em> by GIESE the word Astrologia occurs only twice in CICERO:<br \/>\n<em>De Divin. II<\/em>, 42. <em>Ad Chaldaeorum monstra veniamus, de quibus<br \/>\nEudoxus, Platonis auditor, in astrologia judicio doctissimorum<br \/>\nhominum facile princeps, sic opinatur (id quod scriptum reliquit):<br \/>\nChaldaeis in praedictione et in notatione cujusque vitae ex natali<br \/>\ndie minime esse credendum.<\/em>&#8221; He then quotes the condemnatory verdict<br \/>\nof other philosophers as to the teaching of the Chaldaeans but says<br \/>\nnothing as to the antiquity and origin of astronomy. CICERO further<br \/>\nnotes <em>De oratore<\/em> I, 16 that Aratus was &#8220;<em>ignarus astrologiae<\/em>&#8221; but<br \/>\nthat is all. So far as I know the word occurs nowhere else in<br \/>\nCICERO; and the word <em>Astronomia<\/em> he does not seem to have used at<br \/>\nall. (H. MULLER-STRUBING.)]<\/p>\n<p>Of time and its divisions (916-918).<\/p>\n<p>916.<\/p>\n<p>Although time is included in the class of Continuous Quantities,<br \/>\nbeing indivisible and immaterial, it does not come entirely under<br \/>\nthe head of Geometry, which represents its divisions by means of<br \/>\nfigures and bodies of infinite variety, such as are seen to be<br \/>\ncontinuous in their visible and material properties. But only with<br \/>\nits first principles does it agree, that is with the Point and the<br \/>\nLine; the point may be compared to an instant of time, and the line<br \/>\nmay be likened to the length of a certain quantity of time, and just<br \/>\nas a line begins and terminates in a point, so such a space of time.<br \/>\nbegins and terminates in an instant. And whereas a line is<br \/>\ninfinitely divisible, the divisibility of a space of time is of the<br \/>\nsame nature; and as the divisions of the line may bear a certain<br \/>\nproportion to each other, so may the divisions of time.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This passage is repeated word for word on page 190b of<br \/>\nthe same manuscript and this is accounted for by the text in Vol. I,<br \/>\nNo. 4. Compare also No. 1216.]<\/p>\n<p>917.<\/p>\n<p>Describe the nature of Time as distinguished from the Geometrical<br \/>\ndefinitions.<\/p>\n<p>918.<\/p>\n<p>Divide an hour into 3000 parts, and this you can do with a clock by<br \/>\nmaking the pendulum lighter or heavier.<\/p>\n<p>_XVI.<\/p>\n<p>Physical Geography.<\/p>\n<p>Leonardo&#8217;s researches as to the structure of the earth and sea were<br \/>\nmade at a time, when the extended voyages of the Spaniards and<br \/>\nPortuguese had also excited a special interest in geographical<br \/>\nquestions in Italy, and particularly in Tuscany. Still, it need<br \/>\nscarcely surprise us to find that in deeper questions, as to the<br \/>\nstructure of the globe, the primitive state of the earth&#8217;s surface,<br \/>\nand the like, he was far in advance of his time.<\/p>\n<p>The number of passages which treat of such matters is relatively<br \/>\nconsiderable; like almost all Leonardo&#8217;s scientific notes they deal<br \/>\npartly with theoretical and partly with practical questions. Some of<br \/>\nhis theoretical views of the motion of water were collected in a<br \/>\ncopied manuscript volume by an early transcriber, but without any<br \/>\nacknowledgment of the source whence they were derived. This copy is<br \/>\nnow in the Library of the Barberini palace at Rome and was published<br \/>\nunder the title: &#8220;De moto e misura dell&#8217;acqua,&#8221; by FRANCESCO<br \/>\nCARDINALI, Bologna_ 1828. <em>In this work the texts are arranged under<br \/>\nthe following titles:<\/em> Libr. I. Della spera dell&#8217;acqua; Libr. II.<br \/>\nDel moto dell&#8217;acqua; Libr. III. Dell&#8217;onda dell&#8217;acqua; Libr. IV. Dei<br \/>\nretrosi d&#8217;acqua; Libr. V. Dell&#8217;acqua cadente; Libr. VI. Delle<br \/>\nrotture fatte dall&#8217;acqua; Libr. VII Delle cose portate dall&#8217;acqua;<br \/>\nLibr. VIII. Dell&#8217;oncia dell&#8217;acqua e delle canne; Libr. IX. De molini<br \/>\ne d&#8217;altri ordigni d&#8217;acqua.<\/p>\n<p><em>The large number of isolated observations scattered through the<br \/>\nmanuscripts, accounts for our so frequently finding notes of new<br \/>\nschemes for the arrangement of those relating to water and its<br \/>\nmotions, particularly in the Codex Atlanticus: I have printed<br \/>\nseveral of these plans as an introduction to the Physical Geography,<br \/>\nand I have actually arranged the texts in accordance with the clue<br \/>\nafforded by one of them which is undoubtedly one of the latest notes<br \/>\nreferring to the subject (No.<\/em> 920_). The text given as No._ 930<br \/>\n<em>which is also taken from a late note-book of Leonardo&#8217;s, served as<br \/>\na basis for the arrangement of the first of the seven books&#8211;or<br \/>\nsections&#8211;, bearing the title: Of the Nature of Water<\/em> (Dell&#8217;acque<br \/>\nin se).<\/p>\n<p><em>As I have not made it any part of this undertaking to print the<br \/>\npassages which refer to purely physical principles, it has also been<br \/>\nnecessary to exclude those practical researches which, in accordance<br \/>\nwith indications given in<\/em> 920, <em>ought to come in as Books<\/em> 13, 14<br \/>\n<em>and<\/em> 15. <em>I can only incidentally mention here that Leonardo&#8211;as it<br \/>\nseems to me, especially in his youth&#8211;devoted a great deal of<br \/>\nattention to the construction of mills. This is proved by a number<br \/>\nof drawings of very careful and minute execution, which are to be<br \/>\nfound in the Codex Atlanticus. Nor was it possible to include his<br \/>\nconsiderations on the regulation of rivers, the making of canals and<br \/>\nso forth (No.<\/em> 920, <em>Books<\/em> 10, 11 <em>and<\/em> 12_); but those passages in<br \/>\nwhich the structure of a canal is directly connected with notices of<br \/>\nparticular places will be found duly inserted under section XVII<br \/>\n(Topographical notes). In Vol. I, No._ 5 <em>the text refers to<br \/>\ncanal-making in general.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>On one point only can the collection of passages included under the<br \/>\ngeneral heading of Physical Geography claim to be complete. When<br \/>\ncomparing and sorting the materials for this work I took particular<br \/>\ncare not to exclude or omit any text in which a geographical name<br \/>\nwas mentioned even incidentally, since in all such researches the<br \/>\nchief interest, as it appeared to me, attached to the question<br \/>\nwhether these acute observations on the various local<br \/>\ncharacteristics of mountains, rivers or seas, had been made by<br \/>\nLeonardo himself, and on the spot. It is self-evident that the few<br \/>\ngeneral and somewhat superficial observations on the Rhine and the<br \/>\nDanube, on England and Flanders, must have been obtained from maps<br \/>\nor from some informants, and in the case of Flanders Leonardo<br \/>\nhimself acknowledges this (see No.<\/em> 1008_). But that most of the<br \/>\nother and more exact observations were made, on the spot, by<br \/>\nLeonardo himself, may be safely assumed from their method and the<br \/>\nstyle in which he writes of them; and we should bear it in mind that<br \/>\nin all investigations, of whatever kind, experience is always spoken<br \/>\nof as the only basis on which he relies. Incidentally, as in No._<br \/>\n984, <em>he thinks it necessary to allude to the total absence of all<br \/>\nrecorded observations.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>INTRODUCTION.<\/p>\n<p>Schemes for the arrangement of the materials (919-928).<\/p>\n<p>919.<\/p>\n<p>These books contain in the beginning: Of the nature of water itself<br \/>\nin its motions; the others treat of the effects of its currents,<br \/>\nwhich change the world in its centre and its shape.<\/p>\n<p>920.<\/p>\n<p>DIVISIONS OF THE BOOK.<\/p>\n<p>Book 1 of water in itself.<\/p>\n<p>Book 2 of the sea.<\/p>\n<p>Book 3 of subterranean rivers.<\/p>\n<p>Book 4 of rivers.<\/p>\n<p>Book 5 of the nature of the abyss.<\/p>\n<p>Book 6 of the obstacles.<\/p>\n<p>Book 7 of gravels.<\/p>\n<p>Book 8 of the surface of water.<\/p>\n<p>Book 9 of the things placed therein.<\/p>\n<p>Book 10 of the repairing of rivers.<\/p>\n<p>Book 11 of conduits.<\/p>\n<p>Book 12 of canals.<\/p>\n<p>Book 13 of machines turned by water.<\/p>\n<p>Book 14 of raising water.<\/p>\n<p>Book 15 of matters worn away by water.<\/p>\n<p>921.<\/p>\n<p>First you shall make a book treating of places occupied by fresh<br \/>\nwaters, and the second by salt waters, and the third, how by the<br \/>\ndisappearance of these, our parts of the world were made lighter and<br \/>\nin consequence more remote from the centre of the world.<\/p>\n<p>922.<\/p>\n<p>First write of all water, in each of its motions; then describe all<br \/>\nits bottoms and their various materials, always referring to the<br \/>\npropositions concerning the said waters; and let the order be good,<br \/>\nfor otherwise the work will be confused.<\/p>\n<p>Describe all the forms taken by water from its greatest to its<br \/>\nsmallest wave, and their causes.<\/p>\n<p>923.<\/p>\n<p>Book 9, of accidental risings of water.<\/p>\n<p>924.<\/p>\n<p>THE ORDER OF THE BOOK.<\/p>\n<p>Place at the beginning what a river can effect.<\/p>\n<p>925.<\/p>\n<p>A book of driving back armies by the force of a flood made by<br \/>\nreleasing waters.<\/p>\n<p>A book showing how the waters safely bring down timber cut in the<br \/>\nmountains.<\/p>\n<p>A book of boats driven against the impetus of rivers.<\/p>\n<p>A book of raising large bridges higher. Simply by the swelling of<br \/>\nthe waters.<\/p>\n<p>A book of guarding against the impetus of rivers so that towns may<br \/>\nnot be damaged by them.<\/p>\n<p>926.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the ordering of rivers so as to preserve their banks.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the mountains, which would stand forth and become land, if<br \/>\nour hemisphere were to be uncovered by the water.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the earth carried down by the waters to fill up the great<br \/>\nabyss of the seas.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the ways in which a tempest may of itself clear out filled<br \/>\nup sea-ports.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the shores of rivers and of their permanency.<\/p>\n<p>A book of how to deal with rivers, so that they may keep their<br \/>\nbottom scoured by their own flow near the cities they pass.<\/p>\n<p>A book of how to make or to repair the foundations for bridges over<br \/>\nthe rivers.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the repairs which ought to be made in walls and banks of<br \/>\nrivers where the water strikes them.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the formation of hills of sand or gravel at great depths<br \/>\nin water.<\/p>\n<p>927.<\/p>\n<p>Water gives the first impetus to its motion.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the levelling of waters by various means,<\/p>\n<p>A book of diverting rivers from places where they do mischief.<\/p>\n<p>A book of guiding rivers which occupy too much ground.<\/p>\n<p>A book of parting rivers into several branches and making them<br \/>\nfordable.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the waters which with various currents pass through seas.<\/p>\n<p>A book of deepening the beds of rivers by means of currents of<br \/>\nwater.<\/p>\n<p>A book of controlling rivers so that the little beginnings of<br \/>\nmischief, caused by them, may not increase.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the various movements of waters passing through channels<br \/>\nof different forms.<\/p>\n<p>A book of preventing small rivers from diverting the larger one into<br \/>\nwhich their waters run.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the lowest level which can be found in the current of the<br \/>\nsurface of rivers.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the origin of rivers which flow from the high tops of<br \/>\nmountains.<\/p>\n<p>A book of the various motions of waters in their rivers.<\/p>\n<p>928.<\/p>\n<p>[1] Of inequality in the concavity of a ship. [Footnote 1: The first<br \/>\nline of this passage was added subsequently, evidently as a<br \/>\ncorrection of the following line.]<\/p>\n<p>[1] A book of the inequality in the curve of the sides of ships.<\/p>\n<p>[1] A book of the inequality in the position of the tiller.<\/p>\n<p>[1] A book of the inequality in the keel of ships.<\/p>\n<p>[2] A book of various forms of apertures by which water flows out.<\/p>\n<p>[3] A book of water contained in vessels with air, and of its<br \/>\nmovements.<\/p>\n<p>[4] A book of the motion of water through a syphon. [Footnote 7:<br \/>\n<em>cicognole<\/em>, see No. 966, 11, 17.]<\/p>\n<p>[5] A book of the meetings and union of waters coming from different<br \/>\ndirections.<\/p>\n<p>[6] A book of the various forms of the banks through which rivers<br \/>\npass.<\/p>\n<p>[7] A book of the various forms of shoals formed under the sluices<br \/>\nof rivers.<\/p>\n<p>[8] A book of the windings and meanderings of the currents of<br \/>\nrivers.<\/p>\n<p>[9] A book of the various places whence the waters of rivers are<br \/>\nderived.<\/p>\n<p>[10] A book of the configuration of the shores of rivers and of<br \/>\ntheir permanency.<\/p>\n<p>[11] A book of the perpendicular fall of water on various objects.<\/p>\n<p>[12] Abook of the course of water when it is impeded in various<br \/>\nplaces.<\/p>\n<p>[12] A book of the various forms of the obstacles which impede the<br \/>\ncourse of waters.<\/p>\n<p>[13] A book of the concavity and globosity formed round various<br \/>\nobjects at the bottom.<\/p>\n<p>[14] Abook of conducting navigable canals above or beneath the<br \/>\nrivers which intersect them.<\/p>\n<p>[15] A book of the soils which absorb water in canals and of<br \/>\nrepairing them.<\/p>\n<p>[16] Abook of creating currents for rivers, which quit their beds,<br \/>\n[and] for rivers choked with soil.<\/p>\n<p>General introduction.<\/p>\n<p>929.<\/p>\n<p>THE BEGINNING OF THE TREATISE ON WATER.<\/p>\n<p>By the ancients man has been called the world in miniature; and<br \/>\ncertainly this name is well bestowed, because, inasmuch as man is<br \/>\ncomposed of earth, water, air and fire, his body resembles that of<br \/>\nthe earth; and as man has in him bones the supports and framework of<br \/>\nhis flesh, the world has its rocks the supports of the earth; as man<br \/>\nhas in him a pool of blood in which the lungs rise and fall in<br \/>\nbreathing, so the body of the earth has its ocean tide which<br \/>\nlikewise rises and falls every six hours, as if the world breathed;<br \/>\nas in that pool of blood veins have their origin, which ramify all<br \/>\nover the human body, so likewise the ocean sea fills the body of the<br \/>\nearth with infinite springs of water. The body of the earth lacks<br \/>\nsinews and this is, because the sinews are made expressely for<br \/>\nmovements and, the world being perpetually stable, no movement takes<br \/>\nplace, and no movement taking place, muscles are not necessary.<br \/>\n&#8211;But in all other points they are much alike.<\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE NATURE OF WATER.<\/p>\n<p>The arrangement of Book I.<\/p>\n<p>930.<\/p>\n<p>THE ORDER OF THE FIRST BOOK ON WATER.<\/p>\n<p>Define first what is meant by height and depth; also how the<br \/>\nelements are situated one inside another. Then, what is meant by<br \/>\nsolid weight and by liquid weight; but first what weight and<br \/>\nlightness are in themselves. Then describe why water moves, and why<br \/>\nits motion ceases; then why it becomes slower or more rapid; besides<br \/>\nthis, how it always falls, being in contact with the air but lower<br \/>\nthan the air. And how water rises in the air by means of the heat of<br \/>\nthe sun, and then falls again in rain; again, why water springs<br \/>\nforth from the tops of mountains; and if the water of any spring<br \/>\nhigher than the ocean can pour forth water higher than the surface<br \/>\nof that ocean. And how all the water that returns to the ocean is<br \/>\nhigher than the sphere of waters. And how the waters of the<br \/>\nequatorial seas are higher than the waters of the North, and higher<br \/>\nbeneath the body of the sun than in any part of the equatorial<br \/>\ncircle; for experiment shows that under the heat of a burning brand<br \/>\nthe water near the brand boils, and the water surrounding this<br \/>\nebullition always sinks with a circular eddy. And how the waters of<br \/>\nthe North are lower than the other seas, and more so as they become<br \/>\ncolder, until they are converted into ice.<\/p>\n<p>Definitions (931. 932).<\/p>\n<p>931.<\/p>\n<p>OF WHAT IS WATER.<\/p>\n<p>Among the four elements water is the second both in weight and in<br \/>\ninstability.<\/p>\n<p>932.<\/p>\n<p>THE BEGINNING OF THE BOOK ON WATER.<\/p>\n<p>Sea is the name given to that water which is wide and deep, in which<br \/>\nthe waters have not much motion.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Only the beginning of this passage is here given, the<br \/>\nremainder consists of definitions which have no direct bearing on<br \/>\nthe subject.]<\/p>\n<p>Of the surface of the water in relation to the globe (933-936).<\/p>\n<p>933.<\/p>\n<p>The centres of the sphere of water are two, one universal and common<br \/>\nto all water, the other particular. The universal one is that which<br \/>\nis common to all waters not in motion, which exist in great<br \/>\nquantities. As canals, ditches, ponds, fountains, wells, dead<br \/>\nrivers, lakes, stagnant pools and seas, which, although they are at<br \/>\nvarious levels, have each in itself the limits of their superficies<br \/>\nequally distant from the centre of the earth, such as lakes placed<br \/>\nat the tops of high mountains; as the lake near Pietra Pana and the<br \/>\nlake of the Sybil near Norcia; and all the lakes that give rise to<br \/>\ngreat rivers, as the Ticino from Lago Maggiore, the Adda from the<br \/>\nlake of Como, the Mincio from the lake of Garda, the Rhine from the<br \/>\nlakes of Constance and of Chur, and from the lake of Lucerne, like<br \/>\nthe Tigris which passes through Asia Minor carrying with it the<br \/>\nwaters of three lakes, one above the other at different heights of<br \/>\nwhich the highest is Munace, the middle one Pallas, and the lowest<br \/>\nTriton; the Nile again flows from three very high lakes in Ethiopia.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 5: <em>Pietra Pana<\/em>, a mountain near Florence. If for Norcia,<br \/>\nwe may read Norchia, the remains of the Etruscan city near Viterbo,<br \/>\nthere can be no doubt that by &#8216;<em>Lago della Sibilla<\/em>&#8216;&#8211;a name not<br \/>\nknown elsewhere, so far as I can learn&#8211;Leonardo meant <em>Lago di<br \/>\nVico<\/em> (Lacus Ciminus, Aen. 7).]<\/p>\n<p>934.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE CENTRE OF THE OCEAN.<\/p>\n<p>The centre of the sphere of waters is the true centre of the globe<br \/>\nof our world, which is composed of water and earth, having the shape<br \/>\nof a sphere. But, if you want to find the centre of the element of<br \/>\nthe earth, this is placed at a point equidistant from the surface of<br \/>\nthe ocean, and not equidistant from the surface of the earth; for it<br \/>\nis evident that this globe of earth has nowhere any perfect<br \/>\nrotundity, excepting in places where the sea is, or marshes or other<br \/>\nstill waters. And every part of the earth that rises above the water<br \/>\nis farther from the centre.<\/p>\n<p>935.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SEA WHICH CHANGES THE WEIGHT OF THE EARTH.<\/p>\n<p>The shells, oysters, and other similar animals, which originate in<br \/>\nsea-mud, bear witness to the changes of the earth round the centre<br \/>\nof our elements. This is proved thus: Great rivers always run<br \/>\nturbid, being coloured by the earth, which is stirred by the<br \/>\nfriction of their waters at the bottom and on their shores; and this<br \/>\nwearing disturbs the face of the strata made by the layers of<br \/>\nshells, which lie on the surface of the marine mud, and which were<br \/>\nproduced there when the salt waters covered them; and these strata<br \/>\nwere covered over again from time to time, with mud of various<br \/>\nthickness, or carried down to the sea by the rivers and floods of<br \/>\nmore or less extent; and thus these layers of mud became raised to<br \/>\nsuch a height, that they came up from the bottom to the air. At the<br \/>\npresent time these bottoms are so high that they form hills or high<br \/>\nmountains, and the rivers, which wear away the sides of these<br \/>\nmountains, uncover the strata of these shells, and thus the softened<br \/>\nside of the earth continually rises and the antipodes sink closer to<br \/>\nthe centre of the earth, and the ancient bottoms of the seas have<br \/>\nbecome mountain ridges.<\/p>\n<p>936.<\/p>\n<p>Let the earth make whatever changes it may in its weight, the<br \/>\nsurface of the sphere of waters can never vary in its equal distance<br \/>\nfrom the centre of the world.<\/p>\n<p>Of the proportion of the mass of water to that of the earth (937.<br \/>\n938).<\/p>\n<p>937.<\/p>\n<p>WHETHER THE EARTH IS LESS THAN THE WATER.<\/p>\n<p>Some assert that it is true that the earth, which is not covered by<br \/>\nwater is much less than that covered by water. But considering the<br \/>\nsize of 7000 miles in diameter which is that of this earth, we may<br \/>\nconclude the water to be of small depth.<\/p>\n<p>938.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE EARTH.<\/p>\n<p>The great elevations of the peaks of the mountains above the sphere<br \/>\nof the water may have resulted from this that: a very large portion<br \/>\nof the earth which was filled with water that is to say the vast<br \/>\ncavern inside the earth may have fallen in a vast part of its vault<br \/>\ntowards the centre of the earth, being pierced by means of the<br \/>\ncourse of the springs which continually wear away the place where<br \/>\nthey pass.<\/p>\n<p>Sinking in of countries like the Dead Sea in Syria, that is Sodom<br \/>\nand Gomorrah.<\/p>\n<p>It is of necessity that there should be more water than land, and<br \/>\nthe visible portion of the sea does not show this; so that there<br \/>\nmust be a great deal of water inside the earth, besides that which<br \/>\nrises into the lower air and which flows through rivers and springs.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The small sketch below on the left, is placed in the<br \/>\noriginal close to the text referring to the Dead Sea.]<\/p>\n<p>The theory of Plato.<\/p>\n<p>939.<\/p>\n<p>THE FIGURES OF THE ELEMENTS.<\/p>\n<p>Of the figures of the elements; and first as against those who deny<br \/>\nthe opinions of Plato, and who say that if the elements include one<br \/>\nanother in the forms attributed to them by Plato they would cause a<br \/>\nvacuum one within the other. I say it is not true, and I here prove<br \/>\nit, but first I desire to propound some conclusions. It is not<br \/>\nnecessary that the elements which include each other should be of<br \/>\ncorresponding magnitude in all the parts, of that which includes and<br \/>\nof that which is included. We see that the sphere of the waters<br \/>\nvaries conspicuously in mass from the surface to the bottom, and<br \/>\nthat, far from investing the earth when that was in the form of a<br \/>\ncube that is of 8 angles as Plato will have it, that it invests the<br \/>\nearth which has innumerable angles of rock covered by the water and<br \/>\nvarious prominences and concavities, and yet no vacuum is generated<br \/>\nbetween the earth and water; again, the air invests the sphere of<br \/>\nwaters together with the mountains and valleys, which rise above<br \/>\nthat sphere, and no vacuum remains between the earth and the air, so<br \/>\nthat any one who says a vacuum is generated, speaks foolishly.<\/p>\n<p>But to Plato I would reply that the surface of the figures which<br \/>\naccording to him the elements would have, could not exist.<\/p>\n<p>That the flow of rivers proves the slope of the land.<\/p>\n<p>940.<\/p>\n<p>PROVES HOW THE EARTH IS NOT GLOBULAR AND NOT BEING GLOBULAR CANNOT<br \/>\nHAVE A COMMON CENTRE.<\/p>\n<p>We see the Nile come from Southern regions and traverse various<br \/>\nprovinces, running towards the North for a distance of 3000 miles<br \/>\nand flow into the Mediterranean by the shores of Egypt; and if we<br \/>\nwill give to this a fall of ten braccia a mile, as is usually<br \/>\nallowed to the course of rivers in general, we shall find that the<br \/>\nNile must have its mouth ten miles lower than its source. Again, we<br \/>\nsee the Rhine, the Rhone and the Danube starting from the German<br \/>\nparts, almost the centre of Europe, and having a course one to the<br \/>\nEast, the other to the North, and the last to Southern seas. And if<br \/>\nyou consider all this you will see that the plains of Europe in<br \/>\ntheir aggregate are much higher than the high peaks of the maritime<br \/>\nmountains; think then how much their tops must be above the sea<br \/>\nshores.<\/p>\n<p>Theory of the elevation of water within the mountains.<\/p>\n<p>941.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE HEAT THAT IS IN THE WORLD.<\/p>\n<p>Where there is life there is heat, and where vital heat is, there is<br \/>\nmovement of vapour. This is proved, inasmuch as we see that the<br \/>\nelement of fire by its heat always draws to itself damp vapours and<br \/>\nthick mists as opaque clouds, which it raises from seas as well as<br \/>\nlakes and rivers and damp valleys; and these being drawn by degrees<br \/>\nas far as the cold region, the first portion stops, because heat and<br \/>\nmoisture cannot exist with cold and dryness; and where the first<br \/>\nportion stops the rest settle, and thus one portion after another<br \/>\nbeing added, thick and dark clouds are formed. They are often wafted<br \/>\nabout and borne by the winds from one region to another, where by<br \/>\ntheir density they become so heavy that they fall in thick rain; and<br \/>\nif the heat of the sun is added to the power of the element of fire,<br \/>\nthe clouds are drawn up higher still and find a greater degree of<br \/>\ncold, in which they form ice and fall in storms of hail. Now the<br \/>\nsame heat which holds up so great a weight of water as is seen to<br \/>\nrain from the clouds, draws them from below upwards, from the foot<br \/>\nof the mountains, and leads and holds them within the summits of the<br \/>\nmountains, and these, finding some fissure, issue continuously and<br \/>\ncause rivers.<\/p>\n<p>The relative height of the surface of the sea to that of the land<br \/>\n(942-945).<\/p>\n<p>942.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SEA, WHICH TO MANY FOOLS APPEARS TO BE HIGHER THAN THE EARTH<br \/>\nWHICH FORMS ITS SHORE.<\/p>\n<p><em>b d<\/em> is a plain through which a river flows to the sea; this plain<br \/>\nends at the sea, and since in fact the dry land that is uncovered is<br \/>\nnot perfectly level&#8211;for, if it were, the river would have no<br \/>\nmotion&#8211;as the river does move, this place is a slope rather than a<br \/>\nplain; hence this plain <em>d b<\/em> so ends where the sphere of water<br \/>\nbegins that if it were extended in a continuous line to <em>b a<\/em> it<br \/>\nwould go down beneath the sea, whence it follows that the sea <em>a c<br \/>\nb<\/em> looks higher than the dry land.<\/p>\n<p>Obviously no portions of dry land left uncovered by water can ever<br \/>\nbe lower than the surface of the watery sphere.<\/p>\n<p>943.<\/p>\n<p>OF CERTAIN PERSONS WHO SAY THE WATERS WERE HIGHER THAN THE DRY LAND.<\/p>\n<p>Certainly I wonder not a little at the common opinion which is<br \/>\ncontrary to truth, but held by the universal consent of the judgment<br \/>\nof men. And this is that all are agreed that the surface of the sea<br \/>\nis higher than the highest peaks of the mountains; and they allege<br \/>\nmany vain and childish reasons, against which I will allege only one<br \/>\nsimple and short reason; We see plainly that if we could remove the<br \/>\nshores of the sea, it would invest the whole earth and make it a<br \/>\nperfect sphere. Now, consider how much earth would be carried away<br \/>\nto enable the waves of the sea to cover the world; therefore that<br \/>\nwhich would be carried away must be higher than the sea-shore.<\/p>\n<p>944.<\/p>\n<p>THE OPINION OF SOME PERSONS WHO SAY THAT THE WATER OF SOME SEAS IS<br \/>\nHIGHER THAN THE HIGHEST SUMMITS OF MOUNTAINS; AND NEVERTHELESS THE<br \/>\nWATER WAS FORCED UP TO THESE SUMMITS.<\/p>\n<p>Water would not move from place to place if it were not that it<br \/>\nseeks the lowest level and by a natural consequence it never can<br \/>\nreturn to a height like that of the place where it first on issuing<br \/>\nfrom the mountain came to light. And that portion of the sea which,<br \/>\nin your vain imagining, you say was so high that it flowed over the<br \/>\nsummits of the high mountains, for so many centuries would be<br \/>\nswallowed up and poured out again through the issue from these<br \/>\nmountains. You can well imagine that all the time that Tigris and<br \/>\nEuphrates<\/p>\n<p>945.<\/p>\n<p>have flowed from the summits of the mountains of Armenia, it must be<br \/>\nbelieved that all the water of the ocean has passed very many times<br \/>\nthrough these mouths. And do you not believe that the Nile must have<br \/>\nsent more water into the sea than at present exists of all the<br \/>\nelement of water? Undoubtedly, yes. And if all this water had fallen<br \/>\naway from this body of the earth, this terrestrial machine would<br \/>\nlong since have been without water. Whence we may conclude that the<br \/>\nwater goes from the rivers to the sea, and from the sea to the<br \/>\nrivers, thus constantly circulating and returning, and that all the<br \/>\nsea and the rivers have passed through the mouth of the Nile an<br \/>\ninfinite number of times [Footnote: <em>Moti Armeni, Ermini<\/em> in the<br \/>\noriginal, in M. RAVAISSON&#8217;S transcript <em>&#8220;monti ernini [le loro<br \/>\nruine?]&#8221;<\/em>. He renders this <em>&#8220;Le Tigre et l&#8217;Euphrate se sont deverses<br \/>\npar les sommets des montagnes [avec leurs eaux destructives?] on<br \/>\npent cro&#8217;re&#8221; &amp;c. Leonardo always writes _Ermini, Erminia<\/em>, for<br \/>\n<em>Armeni, Armenia<\/em> (Arabic: <em>Irminiah<\/em>). M. RAVAISSON also deviates<br \/>\nfrom the original in his translation of the following passage: &#8220;<em>Or<br \/>\ntu ne crois pas que le Nil ait mis plus d&#8217;eau dans la mer qu&#8217;il n&#8217;y<br \/>\nen a a present dans tout l&#8217;element de l&#8217;eau. Il est certain que si<br \/>\ncette eau etait tombee<\/em>&#8221; &amp;c.]<\/p>\n<p>II.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE OCEAN.<\/p>\n<p>Refutation of Pliny&#8217;s theory as to the saltness of the sea (946.<br \/>\n947).<\/p>\n<p>946.<\/p>\n<p>WHY WATER IS SALT.<\/p>\n<p>Pliny says in his second book, chapter 103, that the water of the<br \/>\nsea is salt because the heat of the sun dries up the moisture and<br \/>\ndrinks it up; and this gives to the wide stretching sea the savour<br \/>\nof salt. But this cannot be admitted, because if the saltness of the<br \/>\nsea were caused by the heat of the sun, there can be no doubt that<br \/>\nlakes, pools and marshes would be so much the more salt, as their<br \/>\nwaters have less motion and are of less depth; but experience shows<br \/>\nus, on the contrary, that these lakes have their waters quite free<br \/>\nfrom salt. Again it is stated by Pliny in the same chapter that this<br \/>\nsaltness might originate, because all the sweet and subtle portions<br \/>\nwhich the heat attracts easily being taken away, the more bitter and<br \/>\ncoarser part will remain, and thus the water on the surface is<br \/>\nfresher than at the bottom [Footnote 22: Compare No. 948.]; but this<br \/>\nis contradicted by the same reason given above, which is, that the<br \/>\nsame thing would happen in marshes and other waters, which are dried<br \/>\nup by the heat. Again, it has been said that the saltness of the sea<br \/>\nis the sweat of the earth; to this it may be answered that all the<br \/>\nsprings of water which penetrate through the earth, would then be<br \/>\nsalt. But the conclusion is, that the saltness of the sea must<br \/>\nproceed from the many springs of water which, as they penetrate into<br \/>\nthe earth, find mines of salt and these they dissolve in part, and<br \/>\ncarry with them to the ocean and the other seas, whence the clouds,<br \/>\nthe begetters of rivers, never carry it up. And the sea would be<br \/>\nsalter in our times than ever it was at any time; and if the<br \/>\nadversary were to say that in infinite time the sea would dry up or<br \/>\ncongeal into salt, to this I answer that this salt is restored to<br \/>\nthe earth by the setting free of that part of the earth which rises<br \/>\nout of the sea with the salt it has acquired, and the rivers return<br \/>\nit to the earth under the sea.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See PLINY, Hist. Nat. II, CIII [C]. <em>Itaque Solis ardore<br \/>\nsiccatur liquor: et hoc esse masculum sidus accepimus, torrens<br \/>\ncuncta sorbensque.<\/em> (cp. CIV.) <em>Sic mari late patenti saporem<br \/>\nincoqui salis, aut quia exhausto inde dulci tenuique, quod facillime<br \/>\ntrahat vis ignea, omne asperius crassiusque linquatur: ideo summa<br \/>\naequorum aqua dulciorem profundam; hanc esse veriorem causam, quam<br \/>\nquod mare terrae sudor sit aeternus: aut quia plurimum ex arido<br \/>\nmisceatur illi vapore: aut quia terrae natura sicut medicatas aquas<br \/>\ninficiat<\/em> &#8230; (cp. CV): <em>altissimum mare XV. stadiorum Fabianus<br \/>\ntradit. Alii n Ponto coadverso Coraxorum gentis (vocant B Ponti)<br \/>\ntrecentis fere a continenti stadiis immensam altitudinem maris<br \/>\ntradunt, vadis nunquam repertis.<\/em> (cp. CVI [CIII]) <em>Mirabilius id<br \/>\nfaciunt aquae dulces, juxta mare, ut fistulis emicantes. Nam nec<br \/>\naquarum natura a miraculis cessat. Dulces mari invehuntur, leviores<br \/>\nhaud dubie. Ideo et marinae, quarum natura gravior, magis invecta<br \/>\nsustinent. Quaedam vero et dulces inter se supermeant alias.<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>947.<\/p>\n<p>For the third and last reason we will say that salt is in all<br \/>\ncreated things; and this we learn from water passed over the ashes<br \/>\nand cinders of burnt things; and the urine of every animal, and the<br \/>\nsuperfluities issuing from their bodies, and the earth into which<br \/>\nall things are converted by corruption.<\/p>\n<p>But,&#8211;to put it better,&#8211;given that the world is everlasting, it<br \/>\nmust be admitted that its population will also be eternal; hence the<br \/>\nhuman species has eternally been and would be consumers of salt; and<br \/>\nif all the mass of the earth were to be turned into salt, it would<br \/>\nnot suffice for all human food [Footnote 27: That is, on the<br \/>\nsupposition that salt, once consumed, disappears for ever.]; whence<br \/>\nwe are forced to admit, either that the species of salt must be<br \/>\neverlasting like the world, or that it dies and is born again like<br \/>\nthe men who devour it. But as experience teaches us that it does not<br \/>\ndie, as is evident by fire, which does not consume it, and by water<br \/>\nwhich becomes salt in proportion to the quantity dissolved in<br \/>\nit,&#8211;and when it is evaporated the salt always remains in the<br \/>\noriginal quantity&#8211;it must pass through the bodies of men either in<br \/>\nthe urine or the sweat or other excretions where it is found again;<br \/>\nand as much salt is thus got rid of as is carried every year into<br \/>\ntowns; therefore salt is dug in places where there is urine.&#8211; Sea<br \/>\nhogs and sea winds are salt.<\/p>\n<p>We will say that the rains which penetrate the earth are what is<br \/>\nunder the foundations of cities with their inhabitants, and are what<br \/>\nrestore through the internal passages of the earth the saltness<br \/>\ntaken from the sea; and that the change in the place of the sea,<br \/>\nwhich has been over all the mountains, caused it to be left there in<br \/>\nthe mines found in those mountains, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>The characteristics of sea water (948. 949).<\/p>\n<p>948.<\/p>\n<p>The waters of the salt sea are fresh at the greatest depths.<\/p>\n<p>949.<\/p>\n<p>THAT THE OCEAN DOES NOT PENETRATE UNDER THE EARTH.<\/p>\n<p>The ocean does not penetrate under the earth, and this we learn from<br \/>\nthe many and various springs of fresh water which, in many parts of<br \/>\nthe ocean make their way up from the bottom to the surface. The same<br \/>\nthing is farther proved by wells dug beyond the distance of a mile<br \/>\nfrom the said ocean, which fill with fresh water; and this happens<br \/>\nbecause the fresh water is lighter than salt water and consequently<br \/>\nmore penetrating.<\/p>\n<p>Which weighs most, water when frozen or when not frozen?<\/p>\n<p>FRESH WATER PENETRATES MORE AGAINST SALT WATER THAN SALT WATER<br \/>\nAGAINST FRESH WATER.<\/p>\n<p>That fresh water penetrates more against salt water, than salt water<br \/>\nagainst fresh is proved by a thin cloth dry and old, hanging with<br \/>\nthe two opposite ends equally low in the two different waters, the<br \/>\nsurfaces of which are at an equal level; and it will then be seen<br \/>\nhow much higher the fresh water will rise in this piece of linen<br \/>\nthan the salt; by so much is the fresh lighter than the salt.<\/p>\n<p>On the formation of Gulfs (950. 951).<\/p>\n<p>950.<\/p>\n<p>All inland seas and the gulfs of those seas, are made by rivers<br \/>\nwhich flow into the sea.<\/p>\n<p>951.<\/p>\n<p>HERE THE REASON IS GIVEN OF THE EFFECTS PRODUCED BY THE WATERS IN<br \/>\nTHE ABOVE MENTIONED PLACE.<\/p>\n<p>All the lakes and all the gulfs of the sea and all inland seas are<br \/>\ndue to rivers which distribute their waters into them, and from<br \/>\nimpediments in their downfall into the Mediterranean &#8211;which divides<br \/>\nAfrica from Europe and Europe from Asia by means of the Nile and the<br \/>\nDon which pour their waters into it. It is asked what impediment is<br \/>\ngreat enough to stop the course of the waters which do not reach the<br \/>\nocean.<\/p>\n<p>On the encroachments of the sea on the land and vice versa<br \/>\n(952-954).<\/p>\n<p>952.<\/p>\n<p>OF WAVES.<\/p>\n<p>A wave of the sea always breaks in front of its base, and that<br \/>\nportion of the crest will then be lowest which before was highest.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The page of FRANCESCO DI GIORGIO&#8217;S <em>Trattato<\/em>, on which<br \/>\nLeonardo has written this remark, contains some notes on the<br \/>\nconstruction of dams, harbours &amp;c.]<\/p>\n<p>953.<\/p>\n<p>That the shores of the sea constantly acquire more soil towards the<br \/>\nmiddle of the sea; that the rocks and promontories of the sea are<br \/>\nconstantly being ruined and worn away; that the Mediterranean seas<br \/>\nwill in time discover their bottom to the air, and all that will be<br \/>\nleft will be the channel of the greatest river that enters it; and<br \/>\nthis will run to the ocean and pour its waters into that with those<br \/>\nof all the rivers that are its tributaries.<\/p>\n<p>954.<\/p>\n<p>How the river Po, in a short time might dry up the Adriatic sea in<br \/>\nthe same way as it has dried up a large part of Lombardy.<\/p>\n<p>The ebb and flow of the tide (955-960).<\/p>\n<p>955.<\/p>\n<p>Where there is a larger quantity of water, there is a greater flow<br \/>\nand ebb, but the contrary in narrow waters.<\/p>\n<p>Look whether the sea is at its greatest flow when the moon is half<br \/>\nway over our hemisphere [on the meridian].<\/p>\n<p>956.<\/p>\n<p>Whether the flow and ebb are caused by the moon or the sun, or are<br \/>\nthe breathing of this terrestrial machine. That the flow and ebb are<br \/>\ndifferent in different countries and seas.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 1. Allusion may here be made to the mythological<br \/>\nexplanation of the ebb and flow given in the Edda. Utgardloki says<br \/>\nto Thor (Gylfaginning 48): &#8220;When thou wert drinking out of the horn,<br \/>\nand it seemed to thee that it was slow in emptying a wonder befell,<br \/>\nwhich I should not have believed possible: the other end of the horn<br \/>\nlay in the sea, which thou sawest not; but when thou shalt go to the<br \/>\nsea, thou shalt see how much thou hast drunk out of it. And that men<br \/>\nnow call the ebb tide.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Several passages in various manuscripts treat of the ebb and flow.<br \/>\nIn collecting them I have been guided by the rule only to transcribe<br \/>\nthose which named some particular spot.]<\/p>\n<p>957.<\/p>\n<p>Book 9 of the meeting of rivers and their flow and ebb. The cause is<br \/>\nthe same in the sea, where it is caused by the straits of Gibraltar.<br \/>\nAnd again it is caused by whirlpools.<\/p>\n<p>958.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE FLOW AND EBB.<\/p>\n<p>All seas have their flow and ebb in the same period, but they seem<br \/>\nto vary because the days do not begin at the same time throughout<br \/>\nthe universe; in such wise as that when it is midday in our<br \/>\nhemisphere, it is midnight in the opposite hemisphere; and at the<br \/>\nEastern boundary of the two hemispheres the night begins which<br \/>\nfollows on the day, and at the Western boundary of these hemispheres<br \/>\nbegins the day, which follows the night from the opposite side.<br \/>\nHence it is to be inferred that the above mentioned swelling and<br \/>\ndiminution in the height of the seas, although they take place in<br \/>\none and the same space of time, are seen to vary from the above<br \/>\nmentioned causes. The waters are then withdrawn into the fissures<br \/>\nwhich start from the depths of the sea and which ramify inside the<br \/>\nbody of the earth, corresponding to the sources of rivers, which are<br \/>\nconstantly taking from the bottom of the sea the water which has<br \/>\nflowed into it. A sea of water is incessantly being drawn off from<br \/>\nthe surface of the sea. And if you should think that the moon,<br \/>\nrising at the Eastern end of the Mediterranean sea must there begin<br \/>\nto attract to herself the waters of the sea, it would follow that we<br \/>\nmust at once see the effect of it at the Eastern end of that sea.<br \/>\nAgain, as the Mediterranean sea is about the eighth part of the<br \/>\ncircumference of the aqueous sphere, being 3000 miles long, while<br \/>\nthe flow and ebb only occur 4 times in 24 hours, these results would<br \/>\nnot agree with the time of 24 hours, unless this Mediterranean sea<br \/>\nwere six thousand miles in length; because if such a superabundance<br \/>\nof water had to pass through the straits of Gibraltar in running<br \/>\nbehind the moon, the rush of the water through that strait would be<br \/>\nso great, and would rise to such a height, that beyond the straits<br \/>\nit would for many miles rush so violently into the ocean as to cause<br \/>\nfloods and tremendous seething, so that it would be impossible to<br \/>\npass through. This agitated ocean would afterwards return the waters<br \/>\nit had received with equal fury to the place they had come from, so<br \/>\nthat no one ever could pass through those straits. Now experience<br \/>\nshows that at every hour they are passed in safety, but when the<br \/>\nwind sets in the same direction as the current, the strong ebb<br \/>\nincreases [Footnote 23: In attempting to get out of the<br \/>\nMediterranean, vessels are sometimes detained for a considerable<br \/>\ntime; not merely by the causes mentioned by Leonardo but by the<br \/>\nconstant current flowing eastwards through the middle of the straits<br \/>\nof Gibraltar.]. The sea does not raise the water that has issued<br \/>\nfrom the straits, but it checks them and this retards the tide; then<br \/>\nit makes up with furious haste for the time it has lost until the<br \/>\nend of the ebb movement.<\/p>\n<p>959.<\/p>\n<p>That the flow and ebb are not general; for on the shore at Genoa<br \/>\nthere is none, at Venice two braccia, between England and Flanders<br \/>\n18 braccia. That in the straits of Sicily the current is very strong<br \/>\nbecause all the waters from the rivers that flow into the Adriatic<br \/>\npass there.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A few more recent data may be given here to facilitate<br \/>\ncomparison. In the Adriatic the tide rises 2 and 1\/2 feet, at<br \/>\nTerracina 1 1\/4. In the English channel between Calais and Kent it<br \/>\nrises from 18 to 20 feet. In the straits of Messina it rises no more<br \/>\nthan 2 1\/2 feet, and that only in stormy weather, but the current is<br \/>\nall the stronger. When Leonardo accounts for this by the southward<br \/>\nflow of all the Italian rivers along the coasts, the explanation is<br \/>\nat least based on a correct observation; namely that a steady<br \/>\ncurrent flows southwards along the coast of Calabria and another<br \/>\nnorthwards, along the shores of Sicily; he seems to infer, from the<br \/>\ndirection of the fust, that the tide in the Adriatic is caused by<br \/>\nit.]<\/p>\n<p>960.<\/p>\n<p>In the West, near to Flanders, the sea rises and decreases every 6<br \/>\nhours about 20 braccia, and 22 when the moon is in its favour; but<br \/>\n20 braccia is the general rule, and this rule, as it is evident,<br \/>\ncannot have the moon for its cause. This variation in the increase<br \/>\nand decrease of the sea every 6 hours may arise from the damming up<br \/>\nof the waters, which are poured into the Mediterranean by the<br \/>\nquantity of rivers from Africa, Asia and Europe, which flow into<br \/>\nthat sea, and the waters which are given to it by those rivers; it<br \/>\npours them to the ocean through the straits of Gibraltar, between<br \/>\nAbila and Calpe [Footnote 5: <em>Abila<\/em>, Lat. <em>Abyla<\/em>, Gr. , now<br \/>\nSierra <em>Ximiera<\/em> near Ceuta; <em>Calpe<\/em>, Lat. <em>Calpe<\/em>. Gr., now<br \/>\nGibraltar. Leonardo here uses the ancient names of the rocks, which<br \/>\nwere known as the Pillars of Hercules.]. That ocean extends to the<br \/>\nisland of England and others farther North, and it becomes dammed up<br \/>\nand kept high in various gulfs. These, being seas of which the<br \/>\nsurface is remote from the centre of the earth, have acquired a<br \/>\nweight, which as it is greater than the force of the incoming waters<br \/>\nwhich cause it, gives this water an impetus in the contrary<br \/>\ndirection to that in which it came and it is borne back to meet the<br \/>\nwaters coming out of the straits; and this it does most against the<br \/>\nstraits of Gibraltar; these, so long as this goes on, remain dammed<br \/>\nup and all the water which is poured out meanwhile by the<br \/>\naforementioned rivers, is pent up [in the Mediterranean]; and this<br \/>\nmight be assigned as the cause of its flow and ebb, as is shown in<br \/>\nthe 21st of the 4th of my theory.<\/p>\n<p>III.<\/p>\n<p>SUBTERRANEAN WATER COURSES.<\/p>\n<p>Theory of the circulation of the waters (961. 962).<\/p>\n<p>961.<\/p>\n<p>Very large rivers flow under ground.<\/p>\n<p>962.<\/p>\n<p>This is meant to represent the earth cut through in the middle,<br \/>\nshowing the depths of the sea and of the earth; the waters start<br \/>\nfrom the bottom of the seas, and ramifying through the earth they<br \/>\nrise to the summits of the mountains, flowing back by the rivers and<br \/>\nreturning to the sea.<\/p>\n<p>Observations in support of the hypothesis (963-969).<\/p>\n<p>963.<\/p>\n<p>The waters circulate with constant motion from the utmost depths of<br \/>\nthe sea to the highest summits of the mountains, not obeying the<br \/>\nnature of heavy matter; and in this case it acts as does the blood<br \/>\nof animals which is always moving from the sea of the heart and<br \/>\nflows to the top of their heads; and here it is that veins burst&#8211;as<br \/>\none may see when a vein bursts in the nose, that all the blood from<br \/>\nbelow rises to the level of the burst vein. When the water rushes<br \/>\nout of a burst vein in the earth it obeys the nature of other things<br \/>\nheavier than the air, whence it always seeks the lowest places. [7]<br \/>\nThese waters traverse the body of the earth with infinite<br \/>\nramifications.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The greater part of this passage has been given as No.<br \/>\n849 in the section on Anatomy.]<\/p>\n<p>964.<\/p>\n<p>The same cause which stirs the humours in every species of animal<br \/>\nbody and by which every injury is repaired, also moves the waters<br \/>\nfrom the utmost depth of the sea to the greatest heights.<\/p>\n<p>965.<\/p>\n<p>It is the property of water that it constitutes the vital human of<br \/>\nthis arid earth; and the cause which moves it through its ramified<br \/>\nveins, against the natural course of heavy matters, is the same<br \/>\nproperty which moves the humours in every species of animal body.<br \/>\nBut that which crowns our wonder in contemplating it is, that it<br \/>\nrises from the utmost depths of the sea to the highest tops of the<br \/>\nmountains, and flowing from the opened veins returns to the low<br \/>\nseas; then once more, and with extreme swiftness, it mounts again<br \/>\nand returns by the same descent, thus rising from the inside to the<br \/>\noutside, and going round from the lowest to the highest, from whence<br \/>\nit rushes down in a natural course. Thus by these two movements<br \/>\ncombined in a constant circulation, it travels through the veins of<br \/>\nthe earth.<\/p>\n<p>966.<\/p>\n<p>WHETHER WATER RISES FROM THE SEA TO THE TOPS OF MOUNTAINS.<\/p>\n<p>The water of the ocean cannot make its way from the bases to the<br \/>\ntops of the mountains which bound it, but only so much rises as the<br \/>\ndryness of the mountain attracts. And if, on the contrary, the rain,<br \/>\nwhich penetrates from the summit of the mountain to the base, which<br \/>\nis the boundary of the sea, descends and softens the slope opposite<br \/>\nto the said mountain and constantly draws the water, like a syphon<br \/>\n[Footnote 11: Cicognola, Syphon. See Vol. I, Pl. XXIV, No. 1.] which<br \/>\npours through its longest side, it must be this which draws up the<br \/>\nwater of the sea; thus if <em>s n<\/em> were the surface of the sea, and the<br \/>\nrain descends from the top of the mountain <em>a<\/em> to <em>n<\/em> on one side,<br \/>\nand on the other sides it descends from <em>a<\/em> to <em>m<\/em>, without a doubt<br \/>\nthis would occur after the manner of distilling through felt, or as<br \/>\nhappens through the tubes called syphons [Footnote 17: Cicognola,<br \/>\nSyphon. See Vol. I, Pl. XXIV, No. 1.]. And at all times the water<br \/>\nwhich has softened the mountain, by the great rain which runs down<br \/>\nthe two opposite sides, would constantly attract the rain <em>a n<\/em>, on<br \/>\nits longest side together with the water from the sea, if that side<br \/>\nof the mountain <em>a m<\/em> were longer than the other <em>a n<\/em>; but this<br \/>\ncannot be, because no part of the earth which is not submerged by<br \/>\nthe ocean can be lower than that ocean.<\/p>\n<p>967.<\/p>\n<p>OF SPRINGS OF WATER ON THE TOPS OF MOUNTAINS.<\/p>\n<p>It is quite evident that the whole surface of the ocean&#8211;when there<br \/>\nis no storm&#8211;is at an equal distance from the centre of the earth,<br \/>\nand that the tops of the mountains are farther from this centre in<br \/>\nproportion as they rise above the surface of that sea; therefore if<br \/>\nthe body of the earth were not like that of man, it would be<br \/>\nimpossible that the waters of the sea&#8211;being so much lower than the<br \/>\nmountains&#8211;could by their nature rise up to the summits of these<br \/>\nmountains. Hence it is to be believed that the same cause which<br \/>\nkeeps the blood at the top of the head in man keeps the water at the<br \/>\nsummits of the mountains.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This conception of the rising of the blood, which has<br \/>\ngiven rise to the comparison, was recognised as erroneous by<br \/>\nLeonardo himself at a later period. It must be remembered that the<br \/>\nMS. A, from which these passages are taken, was written about twenty<br \/>\nyears earlier than the MS. Leic. (Nos. 963 and 849) and twenty-five<br \/>\nyears before the MS. W. An. IV.<\/p>\n<p>There is, in the original a sketch with No. 968 which is not<br \/>\nreproduced. It represents a hill of the same shape as that shown at<br \/>\nNo. 982. There are veins, or branched streams, on the side of the<br \/>\nhill, like those on the skull Pl. CVIII, No. 4]<\/p>\n<p>968.<\/p>\n<p>IN CONFIRMATION OF WHY THE WATER GOES TO THE TOPS OF MOUNTAINS.<\/p>\n<p>I say that just as the natural heat of the blood in the veins keeps<br \/>\nit in the head of man,&#8211;for when the man is dead the cold blood<br \/>\nsinks to the lower parts&#8211;and when the sun is hot on the head of a<br \/>\nman the blood increases and rises so much, with other humours, that<br \/>\nby pressure in the veins pains in the head are often caused; in the<br \/>\nsame way veins ramify through the body of the earth, and by the<br \/>\nnatural heat which is distributed throughout the containing body,<br \/>\nthe water is raised through the veins to the tops of mountains. And<br \/>\nthis water, which passes through a closed conduit inside the body of<br \/>\nthe mountain like a dead thing, cannot come forth from its low place<br \/>\nunless it is warmed by the vital heat of the spring time. Again, the<br \/>\nheat of the element of fire and, by day, the heat of the sun, have<br \/>\npower to draw forth the moisture of the low parts of the mountains<br \/>\nand to draw them up, in the same way as it draws the clouds and<br \/>\ncollects their moisture from the bed of the sea.<\/p>\n<p>969.<\/p>\n<p>That many springs of salt water are found at great distances from<br \/>\nthe sea; this might happen because such springs pass through some<br \/>\nmine of salt, like that in Hungary where salt is hewn out of vast<br \/>\ncaverns, just as stone is hewn.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The great mine of Wieliczka in Galicia, out of which a<br \/>\nmillion cwt. of rock-salt are annually dug out, extends for 3000<br \/>\nmetres from West to East, and 1150 metres from North to South.]<\/p>\n<p>IV.<\/p>\n<p>OF RIVERS.<\/p>\n<p>On the way in which the sources of rivers are fed.<\/p>\n<p>970.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE ORIGIN OF RIVERS.<\/p>\n<p>The body of the earth, like the bodies of animals, is intersected<br \/>\nwith ramifications of waters which are all in connection and are<br \/>\nconstituted to give nutriment and life to the earth and to its<br \/>\ncreatures. These come from the depth of the sea and, after many<br \/>\nrevolutions, have to return to it by the rivers created by the<br \/>\nbursting of these springs; and if you chose to say that the rains of<br \/>\nthe winter or the melting of the snows in summer were the cause of<br \/>\nthe birth of rivers, I could mention the rivers which originate in<br \/>\nthe torrid countries of Africa, where it never rains&#8211;and still less<br \/>\nsnows&#8211;because the intense heat always melts into air all the clouds<br \/>\nwhich are borne thither by the winds. And if you chose to say that<br \/>\nsuch rivers, as increase in July and August, come from the snows<br \/>\nwhich melt in May and June from the sun&#8217;s approach to the snows on<br \/>\nthe mountains of Scythia [Footnote 9: Scythia means here, as in<br \/>\nAncient Geography, the whole of the Northern part of Asia as far as<br \/>\nIndia.], and that such meltings come down into certain valleys and<br \/>\nform lakes, into which they enter by springs and subterranean caves<br \/>\nto issue forth again at the sources of the Nile, this is false;<br \/>\nbecause Scythia is lower than the sources of the Nile, and, besides,<br \/>\nScythia is only 400 miles from the Black sea and the sources of the<br \/>\nNile are 3000 miles distant from the sea of Egypt into which its<br \/>\nwaters flow.<\/p>\n<p>The tide in estuaries.<\/p>\n<p>971.<\/p>\n<p>Book 9, of the meeting of rivers and of their ebb and flow. The<br \/>\ncause is the same in the sea, where it is caused by the straits of<br \/>\nGibraltar; and again it is caused by whirlpools.<\/p>\n<p>[3] If two rivers meet together to form a straight line, and then<br \/>\nbelow two right angles take their course together, the flow and ebb<br \/>\nwill happen now in one river and now in the other above their<br \/>\nconfluence, and principally if the outlet for their united volume is<br \/>\nno swifter than when they were separate. Here occur 4 instances.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The first two lines of this passage have already been<br \/>\ngiven as No. 957. In the margin, near line 3 of this passage, the<br \/>\ntext given as No. 919 is written.]<\/p>\n<p>On the alterations, caused in the courses of rivers by their<br \/>\nconfluence (972-974).<\/p>\n<p>972.<\/p>\n<p>When a smaller river pours its waters into a larger one, and that<br \/>\nlarger one flows from the opposite direction, the course of the<br \/>\nsmaller river will bend up against the approach of the larger river;<br \/>\nand this happens because, when the larger river fills up all its bed<br \/>\nwith water, it makes an eddy in front of the mouth of the other<br \/>\nriver, and so carries the water poured in by the smaller river with<br \/>\nits own. When the smaller river pours its waters into the larger<br \/>\none, which runs across the current at the mouth of the smaller<br \/>\nriver, its waters will bend with the downward movement of the larger<br \/>\nriver. [Footnote: In the original sketches the word <em>Arno<\/em> is<br \/>\nwritten at the spot here marked <em>A<\/em>, at <em>R. Rifredi<\/em>, and at <em>M.<br \/>\nMugnone<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>973.<\/p>\n<p>When the fulness of rivers is diminished, then the acute angles<br \/>\nformed at the junction of their branches become shorter at the sides<br \/>\nand wider at the point; like the current <em>a n<\/em> and the current <em>d<br \/>\nn<\/em>, which unite in <em>n<\/em> when the river is at its greatest fulness. I<br \/>\nsay, that when it is in this condition if, before the fullest time,<br \/>\n<em>d n<\/em> was lower than <em>a n<\/em>, at the time of fulness <em>d n<\/em> will be<br \/>\nfull of sand and mud. When the water <em>d n<\/em> falls, it will carry away<br \/>\nthe mud and remain with a lower bottom, and the channel <em>a n<\/em><br \/>\nfinding itself the higher, will fling its waters into the lower, <em>d<br \/>\nn<\/em>, and will wash away all the point of the sand-spit <em>b n c<\/em>, and<br \/>\nthus the angle <em>a c d<\/em> will remain larger than the angle <em>a n d<\/em> and<br \/>\nthe sides shorter, as I said before.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Above the first sketch we find, in the original, this<br \/>\nnote: &#8220;<em>Sopra il pote rubaconte alla torricella<\/em>&#8220;; and by the<br \/>\nsecond, which represents a pier of a bridge, &#8220;<em>Sotto l&#8217;ospedal del<br \/>\nceppo.<\/em>&#8220;]<\/p>\n<p>974.<\/p>\n<p>WATER.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE MOVEMENT OF A SUDDEN RUSH MADE BY A RIVER IN ITS BED<br \/>\nPREVIOUSLY DRY.<\/p>\n<p>In proportion as the current of the water given forth by the<br \/>\ndraining of the lake is slow or rapid in the dry river bed, so will<br \/>\nthis river be wider or narrower, or shallower or deeper in one place<br \/>\nthan another, according to this proposition: the flow and ebb of the<br \/>\nsea which enters the Mediterranean from the ocean, and of the rivers<br \/>\nwhich meet and struggle with it, will raise their waters more or<br \/>\nless in proportion as the sea is wider or narrower.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the margin is a sketch of a river which winds so as to<br \/>\nform islands.]<\/p>\n<p>Whirlpools.<\/p>\n<p>975.<\/p>\n<p>Whirlpools, that is to say caverns; that is to say places left by<br \/>\nprecipitated waters.<\/p>\n<p>On the alterations in the channels of rivers.<\/p>\n<p>976.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE VIBRATION OF THE EARTH.<\/p>\n<p>The subterranean channels of waters, like those which exist between<br \/>\nthe air and the earth, are those which unceasingly wear away and<br \/>\ndeepen the beds of their currents.<\/p>\n<p>The origin of the sand in rivers (977. 978).<\/p>\n<p>977.<\/p>\n<p>A river that flows from mountains deposits a great quantity of large<br \/>\nstones in its bed, which still have some of their angles and sides,<br \/>\nand in the course of its flow it carries down smaller stones with<br \/>\nthe angles more worn; that is to say the large stones become<br \/>\nsmaller. And farther on it deposits coarse gravel and then smaller,<br \/>\nand as it proceeds this becomes coarse sand and then finer, and<br \/>\ngoing on thus the water, turbid with sand and gravel, joins the sea;<br \/>\nand the sand settles on the sea-shores, being cast up by the salt<br \/>\nwaves; and there results the sand of so fine a nature as to seem<br \/>\nalmost like water, and it will not stop on the shores of the sea but<br \/>\nreturns by reason of its lightness, because it was originally formed<br \/>\nof rotten leaves and other very light things. Still, being<br \/>\nalmost&#8211;as was said&#8211;of the nature of water itself, it afterwards,<br \/>\nwhen the weather is calm, settles and becomes solid at the bottom of<br \/>\nthe sea, where by its fineness it becomes compact and by its<br \/>\nsmoothness resists the waves which glide over it; and in this shells<br \/>\nare found; and this is white earth, fit for pottery.<\/p>\n<p>978.<\/p>\n<p>All the torrents of water flowing from the mountains to the sea<br \/>\ncarry with them the stones from the hills to the sea, and by the<br \/>\ninflux of the sea-water towards the mountains; these stones were<br \/>\nthrown back towards the mountains, and as the waters rose and<br \/>\nretired, the stones were tossed about by it and in rolling, their<br \/>\nangles hit together; then as the parts, which least resisted the<br \/>\nblows, were worn off, the stones ceased to be angular and became<br \/>\nround in form, as may be seen on the banks of the Elsa. And those<br \/>\nremained larger which were less removed from their native spot; and<br \/>\nthey became smaller, the farther they were carried from that place,<br \/>\nso that in the process they were converted into small pebbles and<br \/>\nthen into sand and at last into mud. After the sea had receded from<br \/>\nthe mountains the brine left by the sea with other humours of the<br \/>\nearth made a concretion of these pebbles and this sand, so that the<br \/>\npebbles were converted into rock and the sand into tufa. And of this<br \/>\nwe see an example in the Adda where it issues from the mountains of<br \/>\nComo and in the Ticino, the Adige and the Oglio coming from the<br \/>\nGerman Alps, and in the Arno at Monte Albano [Footnote 13: At the<br \/>\nfoot of <em>Monte Albano<\/em> lies Vinci, the birth place of Leonardo.<br \/>\nOpposite, on the other bank of the Arno, is <em>Monte Lupo<\/em>.], near<br \/>\nMonte Lupo and Capraia where the rocks, which are very large, are<br \/>\nall of conglomerated pebbles of various kinds and colours.<\/p>\n<p>V.<\/p>\n<p>ON MOUNTAINS.<\/p>\n<p>The formation of mountains (979-983).<\/p>\n<p>979.<\/p>\n<p>Mountains are made by the currents of rivers.<\/p>\n<p>Mountains are destroyed by the currents of rivers.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare 789.]<\/p>\n<p>980.<\/p>\n<p>That the Northern bases of some Alps are not yet petrified. And this<br \/>\nis plainly to be seen where the rivers, which cut through them, flow<br \/>\ntowards the North; where they cut through the strata in the living<br \/>\nstone in the higher parts of the mountains; and, where they join the<br \/>\nplains, these strata are all of potter&#8217;s clay; as is to be seen in<br \/>\nthe valley of Lamona where the river Lamona, as it issues from the<br \/>\nAppenines, does these things on its banks.<\/p>\n<p>That the rivers have all cut and divided the mountains of the great<br \/>\nAlps one from the other. This is visible in the order of the<br \/>\nstratified rocks, because from the summits of the banks, down to the<br \/>\nriver the correspondence of the strata in the rocks is visible on<br \/>\neither side of the river. That the stratified stones of the<br \/>\nmountains are all layers of clay, deposited one above the other by<br \/>\nthe various floods of the rivers. That the different size of the<br \/>\nstrata is caused by the difference in the floods&#8211;that is to say<br \/>\ngreater or lesser floods.<\/p>\n<p>981.<\/p>\n<p>The summits of mountains for a long time rise constantly.<\/p>\n<p>The opposite sides of the mountains always approach each other<br \/>\nbelow; the depths of the valleys which are above the sphere of the<br \/>\nwaters are in the course of time constantly getting nearer to the<br \/>\ncentre of the world.<\/p>\n<p>In an equal period, the valleys sink much more than the mountains<br \/>\nrise.<\/p>\n<p>The bases of the mountains always come closer together.<\/p>\n<p>In proportion as the valleys become deeper, the more quickly are<br \/>\ntheir sides worn away.<\/p>\n<p>982.<\/p>\n<p>In every concavity at the summit of the mountains we shall always<br \/>\nfind the divisions of the strata in the rocks.<\/p>\n<p>983.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SEA WHICH ENCIRCLES THE EARTH.<\/p>\n<p>I find that of old, the state of the earth was that its plains were<br \/>\nall covered up and hidden by salt water. [Footnote: This passage has<br \/>\nalready been published by Dr. M. JORDAN: <em>Das Malerbuch des L. da<br \/>\nVinci, Leipzig<\/em> 1873, p. 86. However, his reading of the text<br \/>\ndiffers from mine.]<\/p>\n<p>The authorities for the study of the structure of the earth.<\/p>\n<p>984.<\/p>\n<p>Since things are much more ancient than letters, it is no marvel if,<br \/>\nin our day, no records exist of these seas having covered so many<br \/>\ncountries; and if, moreover, some records had existed, war and<br \/>\nconflagrations, the deluge of waters, the changes of languages and<br \/>\nof laws have consumed every thing ancient. But sufficient for us is<br \/>\nthe testimony of things created in the salt waters, and found again<br \/>\nin high mountains far from the seas.<\/p>\n<p>VI.<\/p>\n<p>GEOLOGICAL PROBLEMS.<\/p>\n<p>985.<\/p>\n<p>In this work you have first to prove that the shells at a thousand<br \/>\nbraccia of elevation were not carried there by the deluge, because<br \/>\nthey are seen to be all at one level, and many mountains are seen to<br \/>\nbe above that level; and to inquire whether the deluge was caused by<br \/>\nrain or by the swelling of the sea; and then you must show how,<br \/>\nneither by rain nor by swelling of the rivers, nor by the overflow<br \/>\nof this sea, could the shells&#8211;being heavy objects&#8211;be floated up<br \/>\nthe mountains by the sea, nor have carried there by the rivers<br \/>\nagainst the course of their waters.<\/p>\n<p>Doubts about the deluge.<\/p>\n<p>986.<\/p>\n<p>A DOUBTFUL POINT.<\/p>\n<p>Here a doubt arises, and that is: whether the deluge, which happened<br \/>\nat the time of Noah, was universal or not. And it would seem not,<br \/>\nfor the reasons now to be given: We have it in the Bible that this<br \/>\ndeluge lasted 40 days and 40 nights of incessant and universal rain,<br \/>\nand that this rain rose to ten cubits above the highest mountains in<br \/>\nthe world. And if it had been that the rain was universal, it would<br \/>\nhave covered our globe which is spherical in form. And this<br \/>\nspherical surface is equally distant in every part, from the centre<br \/>\nof its sphere; hence the sphere of the waters being under the same<br \/>\nconditions, it is impossible that the water upon it should move,<br \/>\nbecause water, in itself, does not move unless it falls; therefore<br \/>\nhow could the waters of such a deluge depart, if it is proved that<br \/>\nit has no motion? and if it departed how could it move unless it<br \/>\nwent upwards? Here, then, natural reasons are wanting; hence to<br \/>\nremove this doubt it is necessary to call in a miracle to aid us, or<br \/>\nelse to say that all this water was evaporated by the heat of the<br \/>\nsun.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The passages, here given from the MS. Leic., have<br \/>\nhitherto remained unknown. Some preliminary notes on the subject are<br \/>\nto be found in MS. F 8oa and 8ob; but as compared with the fuller<br \/>\ntreatment here given, they are, it seems to me, of secondary<br \/>\ninterest. They contain nothing that is not repeated here more<br \/>\nclearly and fully. LIBRI, <em>Histoire des Sciences mathematiques III<\/em>,<br \/>\npages 218&#8211;221, has printed the text of F 80a and 80b, therefore it<br \/>\nseemed desirable to give my reasons for not inserting it in this<br \/>\nwork.]<\/p>\n<p>That marine shells could not go up the mountains.<\/p>\n<p>987.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE DELUGE AND OF MARINE SHELLS.<\/p>\n<p>If you were to say that the shells which are to be seen within the<br \/>\nconfines of Italy now, in our days, far from the sea and at such<br \/>\nheights, had been brought there by the deluge which left them there,<br \/>\nI should answer that if you believe that this deluge rose 7 cubits<br \/>\nabove the highest mountains&#8211; as he who measured it has<br \/>\nwritten&#8211;these shells, which always live near the sea-shore, should<br \/>\nhave been left on the mountains; and not such a little way from the<br \/>\nfoot of the mountains; nor all at one level, nor in layers upon<br \/>\nlayers. And if you were to say that these shells are desirous of<br \/>\nremaining near to the margin of the sea, and that, as it rose in<br \/>\nheight, the shells quitted their first home, and followed the<br \/>\nincrease of the waters up to their highest level; to this I answer,<br \/>\nthat the cockle is an animal of not more rapid movement than the<br \/>\nsnail is out of water, or even somewhat slower; because it does not<br \/>\nswim, on the contrary it makes a furrow in the sand by means of its<br \/>\nsides, and in this furrow it will travel each day from 3 to 4<br \/>\nbraccia; therefore this creature, with so slow a motion, could not<br \/>\nhave travelled from the Adriatic sea as far as Monferrato in<br \/>\nLombardy [Footnote: <em>Monferrato di Lombardia<\/em>. The range of hills of<br \/>\nMonferrato is in Piedmont, and Casale di Monferrato belonged, in<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s time, to the Marchese di Mantova.], which is 250 miles<br \/>\ndistance, in 40 days; which he has said who took account of the<br \/>\ntime. And if you say that the waves carried them there, by their<br \/>\ngravity they could not move, excepting at the bottom. And if you<br \/>\nwill not grant me this, confess at least that they would have to<br \/>\nstay at the summits of the highest mountains, in the lakes which are<br \/>\nenclosed among the mountains, like the lakes of Lario, or of Como<br \/>\nand il Maggiore [Footnote: <em>Lago di Lario.<\/em> Lacus Larius was the<br \/>\nname given by the Romans to the lake of Como. It is evident that it<br \/>\nis here a slip of the pen since the the words in the MS. are: <em>&#8220;Come<br \/>\nLago di Lario o&#8217;l Magare e di Como,&#8221;<\/em> In the MS. after line 16 we<br \/>\ncome upon a digression treating of the weight of water; this has<br \/>\nhere been omitted. It is 11 lines long.] and of Fiesole, and of<br \/>\nPerugia, and others.<\/p>\n<p>And if you should say that the shells were carried by the waves,<br \/>\nbeing empty and dead, I say that where the dead went they were not<br \/>\nfar removed from the living; for in these mountains living ones are<br \/>\nfound, which are recognisable by the shells being in pairs; and they<br \/>\nare in a layer where there are no dead ones; and a little higher up<br \/>\nthey are found, where they were thrown by the waves, all the dead<br \/>\nones with their shells separated, near to where the rivers fell into<br \/>\nthe sea, to a great depth; like the Arno which fell from the<br \/>\nGonfolina near to Monte Lupo [Footnote: <em>Monte Lupo<\/em>, compare 970,<br \/>\n13; it is between Empoli and Florence.], where it left a deposit of<br \/>\ngravel which may still be seen, and which has agglomerated; and of<br \/>\nstones of various districts, natures, and colours and hardness,<br \/>\nmaking one single conglomerate. And a little beyond the sandstone<br \/>\nconglomerate a tufa has been formed, where it turned towards Castel<br \/>\nFlorentino; farther on, the mud was deposited in which the shells<br \/>\nlived, and which rose in layers according to the levels at which the<br \/>\nturbid Arno flowed into that sea. And from time to time the bottom<br \/>\nof the sea was raised, depositing these shells in layers, as may be<br \/>\nseen in the cutting at Colle Gonzoli, laid open by the Arno which is<br \/>\nwearing away the base of it; in which cutting the said layers of<br \/>\nshells are very plainly to be seen in clay of a bluish colour, and<br \/>\nvarious marine objects are found there. And if the earth of our<br \/>\nhemisphere is indeed raised by so much higher than it used to be, it<br \/>\nmust have become by so much lighter by the waters which it lost<br \/>\nthrough the rift between Gibraltar and Ceuta; and all the more the<br \/>\nhigher it rose, because the weight of the waters which were thus<br \/>\nlost would be added to the earth in the other hemisphere. And if the<br \/>\nshells had been carried by the muddy deluge they would have been<br \/>\nmixed up, and separated from each other amidst the mud, and not in<br \/>\nregular steps and layers&#8211; as we see them now in our time.<\/p>\n<p>The marine shells were not produced away from the sea.<\/p>\n<p>988.<\/p>\n<p>As to those who say that shells existed for a long time and were<br \/>\nborn at a distance from the sea, from the nature of the place and of<br \/>\nthe cycles, which can influence a place to produce such<br \/>\ncreatures&#8211;to them it may be answered: such an influence could not<br \/>\nplace the animals all on one line, except those of the same sort and<br \/>\nage; and not the old with the young, nor some with an operculum and<br \/>\nothers without their operculum, nor some broken and others whole,<br \/>\nnor some filled with sea-sand and large and small fragments of other<br \/>\nshells inside the whole shells which remained open; nor the claws of<br \/>\ncrabs without the rest of their bodies; nor the shells of other<br \/>\nspecies stuck on to them like animals which have moved about on<br \/>\nthem; since the traces of their track still remain, on the outside,<br \/>\nafter the manner of worms in the wood which they ate into. Nor would<br \/>\nthere be found among them the bones and teeth of fish which some<br \/>\ncall arrows and others serpents&#8217; tongues, nor would so many<br \/>\n[Footnote: I. Scilla argued against this hypothesis, which was still<br \/>\naccepted in his days; see: <em>La vana Speculazione, Napoli<\/em> 1670.]<br \/>\nportions of various animals be found all together if they had not<br \/>\nbeen thrown on the sea shore. And the deluge cannot have carried<br \/>\nthem there, because things that are heavier than water do not float<br \/>\non the water. But these things could not be at so great a height if<br \/>\nthey had not been carried there by the water, such a thing being<br \/>\nimpossible from their weight. In places where the valleys have not<br \/>\nbeen filled with salt sea water shells are never to be seen; as is<br \/>\nplainly visible in the great valley of the Arno above Gonfolina; a<br \/>\nrock formerly united to Monte Albano, in the form of a very high<br \/>\nbank which kept the river pent up, in such a way that before it<br \/>\ncould flow into the sea, which was afterwards at its foot, it formed<br \/>\ntwo great lakes; of which the first was where we now see the city of<br \/>\nFlorence together with Prato and Pistoia, and Monte Albano. It<br \/>\nfollowed the rest of its bank as far as where Serravalle now stands.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the Val d&#8217;Arno upwards, as far as Arezzo, another lake was<br \/>\n  formed, which discharged its waters into the former lake. It was<br \/>\n  closed at about the spot where now we see Girone, and occupied the<br \/>\n  whole of that valley above for a distance of 40 miles in length.<br \/>\n  This valley received on its bottom all the soil brought down by the<br \/>\n  turbid waters. And this is still to be seen at the foot of Prato<br \/>\n  Magno; it there lies very high where the rivers have not worn it<br \/>\n  away. Across this land are to be seen the deep cuts of the rivers<br \/>\n  that have passed there, falling from the great mountain of Prato<br \/>\n  Magno; in these cuts there are no vestiges of any shells or of<br \/>\n  marine soil. This lake was joined with that of Perugia [Footnote:<br \/>\n  See PI. CXIII.]\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>A great quantity of shells are to be seen where the rivers flow into<br \/>\nthe sea, because on such shores the waters are not so salt owing to<br \/>\nthe admixture of the fresh water, which is poured into it. Evidence<br \/>\nof this is to be seen where, of old, the Appenines poured their<br \/>\nrivers into the Adriatic sea; for there in most places great<br \/>\nquantities of shells are to be found, among the mountains, together<br \/>\nwith bluish marine clay; and all the rocks which are torn off in<br \/>\nsuch places are full of shells. The same may be observed to have<br \/>\nbeen done by the Arno when it fell from the rock of Gonfolina into<br \/>\nthe sea, which was not so very far below; for at that time it was<br \/>\nhigher than the top of San Miniato al Tedesco, since at the highest<br \/>\nsummit of this the shores may be seen full of shells and oysters<br \/>\nwithin its flanks. The shells did not extend towards Val di Nievole,<br \/>\nbecause the fresh waters of the Arno did not extend so far.<\/p>\n<p>That the shells were not carried away from the sea by the deluge,<br \/>\nbecause the waters which came from the earth although they drew the<br \/>\nsea towards the earth, were those which struck its depths; because<br \/>\nthe water which goes down from the earth, has a stronger current<br \/>\nthan that of the sea, and in consequence is more powerful, and it<br \/>\nenters beneath the sea water and stirs the depths and carries with<br \/>\nit all sorts of movable objects which are to be found in the earth,<br \/>\nsuch as the above-mentioned shells and other similar things. And in<br \/>\nproportion as the water which comes from the land is muddier than<br \/>\nsea water it is stronger and heavier than this; therefore I see no<br \/>\nway of getting the said shells so far in land, unless they had been<br \/>\nborn there. If you were to tell me that the river Loire [Footnote:<br \/>\nLeonardo has written Era instead of Loera or Loira&#8211;perhaps under<br \/>\nthe mistaken idea that <em>Lo<\/em> was an article.],which traverses France<br \/>\ncovers when the sea rises more than eighty miles of country, because<br \/>\nit is a district of vast plains, and the sea rises about 20 braccia,<br \/>\nand shells are found in this plain at the distance of 80 miles from<br \/>\nthe sea; here I answer that the flow and ebb in our Mediterranean<br \/>\nSea does not vary so much; for at Genoa it does not rise at all, and<br \/>\nat Venice but little, and very little in Africa; and where it varies<br \/>\nlittle it covers but little of the country.<\/p>\n<p>The course of the water of a river always rises higher in a place<br \/>\nwhere the current is impeded; it behaves as it does where it is<br \/>\nreduced in width to pass under the arches of a bridge.<\/p>\n<p>Further researches (989-991).<\/p>\n<p>989.<\/p>\n<p>A CONFUTATION OF THOSE WHO SAY THAT SHELLS MAY HAVE BEEN CARRIED TO<br \/>\nA DISTANCE OF MANY DAYS&#8217; JOURNEY FROM THE SEA BY THE DELUGE, WHICH<br \/>\nWAS SO HIGH AS TO BE ABOVE THOSE HEIGHTS.<\/p>\n<p>I say that the deluge could not carry objects, native to the sea, up<br \/>\nto the mountains, unless the sea had already increased so as to<br \/>\ncreate inundations as high up as those places; and this increase<br \/>\ncould not have occurred because it would cause a vacuum; and if you<br \/>\nwere to say that the air would rush in there, we have already<br \/>\nconcluded that what is heavy cannot remain above what is light,<br \/>\nwhence of necessity we must conclude that this deluge was caused by<br \/>\nrain water, so that all these waters ran to the sea, and the sea did<br \/>\nnot run up the mountains; and as they ran to the sea, they thrust<br \/>\nthe shells from the shore of the sea and did not draw them to wards<br \/>\nthemselves. And if you were then to say that the sea, raised by the<br \/>\nrain water, had carried these shells to such a height, we have<br \/>\nalready said that things heavier than water cannot rise upon it, but<br \/>\nremain at the bottom of it, and do not move unless by the impact of<br \/>\nthe waves. And if you were to say that the waves had carried them to<br \/>\nsuch high spots, we have proved that the waves in a great depth move<br \/>\nin a contrary direction at the bottom to the motion at the top, and<br \/>\nthis is shown by the turbidity of the sea from the earth washed down<br \/>\nnear its shores. Anything which is lighter than the water moves with<br \/>\nthe waves, and is left on the highest level of the highest margin of<br \/>\nthe waves. Anything which is heavier than the water moves, suspended<br \/>\nin it, between the surface and the bottom; and from these two<br \/>\nconclusions, which will be amply proved in their place, we infer<br \/>\nthat the waves of the surface cannot convey shells, since they are<br \/>\nheavier than water.<\/p>\n<p>If the deluge had to carry shells three hundred and four hundred<br \/>\nmiles from the sea, it would have carried them mixed with various<br \/>\nother natural objects heaped together; and we see at such distances<br \/>\noysters all together, and sea-snails, and cuttlefish, and all the<br \/>\nother shells which congregate together, all to be found together and<br \/>\ndead; and the solitary shells are found wide apart from each other,<br \/>\nas we may see them on sea-shores every day. And if we find oysters<br \/>\nof very large shells joined together and among them very many which<br \/>\nstill have the covering attached, indicating that they were left<br \/>\nhere by the sea, and still living when the strait of Gibraltar was<br \/>\ncut through; there are to be seen, in the mountains of Parma and<br \/>\nPiacenza, a multitude of shells and corals, full of holes, and still<br \/>\nsticking to the rocks there. When I was making the great horse for<br \/>\nMilan, a large sack full was brought to me in my workshop by certain<br \/>\npeasants; these were found in that place and among them were many<br \/>\npreserved in their first freshness.<\/p>\n<p>Under ground, and under the foundations of buildings, timbers are<br \/>\nfound of wrought beams and already black. Such were found in my time<br \/>\nin those diggings at Castel Fiorentino. And these had been in that<br \/>\ndeep place before the sand carried by the Arno into the sea, then<br \/>\ncovering the plain, had heen raised to such a height; and before the<br \/>\nplains of Casentino had been so much lowered, by the earth being<br \/>\nconstantly carried down from them.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: These lines are written in the margin.]<\/p>\n<p>And if you were to say that these shells were created, and were<br \/>\ncontinually being created in such places by the nature of the spot,<br \/>\nand of the heavens which might have some influence there, such an<br \/>\nopinion cannot exist in a brain of much reason; because here are the<br \/>\nyears of their growth, numbered on their shells, and there are large<br \/>\nand small ones to be seen which could not have grown without food,<br \/>\nand could not have fed without motion&#8211;and here they could not move<br \/>\n[Footnote: These lines are written in the margin.]<\/p>\n<p>990.<\/p>\n<p>That in the drifts, among one and another, there are still to be<br \/>\nfound the traces of the worms which crawled upon them when they were<br \/>\nnot yet dry. And all marine clays still contain shells, and the<br \/>\nshells are petrified together with the clay. From their firmness and<br \/>\nunity some persons will have it that these animals were carried up<br \/>\nto places remote from the sea by the deluge. Another sect of<br \/>\nignorant persons declare that Nature or Heaven created them in these<br \/>\nplaces by celestial influences, as if in these places we did not<br \/>\nalso find the bones of fishes which have taken a long time to grow;<br \/>\nand as if, we could not count, in the shells of cockles and snails,<br \/>\nthe years and months of their life, as we do in the horns of bulls<br \/>\nand oxen, and in the branches of plants that have never been cut in<br \/>\nany part. Besides, having proved by these signs the length of their<br \/>\nlives, it is evident, and it must be admitted, that these animals<br \/>\ncould not live without moving to fetch their food; and we find in<br \/>\nthem no instrument for penetrating the earth or the rock where we<br \/>\nfind them enclosed. But how could we find in a large snail shell the<br \/>\nfragments and portions of many other sorts of shells, of various<br \/>\nsorts, if they had not been thrown there, when dead, by the waves of<br \/>\nthe sea like the other light objects which it throws on the earth?<br \/>\nWhy do we find so many fragments and whole shells between layer and<br \/>\nlayer of stone, if this had not formerly been covered on the shore<br \/>\nby a layer of earth thrown up by the sea, and which was afterwards<br \/>\npetrified? And if the deluge before mentioned had carried them to<br \/>\nthese parts of the sea, you might find these shells at the boundary<br \/>\nof one drift but not at the boundary between many drifts. We must<br \/>\nalso account for the winters of the years during which the sea<br \/>\nmultiplied the drifts of sand and mud brought down by the<br \/>\nneighbouring rivers, by washing down the shores; and if you chose to<br \/>\nsay that there were several deluges to produce these rifts and the<br \/>\nshells among them, you would also have to affirm that such a deluge<br \/>\ntook place every year. Again, among the fragments of these shells,<br \/>\nit must be presumed that in those places there were sea coasts,<br \/>\nwhere all the shells were thrown up, broken, and divided, and never<br \/>\nin pairs, since they are found alive in the sea, with two valves,<br \/>\neach serving as a lid to the other; and in the drifts of rivers and<br \/>\non the shores of the sea they are found in fragments. And within the<br \/>\nlimits of the separate strata of rocks they are found, few in number<br \/>\nand in pairs like those which were left by the sea, buried alive in<br \/>\nthe mud, which subsequently dried up and, in time, was petrified.<\/p>\n<p>991.<\/p>\n<p>And if you choose to say that it was the deluge which carried these<br \/>\nshells away from the sea for hundreds of miles, this cannot have<br \/>\nhappened, since that deluge was caused by rain; because rain<br \/>\nnaturally forces the rivers to rush towards the sea with all the<br \/>\nthings they carry with them, and not to bear the dead things of the<br \/>\nsea shores to the mountains. And if you choose to say that the<br \/>\ndeluge afterwards rose with its waters above the mountains, the<br \/>\nmovement of the sea must have been so sluggish in its rise against<br \/>\nthe currents of the rivers, that it could not have carried, floating<br \/>\nupon it, things heavier than itself; and even if it had supported<br \/>\nthem, in its receding it would have left them strewn about, in<br \/>\nvarious spots. But how are we to account for the corals which are<br \/>\nfound every day towards Monte Ferrato in Lombardy, with the holes of<br \/>\nthe worms in them, sticking to rocks left uncovered by the currents<br \/>\nof rivers? These rocks are all covered with stocks and families of<br \/>\noysters, which as we know, never move, but always remain with one of<br \/>\ntheir halves stuck to a rock, and the other they open to feed<br \/>\nthemselves on the animalcules that swim in the water, which, hoping<br \/>\nto find good feeding ground, become the food of these shells. We do<br \/>\nnot find that the sand mixed with seaweed has been petrified,<br \/>\nbecause the weed which was mingled with it has shrunk away, and this<br \/>\nthe Po shows us every day in the debris of its banks.<\/p>\n<p>Other problems (992-994).<\/p>\n<p>992.<\/p>\n<p>Why do we find the bones of great fishes and oysters and corals and<br \/>\nvarious other shells and sea-snails on the high summits of mountains<br \/>\nby the sea, just as we find them in low seas?<\/p>\n<p>993.<\/p>\n<p>You now have to prove that the shells cannot have originated if not<br \/>\nin salt water, almost all being of that sort; and that the shells in<br \/>\nLombardy are at four levels, and thus it is everywhere, having been<br \/>\nmade at various times. And they all occur in valleys that open<br \/>\ntowards the seas.<\/p>\n<p>994.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the two lines of shells we are forced to say that the earth<br \/>\n  indignantly submerged under the sea and so the first layer was made;<br \/>\n  and then the deluge made the second.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>[Footnote: This note is in the early writing of about 1470&#8211;1480. On<br \/>\nthe same sheet are the passages No. 1217 and 1219. Compare also No.<br \/>\n1339. All the foregoing chapters are from Manuscripts of about 1510.<br \/>\nThis explains the want of connection and the contradiction between<br \/>\nthis and the foregoing texts.]<\/p>\n<p>VII.<\/p>\n<p>ON THE ATMOSPHERE.<\/p>\n<p>Constituents of the atmosphere.<\/p>\n<p>995.<\/p>\n<p>That the brightness of the air is occasioned by the water which has<br \/>\ndissolved itself in it into imperceptible molecules. These, being<br \/>\nlighted by the sun from the opposite side, reflect the brightness<br \/>\nwhich is visible in the air; and the azure which is seen in it is<br \/>\ncaused by the darkness that is hidden beyond the air. [Footnote:<br \/>\nCompare Vol. I, No. 300.]<\/p>\n<p>On the motion of air (996&#8211;999).<\/p>\n<p>996.<\/p>\n<p>That the return eddies of wind at the mouth of certain valleys<br \/>\nstrike upon the waters and scoop them out in a great hollow, whirl<br \/>\nthe water into the air in the form of a column, and of the colour of<br \/>\na cloud. And I saw this thing happen on a sand bank in the Arno,<br \/>\nwhere the sand was hollowed out to a greater depth than the stature<br \/>\nof a man; and with it the gravel was whirled round and flung about<br \/>\nfor a great space; it appeared in the air in the form of a great<br \/>\nbell-tower; and the top spread like the branches of a pine tree, and<br \/>\nthen it bent at the contact of the direct wind, which passed over<br \/>\nfrom the mountains.<\/p>\n<p>997.<\/p>\n<p>The element of fire acts upon a wave of air in the same way as the<br \/>\nair does on water, or as water does on a mass of sand &#8211;that is<br \/>\nearth; and their motions are in the same proportions as those of the<br \/>\nmotors acting upon them.<\/p>\n<p>998.<\/p>\n<p>OF MOTION.<\/p>\n<p>I ask whether the true motion of the clouds can be known by the<br \/>\nmotion of their shadows; and in like manner of the motion of the<br \/>\nsun.<\/p>\n<p>999.<\/p>\n<p>To know better the direction of the winds. [Footnote: In connection<br \/>\nwith this text I may here mention a hygrometer, drawn and probably<br \/>\ninvented by Leonardo. A facsimile of this is given in Vol. I, p. 297<br \/>\nwith the note: <em>&#8216;Modi di pesare l&#8217;arie eddi sapere quando s&#8217;a<br \/>\narrompere il tepo&#8217;<\/em> (Mode of weighing the air and of knowing when<br \/>\nthe weather will change); by the sponge <em>&#8220;Spugnea&#8221;<\/em> is written.]<\/p>\n<p>The globe an organism.<\/p>\n<p>1000.<\/p>\n<p>Nothing originates in a spot where there is no sentient, vegetable<br \/>\nand rational life; feathers grow upon birds and are changed every<br \/>\nyear; hairs grow upon animals and are changed every year, excepting<br \/>\nsome parts, like the hairs of the beard in lions, cats and their<br \/>\nlike. The grass grows in the fields, and the leaves on the trees,<br \/>\nand every year they are, in great part, renewed. So that we might<br \/>\nsay that the earth has a spirit of growth; that its flesh is the<br \/>\nsoil, its bones the arrangement and connection of the rocks of which<br \/>\nthe mountains are composed, its cartilage the tufa, and its blood<br \/>\nthe springs of water. The pool of blood which lies round the heart<br \/>\nis the ocean, and its breathing, and the increase and decrease of<br \/>\nthe blood in the pulses, is represented in the earth by the flow and<br \/>\nebb of the sea; and the heat of the spirit of the world is the fire<br \/>\nwhich pervades the earth, and the seat of the vegetative soul is in<br \/>\nthe fires, which in many parts of the earth find vent in baths and<br \/>\nmines of sulphur, and in volcanoes, as at Mount Aetna in Sicily, and<br \/>\nin many other places.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 929.]<\/p>\n<p><em>XVII.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Topographical Notes.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>A large part of the texts published in this section might perhaps<br \/>\nhave found their proper place in connection with the foregoing<br \/>\nchapters on Physical Geography. But these observations on Physical<br \/>\nGeography, of whatever kind they may be, as soon as they are<br \/>\nlocalised acquire a special interest and importance and particularly<br \/>\nas bearing on the question whether Leonardo himself made the<br \/>\nobservations recorded at the places mentioned or merely noted the<br \/>\nstatements from hearsay. In a few instances he himself tells us that<br \/>\nhe writes at second hand. In some cases again, although the style<br \/>\nand expressions used make it seem highly probable that he has<br \/>\nderived his information from others&#8211; though, as it seems to me,<br \/>\nthese cases are not very numerous&#8211;we find, on the other hand, among<br \/>\nthese topographical notes a great number of observations, about<br \/>\nwhich it is extremely difficult to form a decided opinion. Of what<br \/>\nthe Master&#8217;s life and travels may have been throughout his<br \/>\nsixty-seven years of life we know comparatively little; for a long<br \/>\ncourse of time, and particularly from about 1482 to 1486, we do not<br \/>\neven know with certainty that he was living in Italy. Thus, from a<br \/>\nbiographical point of view a very great interest attaches to some of<br \/>\nthe topographical notes, and for this reason it seemed that it would<br \/>\nadd to their value to arrange them in a group by themselves.<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s intimate knowledge with places, some of which were<br \/>\ncertainly remote from his native home, are of importance as<br \/>\ncontributing to decide the still open question as to the extent of<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s travels. We shall find in these notes a confirmation of<br \/>\nthe view, that the MSS. in which the Topographical Notes occur are<br \/>\nin only a very few instances such diaries as may have been in use<br \/>\nduring a journey. These notes are mostly found in the MSS. books of<br \/>\nhis later and quieter years, and it is certainly remarkable that<br \/>\nLeonardo is very reticent as to the authorities from whom he quotes<br \/>\nhis facts and observations: For instance, as to the Straits of<br \/>\nGibraltar, the Nile, the Taurus Mountains and the Tigris and<br \/>\nEuphrates. Is it likely that he, who declared that in all scientific<br \/>\nresearch, his own experience should be the foundation of his<br \/>\nstatements (see XIX Philosophy No. 987&#8211;991,) should here have made<br \/>\nan exception to this rule without mentioning it?<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>As for instance in the discussion as to the equilibrium of the mass<br \/>\nof water in the Mediterranean Sea&#8211;a subject which, it may be<br \/>\nobserved, had at that time attracted the interest and study of<br \/>\nhardly any other observer. The acute remarks, in Nos. 985&#8211;993, on<br \/>\nthe presence of shells at the tops of mountains, suffice to<br \/>\nprove&#8211;as it seems to me&#8211;that it was not in his nature to allow<br \/>\nhimself to be betrayed into wide generalisations, extending beyond<br \/>\nthe limits of his own investigations, even by such brilliant results<br \/>\nof personal study.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Most of these Topographical Notes, though suggesting very careful<br \/>\nand thorough research, do not however, as has been said, afford<br \/>\nnecessarily indisputable evidence that that research was Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nown. But it must be granted that in more than one instance<br \/>\nprobability is in favour of this idea.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Among the passages which treat somewhat fully of the topography of<br \/>\nEastern places by far the most interesting is a description of the<br \/>\nTaurus Mountains; but as this text is written in the style of a<br \/>\nformal report and, in the original, is associated with certain<br \/>\nletters which give us the history of its origin, I have thought it<br \/>\nbest not to sever it from that connection. It will be found under<br \/>\nNo. XXI (Letters).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>That Florence, and its neighbourhood, where Leonardo spent his<br \/>\nearly years, should be nowhere mentioned except in connection with<br \/>\nthe projects for canals, which occupied his attention for some short<br \/>\ntime during the first ten years of the XVIth century, need not<br \/>\nsurprise us. The various passages relating to the construction of<br \/>\ncanals in Tuscany, which are put together at the beginning, are<br \/>\nimmediately followed by those which deal with schemes for canals in<br \/>\nLombardy; and after these come notes on the city and vicinity of<br \/>\nMilan as well as on the lakes of North Italy.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The notes on some towns of Central Italy which Leonardo visited in<br \/>\n1502, when in the service of Cesare Borgia, are reproduced here in<br \/>\nthe same order as in the note book used during these travels (MS.<br \/>\nL., Institut de France). These notes have but little interest in<br \/>\nthemselves excepting as suggesting his itinerary. The maps of the<br \/>\ndistricts drawn by Leonardo at the time are more valuable (see No.<br \/>\n1054 note). The names on these maps are not written from right to<br \/>\nleft, but in the usual manner, and we are permitted to infer that<br \/>\nthey were made in obedience to some command, possibly for the use of<br \/>\nCesare Borgia himself; the fact that they remained nevertheless in<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s hands is not surprising when we remember the sudden<br \/>\npolitical changes and warlike events of the period. There can be no<br \/>\ndoubt that these maps, which are here published for the first time,<br \/>\nare original in the strictest sense of the word, that is to say<br \/>\ndrawn from observations of the places themselves; this is proved by<br \/>\nthe fact&#8211;among others&#8211;that we find among his manuscripts not only<br \/>\nthe finished maps themselves but the rough sketches and studies for<br \/>\nthem. And it would perhaps be difficult to point out among the<br \/>\nabundant contributions to geographical knowledge published during<br \/>\nthe XVIth century, any maps at all approaching these in accuracy and<br \/>\nfinish.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The interesting map of the world, so far as it was then known,<br \/>\nwhich is among the Leonardo MSS. at Windsor (published in the<\/em><br \/>\n&#8216;Archaeologia&#8217; <em>Vol. XI) cannot be attributed to the Master, as the<br \/>\nMarchese Girolamo d&#8217;Adda has sufficiently proved; it has not<br \/>\ntherefore been reproduced here.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Such of Leonardo&#8217;s observations on places in Italy as were made<br \/>\nbefore or after his official travels as military engineer to Cesare<br \/>\nBorgia, have been arranged in alphabetical order, under Nos.<br \/>\n1034-1054. The most interesting are those which relate to the Alps<br \/>\nand the Appenines, Nos. 1057-1068.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Most of the passages in which France is mentioned have hitherto<br \/>\nremained unknown, as well as those which treat of the countries<br \/>\nbordering on the Mediterranean, which come at the end of this<br \/>\nsection. Though these may be regarded as of a more questionable<br \/>\nimportance in their bearing on the biography of the Master than<br \/>\nthose which mention places in France, it must be allowed that they<br \/>\nare interesting as showing the prominent place which the countries<br \/>\nof the East held in his geographical studies. He never once alludes<br \/>\nto the discovery of America.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>ITALY.<\/p>\n<p>Canals in connection with the Arno (1001-1008).<\/p>\n<p>1001.<\/p>\n<p>CANAL OF FLORENCE.<\/p>\n<p>Sluices should be made in the valley of la Chiana at Arezzo, so that<br \/>\nwhen, in the summer, the Arno lacks water, the canal may not remain<br \/>\ndry: and let this canal be 20 braccia wide at the bottom, and at the<br \/>\ntop 30, and 2 braccia deep, or 4, so that two of these braccia may<br \/>\nflow to the mills and the meadows, which will benefit the country;<br \/>\nand Prato, Pistoia and Pisa, as well as Florence, will gain two<br \/>\nhundred thousand ducats a year, and will lend a hand and money to<br \/>\nthis useful work; and the Lucchese the same, for the lake of Sesto<br \/>\nwill be navigable; I shall direct it to Prato and Pistoia, and cut<br \/>\nthrough Serravalle and make an issue into the lake; for there will<br \/>\nbe no need of locks or supports, which are not lasting and so will<br \/>\nalways be giving trouble in working at them and keeping them up.<\/p>\n<p>And know that in digging this canal where it is 4 braccia deep, it<br \/>\nwill cost 4 dinari the square braccio; for twice the depth 6 dinari,<br \/>\nif you are making 4 braccia [Footnote: This passage is illustrated<br \/>\nby a slightly sketched map, on which these places are indicated from<br \/>\nWest to East: Pisa, Luccha, Lago, Seravalle, Pistoja, Prato,<br \/>\nFirenze.] and there are but 2 banks; that is to say one from the<br \/>\nbottom of the trench to the surface of the edges of it, and the<br \/>\nother from these edges to the top of the ridge of earth which will<br \/>\nbe raised on the margin of the bank. And if this bank were of double<br \/>\nthe depth only the first bank will be increased, that is 4 braccia<br \/>\nincreased by half the first cost; that is to say that if at first 4<br \/>\ndinari were paid for 2 banks, for 3 it would come to 6, at 2 dinari<br \/>\nthe bank, if the trench measured 16 braccia at the bottom; again, if<br \/>\nthe trench were 16 braccia wide and 4 deep, coming to 4 lire for the<br \/>\nwork, 4 Milan dinari the square braccio; a trench which was 32<br \/>\nbraccia at the bottom would come to 8 dinari the square braccio.<\/p>\n<p>1002.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the wall of the Arno at [the gate of] la Giustizia to the bank<br \/>\n  of the Arno at Sardigna where the walls are, to the mills, is 7400<br \/>\n  braccia, that is 2 miles and 1400 braccia and beyond the Arno is<br \/>\n  5500 braccia.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>[Footnote: 2. <em>Giustizia<\/em>. By this the Porta della Giustizia seems<br \/>\nto be meant; from the XVth to the XVIth centuries it was also<br \/>\ncommonly known as Porta Guelfa, Porta San Francesco del Renaio,<br \/>\nPorta Nuova, and Porta Reale. It was close to the Arno opposite to<br \/>\nthe Porta San Niccolo, which still exists.]<\/p>\n<p>1003.<\/p>\n<p>By guiding the Arno above and below a treasure will be found in each<br \/>\nacre of ground by whomsoever will.<\/p>\n<p>1004.<\/p>\n<p>The wall of the old houses runs towards the gate of San Nicolo.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: By the side of this text there is an indistinct sketch,<br \/>\nresembling that given under No.973. On the bank is written the word<br \/>\n<em>Casace<\/em>. There then follows in the original a passage of 12 lines<br \/>\nin which the consequences of the windings of the river are<br \/>\ndiscussed. A larger but equally hasty diagram on the same page<br \/>\nrepresents the shores of the Arno inside Florence as in two parallel<br \/>\nlines. Four horizontal lines indicate the bridges. By the side these<br \/>\nmeasures are stated in figures: I. (at the Ponte alla Carraja):<br \/>\n<em>230&#8211;largho br. 12 e 2 di spoda e 14 di pile e a 4 pilastri;<\/em> 2.<br \/>\n(at the Ponte S. Trinita); <em>l88&#8211;largho br. 15 e 2 di spode he 28<br \/>\ndi pilastri for delle spode e pilastri so 2;<\/em> 3. (at the Ponte<br \/>\nvecchio); <em>pote lung br. 152 e largo;<\/em> 4. (at the Ponte alle<br \/>\nGrazie): <em>290 ellargo 12 e 2 di spode e 6 di pili.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There is, in MS. W. L. 2l2b, a sketched plan of Florence, with the<br \/>\nfollowing names of gates:<br \/>\n<em>Nicholo&#8211;Saminiato&#8211;Giorgo&#8211;Ghanolini&#8211;Porta San Fredian<br \/>\n&#8211;Prato&#8211;Faenza&#8211;Ghallo&#8211;Pinti&#8211;Giustitia<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>1005.<\/p>\n<p>The ruined wall is 640 braccia; 130 is the wall remaining with the<br \/>\nmill; 300 braccia were broken in 4 years by Bisarno.<\/p>\n<p>1006.<\/p>\n<p>They do not know why the Arno will never remain in a channel. It is<br \/>\nbecause the rivers which flow into it deposit earth where they<br \/>\nenter, and wear it away on the opposite side, bending the river in<br \/>\nthat direction. The Arno flows for 6 miles between la Caprona and<br \/>\nLeghorn; and for 12 through the marshes, which extend 32 miles, and<br \/>\n16 from La Caprona up the river, which makes 48; by the Arno from<br \/>\nFlorence beyond 16 miles; to Vico 16 miles, and the canal is 5; from<br \/>\nFlorence to Fucechio it is 40 miles by the river Arno.<\/p>\n<p>56 miles by the Arno from Florence to Vico; by the Pistoia canal it<br \/>\nis 44 miles. Thus it is 12 miles shorter by the canal than by the<br \/>\nArno.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This passage is written by the side of a map washed in<br \/>\nIndian ink, of the course of the Arno; it is evidently a sketch for<br \/>\na completer map.<\/p>\n<p>These investigations may possibly be connected with the following<br \/>\ndocuments. <em>Francesco Guiducci alla Balia di Firenze. Dal Campo<br \/>\ncontro Pisa<\/em> 24 <em>Luglio<\/em> 1503 (<em>Archivio di Stato, Firenze, Lettere<br \/>\nalla Balia<\/em>; published by J. GAYE, <em>Carteggio inedito d&#8217;Artisti,<br \/>\nFirenze<\/em> 1840, <em>Tom. II<\/em>, p. 62): <em>Ex Castris, Franciscus<br \/>\nGhuiduccius,<\/em> 24. <em>Jul.<\/em> 1503. <em>Appresso fu qui hieri con una di V.<br \/>\nSignoria Alexandro degli Albizi insieme con Leonardo da Vinci et<br \/>\ncerti altri, et veduto el disegno insieme con el ghovernatore, doppo<br \/>\nmolte discussioni et dubii conclusesi che l&#8217;opera fussi molto al<br \/>\nproposito, o si veramente Arno volgersi qui, o restarvi con un<br \/>\ncanale, che almeno vieterebbe che le colline da nemici non<br \/>\npotrebbono essere offese; come tucto referiranno loro a bocha V. S.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And, <em>Archivio di Stato, Firenze, Libro d&#8217;Entrata e Uscita di cassa<br \/>\nde&#8217; Magnifici Signori di luglio e agosto<\/em><\/p>\n<p>1503 <em>a<\/em> 51 <em>T.: Andata di Leonardo al Campo sotto Pisa. Spese<br \/>\nextraordinarie dieno dare a di XXVI di luglio L. LVI sol. XII per<br \/>\nloro a Giovanni Piffero; e sono per tanti, asegnia avere spexi in<br \/>\nvetture di sei chavalli a spese di vitto per andare chon Lionardo da<br \/>\nVinci a livellare Arno in quello di Pisa per levallo del lilo suo.<\/em><br \/>\n(Published by MILANESI, <em>Archivio Storico Italiano, Serie III, Tom.<br \/>\nXVI.<\/em>} VASARI asserts: <em>(Leonardo) fu il primo ancora, che<br \/>\ngiovanetto discorresse sopra il fiume d&#8217;Arno per metterlo in canale<br \/>\nda Pisa a Fiorenza<\/em> (ed. SANSONI, IV, 20).<\/p>\n<p>The passage above is in some degree illustrated by the map on Pl.<br \/>\nCXII, where the course of the Arno westward from Empoli is shown.]<\/p>\n<p>1007.<\/p>\n<p>The eddy made by the Mensola, when the Arno is low and the Mensola<br \/>\nfull.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Mensola<\/em> is a mountain stream which falls into the Arno<br \/>\nabout a mile and a half above Florence.<\/p>\n<p>A=Arno, I=Isola, M=Mvgone, P=Pesa, N=Mesola.]<\/p>\n<p>1008.<\/p>\n<p>That the river which is to be turned from one place to another must<br \/>\nbe coaxed and not treated roughly or with violence; and to do this a<br \/>\nsort of floodgate should be made in the river, and then lower down<br \/>\none in front of it and in like manner a third, fourth and fifth, so<br \/>\nthat the river may discharge itself into the channel given to it, or<br \/>\nthat by this means it may be diverted from the place it has damaged,<br \/>\nas was done in Flanders&#8211;as I was told by Niccolo di Forsore.<\/p>\n<p>How to protect and repair the banks washed by the water, as below<br \/>\nthe island of Cocomeri.<\/p>\n<p>Ponte Rubaconte (Fig. 1); below [the palaces] Bisticci and Canigiani<br \/>\n(Fig. 2). Above the flood gate of la Giustizia (Fig. 3); <em>a b<\/em> is a<br \/>\nsand bank opposite the end of the island of the Cocomeri in the<br \/>\nmiddle of the Arno (Fig. 4). [Footnote: The course of the river Arno<br \/>\nis also discussed in Nos. 987 and 988.]<\/p>\n<p>Canals in the Milanese (1009-1013).<\/p>\n<p>1009.<\/p>\n<p>The canal of San Cristofano at Milan made May 3rd 1509. [Footnote:<br \/>\nThis observation is written above a washed pen and ink drawing which<br \/>\nhas been published as Tav. VI in the <em>,,Saggio.&#8221;<\/em> The editors of<br \/>\nthat work explain the drawing as <em>&#8220;uno Studio di bocche per<br \/>\nestrazione d&#8217;acqua.&#8221;<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>1010.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE CANAL OF MARTESANA.<\/p>\n<p>By making the canal of Martesana the water of the Adda is greatly<br \/>\ndiminished by its distribution over many districts for the<br \/>\nirrigation of the fields. A remedy for this would be to make several<br \/>\nlittle channels, since the water drunk up by the earth is of no more<br \/>\nuse to any one, nor mischief neither, because it is taken from no<br \/>\none; and by making these channels the water which before was lost<br \/>\nreturns again and is once more serviceable and useful to men.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>&#8220;el navilio di Martagano&#8221;<\/em> is also mentioned in a note<br \/>\nwritten in red chalk, MS. H2 17a Leonardo has, as it seems, little<br \/>\nto do with Lodovico il Moro&#8217;s scheme to render this canal navigable.<br \/>\nThe canal had been made in 1460 by Bertonino da Novara. Il Moro<br \/>\nissued his degree in 1493, but Leonardo&#8217;s notes about this canal<br \/>\nwere, with the exception of one (No. 1343), written about sixteen<br \/>\nyears later.]<\/p>\n<p>1011.<\/p>\n<p>No canal which is fed by a river can be permanent if the river<br \/>\nwhence it originates is not wholly closed up, like the canal of<br \/>\nMartesana which is fed by the Ticino.<\/p>\n<p>1012.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the beginning of the canal to the mill.<\/p>\n<p>  From the beginning of the canal of Brivio to the mill of Travaglia<br \/>\n  is 2794 trabochi, that is 11176 braccia, which is more than 3 miles<br \/>\n  and two thirds; and here the canal is 57 braccia higher than the<br \/>\n  surface of the water of the Adda, giving a fall of two inches in<br \/>\n  every hundred trabochi; and at that spot we propose to take the<br \/>\n  opening of our canal.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>[Footnote: The following are written on the sketches: At the place<br \/>\nmarked <em>N: navilio da dacquiue<\/em> (canal of running water); at <em>M:<br \/>\nmolin del Travaglia<\/em> (Mill of Travaglia); at <em>R: rochetta ssanta<br \/>\nmaria<\/em> (small rock of Santa Maria); at <em>A: Adda;<\/em> at <em>L: Lagho di<br \/>\nLecho ringorgato alli 3 corni in Adda,&#8211;Concha perpetua<\/em> (lake of<br \/>\nLecco overflowing at Tre Corni, in Adda,&#8211; a permanent sluice). Near<br \/>\nthe second sketch, referring to the sluice near <em>Q: qui la chatena<br \/>\nttalie d&#8217;u peso<\/em> (here the chain is in one piece). At <em>M<\/em> in the<br \/>\nlower sketch: <em>mol del travaglia, nel cavare la concha il tereno<br \/>\nara chotrapero co cassa d&#8217;acqua.<\/em> (Mill of Travaglia, in digging<br \/>\nout the sluice the soil will have as a counterpoise a vessel of<br \/>\nwater).]<\/p>\n<p>1013.<\/p>\n<p>If it be not reported there that this is to be a public canal, it<br \/>\nwill be necessary to pay for the land; [Footnote 3: <em>il re<\/em>. Louis<br \/>\nXII or Francis I of France. It is hardly possible to doubt that the<br \/>\ncanals here spoken of were intended to be in the Milanese. Compare<br \/>\nwith this passage the rough copy of a letter by Leonardo, to the<br \/>\n<em>&#8220;Presidente dell&#8217; Ufficio regolatore dell&#8217; acqua&#8221;<\/em> on No. 1350. See<br \/>\nalso the note to No. 745, 1. 12.] and the king will pay it by<br \/>\nremitting the taxes for a year.<\/p>\n<p>Estimates and preparatory studies for canals (1014. 1015).<\/p>\n<p>1014.<\/p>\n<p>CANAL.<\/p>\n<p>The canal which may be 16 braccia wide at the bottom and 20 at the<br \/>\ntop, we may say is on the average 18 braccia wide, and if it is 4<br \/>\nbraccia deep, at 4 dinari the square braccia; it will only cost 900<br \/>\nducats, to excavate by the mile, if the square braccio is calculated<br \/>\nin ordinary braccia; but if the braccia are those used in measuring<br \/>\nland, of which every 4 are equal to 4 1\/2 and if by the mile we<br \/>\nunderstand three thousand ordinary braccia; turned into land<br \/>\nbraccia, these 3000 braccia will lack 1\/4; there remain 2250<br \/>\nbraccia, which at 4 dinari the braccio will amount to 675 ducats a<br \/>\nmile. At 3 dinari the square braccio, the mile will amount to 506<br \/>\n1\/4 ducats so that the excavation of 30 miles of the canal will<br \/>\namount to 15187 1\/2 ducats.<\/p>\n<p>1015.<\/p>\n<p>To make the great canal, first make the smaller one and conduct into<br \/>\nit the waters which by a wheel will help to fill the great one.<\/p>\n<p>Notes on buildings in Milan (1016-1019)<\/p>\n<p>1016.<\/p>\n<p>Indicate the centre of Milan.<\/p>\n<p>Moforte&#8211;porta resa&#8211;porta nova&#8211;strada nova&#8211;navilio&#8211;porta<br \/>\ncumana&#8211;barco&#8211;porta giovia&#8211;porta vercellina&#8211;porta sco<br \/>\nAnbrogio&#8211;porta Tesinese&#8211;torre dell&#8217; Imperatore&#8211; porta<br \/>\nLodovica&#8211;acqua.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CIX. The original sketch is here reduced to about<br \/>\nhalf its size. The gates of the town are here named, beginning at<br \/>\nthe right hand and following the curved line. In the bird&#8217;s eye view<br \/>\nof Milan below, the cathedral is plainly recognisable in the middle;<br \/>\nto the right is the tower of San Gottardo. The square, above the<br \/>\nnumber 9147, is the Lazzaretto, which was begun in 1488. On the left<br \/>\nthe group of buildings of the <em>&#8216;Castello&#8217;<\/em> will be noticed. On the<br \/>\nsketched Plan of Florence (see No. 1004 note) Leonardo has written<br \/>\non the margin the following names of gates of Milan: Vercellina<br \/>\n&#8211;Ticinese&#8211;Ludovica&#8211;Romana&#8211;Orientale&#8211;<br \/>\nNova&#8211;Beatrice&#8211;Cumana&#8211;Compare too No. 1448, 11. 5, 12.]<\/p>\n<p>1017.<\/p>\n<p>The moat of Milan.<\/p>\n<p>Canal 2 braccia wide.<\/p>\n<p>The castle with the moats full.<\/p>\n<p>The filling of the moats of the Castle of Milan.<\/p>\n<p>1018.<\/p>\n<p>THE BATH.<\/p>\n<p>To heat the water for the stove of the Duchess take four parts of<br \/>\ncold water to three parts of hot water.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Duchessa di Milano<\/em>, Beatrice d&#8217;Este, wife of Ludovico<br \/>\nil Moro to whom she was married, in 1491. She died in June 1497.]<\/p>\n<p>1019.<\/p>\n<p>In the Cathedral at the pulley of the nail of the cross.<\/p>\n<p>Item.<\/p>\n<p>To place the mass <em>v r<\/em> in the&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: On this passage AMORETTI remarks <em>(Memorie Storiche<\/em><br \/>\nchap. IX): <em>Nell&#8217;anno stesso lo veggiamo formare un congegno di<br \/>\ncarucole e di corde, con cui trasportare in piu venerabile e piu<br \/>\nsicuro luogo, cioe nell&#8217;ultima arcata della nave di mezzo della<br \/>\nmetropolitana, la sacra reliquia del Santo Chiodo, che ivi ancor si<br \/>\nvenera. Al fol. 15 del codice segnato Q. R. in 16, egli ci ha<br \/>\nlasciata di tal congegno una doppia figura, cioe una di quattro<br \/>\ncarucole, e una di tre colle rispettive corde, soggiugnandovi: in<br \/>\nDomo alla carucola del Chiodo della Croce.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>AMORETTI&#8217;S views as to the mark on the MS, and the date when it was<br \/>\nwritten are, it may be observed, wholly unfounded. The MS. L, in<br \/>\nwhich it occurs, is of the year 1502, and it is very unlikely that<br \/>\nLeonardo was in Milan at that time; this however would not prevent<br \/>\nthe remark, which is somewhat obscure, from applying to the<br \/>\nCathedral at Milan.]<\/p>\n<p>1020.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE FORCE OF THE VACUUM FORMED IN A MOMENT.<\/p>\n<p>I saw, at Milan, a thunderbolt fall on the tower della Credenza on<br \/>\nits Northern side, and it descended with a slow motion down that<br \/>\nside, and then at once parted from that tower and carried with it<br \/>\nand tore away from that wall a space of 3 braccia wide and two deep;<br \/>\nand this wall was 4 braccia thick and was built of thin and small<br \/>\nold bricks; and this was dragged out by the vacuum which the flame<br \/>\nof the thunderbolt had caused, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: With reference to buildings at Milan see also Nos. 751<br \/>\nand 756, and Pl. XCV, No. 2 (explained on p. 52), Pl. C (explained<br \/>\non pages 60-62). See also pages 25, 39 and 40.]<\/p>\n<p>Remarks on natural phenomena in and near Milan (1021. 1022).<\/p>\n<p>1021.<\/p>\n<p>I have already been to see a great variety (of atmospheric effects).<br \/>\nAnd lately over Milan towards Lago Maggiore I saw a cloud in the<br \/>\nform of an immense mountain full of rifts of glowing light, because<br \/>\nthe rays of the sun, which was already close to the horizon and red,<br \/>\ntinged the cloud with its own hue. And this cloud attracted to it<br \/>\nall the little clouds that were near while the large one did not<br \/>\nmove from its place; thus it retained on its summit the reflection<br \/>\nof the sunlight till an hour and a half after sunset, so immensely<br \/>\nlarge was it; and about two hours after sunset such a violent wind<br \/>\narose, that it was really tremendous and unheard of.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>di arie<\/em> is wanting in the original but may safely be<br \/>\ninserted in the context, as the formation of clouds is under<br \/>\ndiscussion before this text.]<\/p>\n<p>1022.<\/p>\n<p>On the 10th day of December at 9 o&#8217;clock a. m. fire was set to the<br \/>\nplace.<\/p>\n<p>On the l8th day of December 1511 at 9 o&#8217;clock a. m. this second fire<br \/>\nwas kindled by the Swiss at Milan at the place called DCXC.<br \/>\n[Footnote: With these two texts, (l. 1&#8211;2 and l. 3&#8211;5 are in the<br \/>\noriginal side by side) there are sketches of smoke wreaths in red<br \/>\nchalk.]<\/p>\n<p>Note on Pavia.<\/p>\n<p>1023.<\/p>\n<p>The chimneys of the castle of Pavia have 6 rows of openings and from<br \/>\neach to the other is one braccio.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Other notes relating to Pavia occur on p. 43 and p. 53<br \/>\n(Pl. XCVIII, No. 3). Compare No. 1448, 26.]<\/p>\n<p>Notes on the Sforzesca near Vigevano (1024-1028).<\/p>\n<p>1024.<\/p>\n<p>On the 2nd day of February 1494. At Sforzesca I drew twenty five<br \/>\nsteps, 2\/3 braccia to each, and 8 braccia wide.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CX, No. 2. The rest of the notes on this page<br \/>\nrefer to the motion of water. On the lower sketch we read: 4 <em>br.<\/em><br \/>\n(four braccia) and <em>giara<\/em> (for <em>ghiaja<\/em>, sand, gravel).]<\/p>\n<p>1025.<\/p>\n<p>The vineyards of Vigevano on the 20th day of March 1494.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: On one side there is an effaced sketch in red chalk.]<\/p>\n<p>1026.<\/p>\n<p>To lock up a butteris at Vigevano.<\/p>\n<p>1027.<\/p>\n<p>Again if the lowest part of the bank which lies across the current<br \/>\nof the waters is made in deep and wide steps, after the manner of<br \/>\nstairs, the waters which, in their course usually fall<br \/>\nperpendicularly from the top of such a place to the bottom, and wear<br \/>\naway the foundations of this bank can no longer descend with a blow<br \/>\nof too great a force; and I find the example of this in the stairs<br \/>\ndown which the water falls in the fields at Sforzesca at Vigevano<br \/>\nover which the running water falls for a height of 50 braccia.<\/p>\n<p>1028.<\/p>\n<p>Stair of Vigevano below La Sforzesca, 130 steps, 1\/4 braccio high<br \/>\nand 1\/2 braccio wide, down which the water falls, so as not to wear<br \/>\naway anything at the end of its fall; by these steps so much soil<br \/>\nhas come down that it has dried up a pool; that is to say it has<br \/>\nfilled it up and a pool of great depth has been turned into meadows.<\/p>\n<p>Notes on the North Italian lake. (1029-1033)<\/p>\n<p>1029.<\/p>\n<p>In many places there are streams of water which swell for six hours<br \/>\nand ebb for six hours; and I, for my part, have seen one above the<br \/>\nlake of Como called Fonte Pliniana, which increases and ebbs, as I<br \/>\nhave said, in such a way as to turn the stones of two mills; and<br \/>\nwhen it fails it falls so low that it is like looking at water in a<br \/>\ndeep pit.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The fountain is known by this name to this day: it is<br \/>\nnear Torno, on the Eastern shore of Como. The waters still rise and<br \/>\nfall with the flow and ebb of the tide as Pliny described it (Epist.<br \/>\nIV, 30; Hist. Nat. II, 206).]<\/p>\n<p>1030.<\/p>\n<p>LAKE OF COMO. VALLEY OF CHIAVENNA.<\/p>\n<p>Above the lake of Como towards Germany is the valley of Chiavenna<br \/>\nwhere the river Mera flows into this lake. Here are barren and very<br \/>\nhigh mountains, with huge rocks. Among these mountains are to be<br \/>\nfound the water-birds called gulls. Here grow fir trees, larches and<br \/>\npines. Deer, wildgoats, chamois, and terrible bears. It is<br \/>\nimpossible to climb them without using hands and feet. The peasants<br \/>\ngo there at the time of the snows with great snares to make the<br \/>\nbears fall down these rocks. These mountains which very closely<br \/>\napproach each other are parted by the river. They are to the right<br \/>\nand left for the distance of 20 miles throughout of the same nature.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From mile to mile there are good inns. Above on the said river there<br \/>\n  are waterfalls of 400 braccia in height, which are fine to see; and<br \/>\n  there is good living at 4 soldi the reckoning. This river brings<br \/>\n  down a great deal of timber.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>VAL SASINA.<\/p>\n<p>Val Sasina runs down towards Italy; this is almost the same form and<br \/>\ncharacter. There grow here many <em>mappello<\/em> and there are great ruins<br \/>\nand falls of water [Footnote 14: The meaning of <em>mappello<\/em> is<br \/>\nunknown.].<\/p>\n<p>VALLEY OF INTROZZO.<\/p>\n<p>This valley produces a great quantity of firs, pines and larches;<br \/>\nand from here Ambrogio Fereri has his timber brought down; at the<br \/>\nhead of the Valtellina are the mountains of Bormio, terrible and<br \/>\nalways covered with snow; marmots (?) are found there.<\/p>\n<p>BELLAGGIO.<\/p>\n<p>Opposite the castle Bellaggio there is the river Latte, which falls<br \/>\nfrom a height of more than 100 braccia from the source whence it<br \/>\nsprings, perpendicularly, into the lake with an inconceivable roar<br \/>\nand noise. This spring flows only in August and September.<\/p>\n<p>VALTELLINA.<\/p>\n<p>Valtellina, as it is called, is a valley enclosed in high and<br \/>\nterrible mountains; it produces much strong wine, and there is so<br \/>\nmuch cattle that the natives conclude that more milk than wine grows<br \/>\nthere. This is the valley through which the Adda passes, which first<br \/>\nruns more than 40 miles through Germany; this river breeds the fish<br \/>\n<em>temolo<\/em> which live on silver, of which much is to be found in its<br \/>\nsands. In this country every one can sell bread and wine, and the<br \/>\nwine is worth at most one soldo the bottle and a pound of veal one<br \/>\nsoldo, and salt ten dinari and butter the same and their pound is 30<br \/>\nounces, and eggs are one soldo the lot.<\/p>\n<p>1031.<\/p>\n<p>At BORMIO.<\/p>\n<p>At Bormio are the baths;&#8211;About eight miles above Como is the<br \/>\nPliniana, which increases and ebbs every six hours, and its swell<br \/>\nsupplies water for two mills; and its ebbing makes the spring dry<br \/>\nup; two miles higher up there is Nesso, a place where a river falls<br \/>\nwith great violence into a vast rift in the mountain. These<br \/>\nexcursions are to be made in the month of May. And the largest bare<br \/>\nrocks that are to be found in this part of the country are the<br \/>\nmountains of Mandello near to those of Lecco, and of Gravidona<br \/>\ntowards Bellinzona, 30 miles from Lecco, and those of the valley of<br \/>\nChiavenna; but the greatest of all is that of Mandello, which has at<br \/>\nits base an opening towards the lake, which goes down 200 steps, and<br \/>\nthere at all times is ice and wind.<\/p>\n<p>IN VAL SASINA.<\/p>\n<p>In Val Sasina, between Vimognio and Introbbio, to the right hand,<br \/>\ngoing in by the road to Lecco, is the river Troggia which falls from<br \/>\na very high rock, and as it falls it goes underground and the river<br \/>\nends there. 3 miles farther we find the buildings of the mines of<br \/>\ncopper and silver near a place called Pra&#8217; Santo Pietro, and mines<br \/>\nof iron and curious things. La Grigna is the highest mountain there<br \/>\nis in this part, and it is quite bare.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 1030 and 1031. From the character of the handwriting we<br \/>\nmay conclude that these observations were made in Leonardo&#8217;s youth;<br \/>\nand I should infer from their contents, that they were notes made in<br \/>\nanticipation of a visit to the places here described, and derived<br \/>\nfrom some person (unknown to us) who had given him an account of<br \/>\nthem.]<\/p>\n<p>1032.<\/p>\n<p>The lake of Pusiano flows into the lake of Segrino [Footnote 3: The<br \/>\nstatement about the lake Segrino is incorrect; it is situated in the<br \/>\nValle Assina, above the lake of Pusiano.] and of Annone and of Sala.<br \/>\nThe lake of Annone is 22 braccia higher at the surface of its water<br \/>\nthan the surface of the water of the lake of Lecco, and the lake of<br \/>\nPusiano is 20 braccia higher than the lake of Annone, which added to<br \/>\nthe afore said 22 braccia make 42 braccia and this is the greatest<br \/>\nheight of the surface of the lake of Pusiano above the surface of<br \/>\nthe lake of Lecco.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text has in the original a slight sketch to<br \/>\nillustrate it.]<\/p>\n<p>1033.<\/p>\n<p>At Santa Maria in the Valley of Ravagnate [Footnote 2: <em>Ravagnate<\/em><br \/>\n(Leonardo writes <em>Ravagna<\/em>) in the Brianza is between Oggiono and<br \/>\nBrivio, South of the lake of Como. M. Ravaisson avails himself of<br \/>\nthis note to prove his hypothesis that Leonardo paid two visits to<br \/>\nFrance. See Gazette des Beaux Arts, 1881 pag. 528:<\/p>\n<p>_Au recto du meme feuillet, on lit encore une note relative a une<br \/>\nvallee &#8220;nemonti brigatia&#8221;; il me semble qu&#8217;il s&#8217;agit bien des monts<br \/>\nde Briancon, le Brigantio des anciens. Briancon est sur la route de<br \/>\nLyon en Italie. Ce fut par le mont Viso que passerent, en aout 1515,<br \/>\nles troupes francaises qui allaient remporter la victoire de<br \/>\nMarignan.<\/p>\n<p>Leonard de Vinci, ingenieur de Francois Ier, comme il l&#8217;avait ete de<br \/>\nLouis XII, aurait-il ete pour quelque chose dans le plan du celebre<br \/>\npassage des Alpes, qui eut lieu en aout 1515, et a la suite duquel<br \/>\non le vit accompagner partout le chevaleresque vainqueur? Auraitil<br \/>\nete appele par le jeune roi, de Rome ou l&#8217;artiste etait alors, des<br \/>\nson avenement au trone?_] in the mountains of Brianza are the rods<br \/>\nof chestnuts of 9 braccia and one out of an average of 100 will be<br \/>\n14 braccia.<\/p>\n<p>At Varallo di Ponbia near to Sesto on the Ticino the quinces are<br \/>\nwhite, large and hard.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 5: Varallo di Ponbia, about ten miles South of Arona is<br \/>\ndistinct from Varallo the chief town in the Val di Sesia.]<\/p>\n<p>Notes on places in Central Italy, visited in 1502 (1034-1054).<\/p>\n<p>1034.<\/p>\n<p>Pigeon-house at Urbino, the 30th day of July 1502. [Footnote: An<br \/>\nindistinct sketch is introduced with this text, in the original, in<br \/>\nwhich the word <em>Scolatoro<\/em> (conduit) is written.]<\/p>\n<p>1035.<\/p>\n<p>Made by the sea at Piombino. [Footnote: Below the sketch there are<br \/>\neleven lines of text referring to the motion of waves.]<\/p>\n<p>1036.<\/p>\n<p>Acquapendente is near Orvieto. [Footnote: <em>Acquapendente<\/em> is about<br \/>\n10 miles West of Orvieto, and is to the right in the map on Pl.<br \/>\nCXIII, near the lake of Bolsena.]<\/p>\n<p>1037.<\/p>\n<p>The rock of Cesena. [Footnote: See Pl. XCIV No. 1, the lower sketch.<br \/>\nThe explanation of the upper sketch is given on p. 29.]<\/p>\n<p>1038.<\/p>\n<p>Siena, <em>a b<\/em> 4 braccia, <em>a c<\/em> 10 braccia. Steps at [the castle of]<br \/>\nUrbino. [Footnote: See Pl. CX No. 3; compare also No. 765.]<\/p>\n<p>1039.<\/p>\n<p>The bell of Siena, that is the manner of its movement, and the place<br \/>\nof the attachment of the clapper. [Footnote: The text is accompanied<br \/>\nby an indistinct sketch.]<\/p>\n<p>1040.<\/p>\n<p>On St. Mary&#8217;s day in the middle of August, at Cesena, 1502.<br \/>\n[Footnote: See Pl. CX, No. 4.]<\/p>\n<p>1041.<\/p>\n<p>Stairs of the [palace of the] Count of Urbino,&#8211;rough. [Footnote:<br \/>\nThe text is accompanied by a slight sketch.]<\/p>\n<p>1042.<\/p>\n<p>At the fair of San Lorenzo at Cesena. 1502.<\/p>\n<p>1043.<\/p>\n<p>Windows at Cesena. [Footnote: There are four more lines of text<br \/>\nwhich refer to a slightly sketched diagram.]<\/p>\n<p>1044.<\/p>\n<p>At Porto Cesenatico, on the 6th of September 1502 at 9 o&#8217;clock a. m.<\/p>\n<p>The way in which bastions ought to project beyond the walls of the<br \/>\ntowers to defend the outer talus; so that they may not be taken by<br \/>\nartillery.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: An indistinct sketch, accompanies this passage.]<\/p>\n<p>1045.<\/p>\n<p>The rock of the harbour of Cesena is four points towards the South<br \/>\nWest from Cesena.<\/p>\n<p>1046.<\/p>\n<p>In Romagna, the realm of all stupidity, vehicles with four wheels<br \/>\nare used, of which O the two in front are small and two high ones<br \/>\nare behind; an arrangement which is very unfavourable to the motion,<br \/>\nbecause on the fore wheels more weight is laid than on those behind,<br \/>\nas I showed in the first of the 5th on &#8220;Elements&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>1047.<\/p>\n<p>Thus grapes are carried at Cesena. The number of the diggers of the<br \/>\nditches is [arranged] pyramidically. [Footnote: A sketch,<br \/>\nrepresenting a hook to which two bunches of grapes are hanging,<br \/>\nrefers to these first two lines. Cesena is mentioned again Fol. 82a:<br \/>\n<em>Carro da Cesena<\/em> (a cart from Cesena).]<\/p>\n<p>1048.<\/p>\n<p>There might be a harmony of the different falls of water as you saw<br \/>\nthem at the fountain of Rimini on the 8th day of August, 1502.<\/p>\n<p>1049.<\/p>\n<p>The fortress at Urbino. [Footnote: 1049. In the original the text is<br \/>\nwritten inside the sketch in the place here marked <em>n<\/em>.]<\/p>\n<p>1050.<\/p>\n<p>Imola, as regards Bologna, is five points from the West, towards the<br \/>\nNorth West, at a distance of 20 miles.<\/p>\n<p>Castel San Piero is seen from Imola at four points from the West<br \/>\ntowards the North West, at a distance of 7 miles.<\/p>\n<p>Faenza stands with regard to Imola between East and South East at a<br \/>\ndistance of ten miles. Forli stands with regard to Faenza between<br \/>\nSouth East and East at a distance of 20 miles from Imola and ten<br \/>\nfrom Faenza.<\/p>\n<p>Forlimpopoli lies in the same direction at 25 miles from Imola.<\/p>\n<p>Bertinoro, as regards Imola, is five points from the East to wards<br \/>\nthe South East, at 27 miles.<\/p>\n<p>1051.<\/p>\n<p>Imola as regards Bologna is five points from the West towards the<br \/>\nNorth West at a distance of 20 miles.<\/p>\n<p>Castel San Pietro lies exactly North West of Imola, at a distance of<br \/>\n7 miles.<\/p>\n<p>Faenza, as regards Imola lies exactly half way between the East and<br \/>\nSouth East at a distance of 10 miles; and Forli lies in the same<br \/>\ndirection from Imola at a distance of 20 miles; and Forlimpopolo<br \/>\nlies in the same direction from Forli at a distance of 25 miles.<\/p>\n<p>Bertinoro is seen from Imola two points from the East towards the<br \/>\nSouth East at a distance of 27 miles.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Leonardo inserted this passage on the margin of the<br \/>\ncircular plan, in water colour, of Imola&#8211;see Pl. CXI No. 1.&#8211;In the<br \/>\noriginal the fields surrounding the town are light green; the moat,<br \/>\nwhich surrounds the fortifications and the windings of the river<br \/>\nSanterno, are light blue. The parts, which have come out blackish<br \/>\nclose to the river are yellow ochre in the original. The dark groups<br \/>\nof houses inside the town are red. At the four points of the compass<br \/>\ndrawn in the middle of the town Leonardo has written (from right to<br \/>\nleft): <em>Mezzodi<\/em> (South) at the top; to the left <em>Scirocho<\/em> (South<br \/>\neast), <em>levante<\/em> (East), <em>Greco<\/em> (North East), <em>Septantrione<\/em><br \/>\n(North), <em>Maesstro<\/em> (North West), <em>ponente<\/em> (West) <em>Libecco<\/em> (South<br \/>\nWest). The arch in which the plan is drawn is, in the original, 42<br \/>\ncentimetres across.<\/p>\n<p>At the beginning of October 1502 Cesare Borgia was shut up in Imola<br \/>\nby a sudden revolt of the Condottieri, and it was some weeks before<br \/>\nhe could release himself from this state of siege (see Gregorovius,<br \/>\n<em>Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter<\/em>, Vol. VII, Book XIII, 5,<br \/>\n5).<\/p>\n<p>Besides this incident Imola plays no important part in the history<br \/>\nof the time. I therefore think myself fully justified in connecting<br \/>\nthis map, which is at Windsor, with the siege of 1502 and with<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s engagements in the service of Cesare Borgia, because a<br \/>\ncomparison of these texts, Nos. 1050 and 1051, raise, I believe, the<br \/>\nhypothesis to a certainty.]<\/p>\n<p>1052.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From Bonconventi to Casa Nova are 10 miles, from Casa Nova to Chiusi<br \/>\n  9 miles, from Chiusi to Perugia, from, Perugia to Santa Maria degli<br \/>\n  Angeli, and then to Fuligno. [Footnote: Most of the places here<br \/>\n  described lie within the district shown in the maps on Pl. CXIII.]\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>1053.<\/p>\n<p>On the first of August 1502, the library at Pesaro.<\/p>\n<p>1054.<\/p>\n<p>OF PAINTING.<\/p>\n<p>On the tops and sides of hills foreshorten the shape of the ground<br \/>\nand its divisions, but give its proper shape to what is turned<br \/>\ntowards you. [Footnote: This passage evidently refers to the making<br \/>\nof maps, such as Pl. CXII, CXIII, and CXIV. There is no mention of<br \/>\nsuch works, it is true, excepting in this one passage of MS. L. But<br \/>\nthis can scarcely be taken as evidence against my view that Leonardo<br \/>\nbusied himself very extensively at that time in the construction of<br \/>\nmaps; and all the less since the foregoing chapters clearly prove<br \/>\nthat at a time so full of events Leonardo would only now and then<br \/>\ncommit his observations to paper, in the MS. L.<\/p>\n<p>By the side of this text we find, in the original, a very indistinct<br \/>\nsketch, perhaps a plan of a position. Instead of this drawing I have<br \/>\nhere inserted a much clearer sketch of a position from the same MS.,<br \/>\nL. 82b and 83a. They are the only drawings of landscape, it may be<br \/>\nnoted, which occur at all in that MS.]<\/p>\n<p>Alessandria in Piedmont (1055. 1056).<\/p>\n<p>1055.<\/p>\n<p>At Candia in Lombardy, near Alessandria della Paglia, in making a<br \/>\nwell for Messer Gualtieri [Footnote 2: Messer Gualtieri, the same<br \/>\nprobably as is mentioned in Nos. 672 and 1344.] of Candia, the<br \/>\nskeleton of a very large boat was found about 10 braccia<br \/>\nunderground; and as the timber was black and fine, it seemed good to<br \/>\nthe said Messer Gualtieri to have the mouth of the well lengthened<br \/>\nin such a way as that the ends of the boat should be uncovered.<\/p>\n<p>1056.<\/p>\n<p>At Alessandria della Paglia in Lombardy there are no stones for<br \/>\nmaking lime of, but such as are mixed up with an infinite variety of<br \/>\nthings native to the sea, which is now more than 200 miles away.<\/p>\n<p>The Alps (1057-1062).<\/p>\n<p>1057.<\/p>\n<p>At Monbracco, above Saluzzo,&#8211;a mile above the Certosa, at the foot<br \/>\nof Monte Viso, there is a quarry of flakey stone, which is as white<br \/>\nas Carrara marble, without a spot, and as hard as porphyry or even<br \/>\nharder; of which my worthy gossip, Master Benedetto the sculptor,<br \/>\nhas promised to give me a small slab, for the colours, the second<br \/>\nday of January 1511.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Saluzzo at the foot of the Alps South of Turin.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 9. 10.: <em>Maestro Benedetto scultore<\/em>; probably some native<br \/>\nof Northern Italy acquainted with the place here described. Hardly<br \/>\nthe Florentine sculptor Benedetto da Majano. Amoretti had published<br \/>\nthis passage, and M. Ravaisson who gave a French translation of it<br \/>\nin the <em>Gazette des Beaux Arts<\/em> (1881, pag. 528), remarks as<br \/>\nfollows: <em>Le maitre sculpteur que Leonard appelle son &#8220;compare&#8221; ne<br \/>\nserait-il pas Benedetto da Majano, un de ceux qui jugerent avec lui<br \/>\nde la place a donner au David de Michel-Ange, et de qui le Louvre a<br \/>\nacquis recemment un buste d&#8217;apres Philippe Strozzi?<\/em> To this it may<br \/>\nbe objected that Benedetto da Majano had already lain in his grave<br \/>\nfourteen years, in the year 1511, when he is supposed to have given<br \/>\nthe promise to Leonardo. The colours may have been given to the<br \/>\nsculptor Benedetto and the stone may have been in payment for them.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the description of the stone here given we may conclude that it<br \/>\n  is repeated from hearsay of the sculptor&#8217;s account of it. I do not<br \/>\n  understand how, from this observation, it is possible to conclude<br \/>\n  that Leonardo was on the spot.]\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>1058.<\/p>\n<p>That there are springs which suddenly break forth in earthquakes or<br \/>\nother convulsions and suddenly fail; and this happened in a mountain<br \/>\nin Savoy where certain forests sank in and left a very deep gap, and<br \/>\nabout four miles from here the earth opened itself like a gulf in<br \/>\nthe mountain, and threw out a sudden and immense flood of water<br \/>\nwhich scoured the whole of a little valley of the tilled soil,<br \/>\nvineyards and houses, and did the greatest mischief, wherever it<br \/>\noverflowed.<\/p>\n<p>1059.<\/p>\n<p>The river Arve, a quarter of a mile from Geneva in Savoy, where the<br \/>\nfair is held on midsummerday in the village of Saint Gervais.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: An indistinct sketch is to be seen by the text.]<\/p>\n<p>1060.<\/p>\n<p>And this may be seen, as I saw it, by any one going up Monbroso<br \/>\n[Footnote: I have vainly enquired of every available authority for a<br \/>\nsolution of the mystery as to what mountain is intended by the name<br \/>\nMonboso (Comp. Vol. I Nos. 300 and 301). It seems most obvious to<br \/>\nrefer it to Monte Rosa. ROSA derived from the Keltic ROS which<br \/>\nsurvives in Breton and in Gaelic, meaning, in its first sense, a<br \/>\nmountain spur, but which also&#8211;like HORN&#8211;means a very high peak;<br \/>\nthus Monte Rosa would mean literally the High Peak.], a peak of the<br \/>\nAlps which divide France from Italy. The base of this mountain gives<br \/>\nbirth to the 4 rivers which flow in four different directions<br \/>\nthrough the whole of Europe. And no mountain has its base at so<br \/>\ngreat a height as this, which lifts itself above almost all the<br \/>\nclouds; and snow seldom falls there, but only hail in the summer,<br \/>\nwhen the clouds are highest. And this hail lies [unmelted] there, so<br \/>\nthat if it were not for the absorption of the rising and falling<br \/>\nclouds, which does not happen more than twice in an age, an enormous<br \/>\nmass of ice would be piled up there by the layers of hail, and in<br \/>\nthe middle of July I found it very considerable; and I saw the sky<br \/>\nabove me quite dark, and the sun as it fell on the mountain was far<br \/>\nbrighter here than in the plains below, because a smaller extent of<br \/>\natmosphere lay between the summit of the mountain and the sun.<br \/>\n[Footnote 6: <em>in una eta.<\/em> This is perhaps a slip of the pen on<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s part and should be read <em>estate<\/em> (summer).]<\/p>\n<p>Leic. 9b]<\/p>\n<p>1061.<\/p>\n<p>In the mountains of Verona the red marble is found all mixed with<br \/>\ncockle shells turned into stone; some of them have been filled at<br \/>\nthe mouth with the cement which is the substance of the stone; and<br \/>\nin some parts they have remained separate from the mass of the rock<br \/>\nwhich enclosed them, because the outer covering of the shell had<br \/>\ninterposed and had not allowed them to unite with it; while in other<br \/>\nplaces this cement had petrified those which were old and almost<br \/>\nstripped the outer skin.<\/p>\n<p>1062.<\/p>\n<p>Bridge of Goertz-Wilbach (?).<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: There is a slight sketch with this text, Leonardo seems<br \/>\nto have intended to suggest, with a few pen-strokes, the course of<br \/>\nthe Isonzo and of the Wipbach in the vicinity of Gorizia (Goerz). He<br \/>\nhimself says in another place that he had been in Friuli (see No.<br \/>\n1077 1. 19).]<\/p>\n<p>The Appenins (1063-1068).<\/p>\n<p>1063.<\/p>\n<p>That part of the earth which was lightest remained farthest from the<br \/>\ncentre of the world; and that part of the earth became the lightest<br \/>\nover which the greatest quantity of water flowed. And therefore that<br \/>\npart became lightest where the greatest number of rivers flow; like<br \/>\nthe Alps which divide Germany and France from Italy; whence issue<br \/>\nthe Rhone flowing Southwards, and the Rhine to the North. The Danube<br \/>\nor Tanoia towards the North East, and the Po to the East, with<br \/>\ninnumerable rivers which join them, and which always run turbid with<br \/>\nthe soil carried by them to the sea.<\/p>\n<p>The shores of the sea are constantly moving towards the middle of<br \/>\nthe sea and displace it from its original position. The lowest<br \/>\nportion of the Mediterranean will be reserved for the bed and<br \/>\ncurrent of the Nile, the largest river that flows into that sea. And<br \/>\nwith it are grouped all its tributaries, which at first fell into<br \/>\nthe sea; as may be seen with the Po and its tributaries, which first<br \/>\nfell into that sea, which between the Appenines and the German Alps<br \/>\nwas united to the Adriatic sea.<\/p>\n<p>That the Gallic Alps are the highest part of Europe.<\/p>\n<p>1064.<\/p>\n<p>And of these I found some in the rocks of the high Appenines and<br \/>\nmostly at the rock of La Vernia. [Footnote 6: <em>Sasso della Vernia.<\/em><br \/>\nThe frowning rock between the sources of the Arno and the Tiber, as<br \/>\nDante describes this mountain, which is 1269 metres in height.<\/p>\n<p>This note is written by the side of that given as No. 1020; but<br \/>\ntheir connection does not make it clear what Leonardo&#8217;s purpose was<br \/>\nin writing it.]<\/p>\n<p>1065.<\/p>\n<p>At Parma, at &#8216;La Campana&#8217; on the twenty-fifth of October 1514.<br \/>\n[Footnote 2: <em>Capano<\/em>, an Inn.]<\/p>\n<p>A note on the petrifactions, or fossils near Parma will be found<br \/>\nunder No. 989.]<\/p>\n<p>1066.<\/p>\n<p>A method for drying the marsh of Piombino. [Footnote: There is a<br \/>\nslight sketch with this text in the original.&#8211;Piombino is also<br \/>\nmentioned in Nos. 609, l. 55-58 (compare Pl. XXXV, 3, below). Also<br \/>\nin No. 1035.]<\/p>\n<p>1067.<\/p>\n<p>The shepherds in the Romagna at the foot of the Apennines make<br \/>\npeculiar large cavities in the mountains in the form of a horn, and<br \/>\non one side they fasten a horn. This little horn becomes one and the<br \/>\nsame with the said cavity and thus they produce by blowing into it a<br \/>\nvery loud noise. [Footnote: As to the Romagna see also No. 1046.]<\/p>\n<p>1068.<\/p>\n<p>A spring may be seen to rise in Sicily which at certain times of the<br \/>\nyear throws out chesnut leaves in quantities; but in Sicily chesnuts<br \/>\ndo not grow, hence it is evident that that spring must issue from<br \/>\nsome abyss in Italy and then flow beneath the sea to break forth in<br \/>\nSicily. [Footnote: The chesnut tree is very common in Sicily. In<br \/>\nwriting <em>cicilia<\/em> Leonardo meant perhaps Cilicia.]<\/p>\n<p>II.<\/p>\n<p>FRANCE.<\/p>\n<p>1069.<\/p>\n<p>GERMANY.                     FRANCE.<\/p>\n<p>a. Austria,                 a. Picardy.<br \/>\nb. Saxony.                  b. Normandy.<br \/>\nc. Nuremberg.               c. Dauphine.<br \/>\nd. Flanders.<\/p>\n<pre><code>           SPAIN.\n\n        a. Biscay.\n        b. Castille.\n        c. Galicia.\n        d. Portugal.\n        e. Taragona.\n        f. Granada.\n<\/code><\/pre>\n<p>[Footnote: Two slightly sketched maps, one of Europe the other of<br \/>\nSpain, are at the side of these notes.]<\/p>\n<p>1070.<\/p>\n<p>Perpignan. Roanne. Lyons. Paris. Ghent. Bruges. Holland.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Roana<\/em> does not seem to mean here Rouen in Normandy, but<br \/>\nis probably Roanne (Rodumna) on the upper Loire, Lyonnais (Dep. du<br \/>\nLoire). This town is now unimportant, but in Leonardo&#8217;s time was<br \/>\nstill a place of some consequence.]<\/p>\n<p>1071.<\/p>\n<p>At Bordeaux in Gascony the sea rises about 40 braccia before its<br \/>\nebb, and the river there is filled with salt water for more than a<br \/>\nhundred and fifty miles; and the vessels which are repaired there<br \/>\nrest high and dry on a high hill above the sea at low tide.<br \/>\n[Footnote 2: This is obviously an exaggeration founded on inaccurate<br \/>\ninformation. Half of 150 miles would be nearer the mark.]<\/p>\n<p>1072.<\/p>\n<p>The Rhone issues from the lake of Geneva and flows first to the West<br \/>\nand then to the South, with a course of 400 miles and pours its<br \/>\nwaters into the Mediterranean.<\/p>\n<p>1073.<\/p>\n<p><em>c d<\/em> is the garden at Blois; <em>a b<\/em> is the conduit of Blois, made in<br \/>\nFrance by Fra Giocondo, <em>b c<\/em> is what is wanting in the height of<br \/>\nthat conduit, <em>c d<\/em> is the height of the garden at Blois, <em>e f<\/em> is<br \/>\nthe siphon of the conduit, <em>b c<\/em>, <em>e f<\/em>, <em>f g<\/em> is where the siphon<br \/>\ndischarges into the river. [Footnote: The tenor of this note (see<br \/>\nlines 2 and 3) seems to me to indicate that this passage was not<br \/>\nwritten in France, but was written from oral information. We have no<br \/>\nevidence as to when this note may have been written beyond the<br \/>\ncircumstance that Fra Giocondo the Veronese Architect left France<br \/>\nnot before the year 1505. The greater part of the magnificent<br \/>\nChateau of Blois has now disappeared. Whether this note was made for<br \/>\na special purpose is uncertain. The original form and extent of the<br \/>\nChateau is shown in Androvet, <em>Les plus excellents Bastiments de<br \/>\nFrance, Paris MDCVII,<\/em> and it may be observed that there is in the<br \/>\nmiddle of the garden a Pavilion somewhat similar to that shown on<br \/>\nPl. LXXXVIII No. 7.<\/p>\n<p>See S. DE LA SAUSSAYE, <em>Histoire du Chateau de Blois 4eme edition<br \/>\nBlois et Paris<\/em> p. 175: <em>En mariant sa fille ainee a Francois, comte<br \/>\nd&#8217;Angouleme, Louis XII lui avait constitue en dot les comtes de<br \/>\nBlois, d&#8217;Asti, de Coucy, de Montfort, d&#8217;Etampes et de Vertus. Une<br \/>\nordonnance de Francois I. lui laissa en<\/em> 1516 _l&#8217;administration du<br \/>\ncomte de Blois.<\/p>\n<p>Le roi fit commencer, dans la meme annee, les travaux de celle belle<br \/>\npartie du chateau, connue sous le nom d&#8217;aile de Francois I, et dont<br \/>\nnous avons donne la description au commencement de ce livre. Nous<br \/>\ntrouvons en effet, dans les archives du Baron de Foursanvault, une<br \/>\npiece qui en fixe parfaitement la date. On y lit: &#8220;Je, Baymon<br \/>\nPhilippeaux, commis par le Roy a tenir le compte et fair le payement<br \/>\ndes bastiments, ediffices et reparacions que le dit seigneur fait<br \/>\nfaire en son chastu de Blois, confesse avoir eu et receu &#8230; la<br \/>\nsomme de trois mille livres tournois &#8230; le cinquieme jour de<br \/>\njuillet, l&#8217;an mil cinq cent et seize._ P. 24: <em>Les jardins avaient<br \/>\nete decores avec beaucoup de luxe par les differents possesseurs du<br \/>\nchateau. Il ne reste de tous les batiments qu&#8217;ils y eleverent que<br \/>\nceux des officiers charges de l&#8217;ad_ministration et de la culture des<br \/>\njardins, et un pavilion carre en pierre et en brique flanque de<br \/>\nterrasses a chacun de ses angles. Quoique defigure par des mesures<br \/>\nelevees sur les terrasses, cet edifice est tris-digne d&#8217;interet par<br \/>\nl&#8217;originalite du plan, la decoration architecturale et le souvenir<br \/>\nd&#8217;Anne de Bretagne qui le fit construire.<\/em> Felibien describes the<br \/>\ngarden as follows: _Le jardin haut etait fort bien dresse par grands<br \/>\ncompartimens de toutes sortes de figures, avec des allees de<br \/>\nmeuriers blancs et des palissades de coudriers. Deux grands berceaux<br \/>\nde charpenterie separoient toute la longueur et la largeur du<br \/>\njardin, et dans les quatres angles des allees, ou ces berceaux se<br \/>\ncroissent, il y auoit 4 cabinets, de mesme charpenterie &#8230; Il y a<br \/>\npas longtemps qu&#8217;il y auoit dans ce mesme jardin, a l&#8217;endroit ou se<br \/>\ncroissent les allees du milieu, un edifice de figure octogone, de<br \/>\nplus de 7 thoises de diametre et de plus de neuf thoises de haut;<br \/>\navec 4 enfoncements en forme de niches dans les 4 angles des allies.<br \/>\nCe bastiment&#8230;. esloit de charpente mais d&#8217;un extraordinairement<br \/>\nbien travaille. On y voyait particulierement la cordiliere qui<br \/>\nregnati tout autour en forme de cordon. Car la Reyne affectait de la<br \/>\nmettre nonseulement a ses armes et a ses chiffres mais de la faire<br \/>\nrepresenter en divers manieres dans tous les ouvrages qu&#8217;on lui<br \/>\nfaisait pour elle &#8230; le bastiment estati couvert en forme de dome<br \/>\nqui dans son milieu avait encore un plus petit dome, ou lanterne<br \/>\nvitree au-dessus de laquelle estait une figure doree representant<br \/>\nSaint Michel. Les deux domes estoient proprement couvert d&#8217;ardoise<br \/>\net de plomb dore par dehors; par dedans ils esloient lambrissez<br \/>\nd&#8217;une menuiserie tres delicate. Au milieu de ce Salon il y avait un<br \/>\ngrand bassin octogone de marbre blanc, dont toutes les faces<br \/>\nestoient enrichies de differentes sculptures, avec les armes et les<br \/>\nchiffres du Roy Louis XII et de la Reine Anne, Dans ce bassin il y<br \/>\nen avait un autre pose sur un piedestal lequel auoit sept piedz de<br \/>\ndiametre. Il estait de figure ronde a godrons, avec des masques et<br \/>\nd&#8217;autres ornements tres scauamment taillez. Du milieu de ce<br \/>\ndeuxiesme bassin s&#8217;y levoit un autre petit piedestal qui portait un<br \/>\ntroisiesme bassin de trois pieds de diametre, aussy parfaitement<br \/>\nbien taille; c&#8217;estoit de ce dernier bassin que jallissoit l&#8217;eau qui<br \/>\nse rependoit en suitte dans les deux autres bassins. Les beaux<br \/>\nouvrages faits d&#8217;un marbre esgalement blanc et poli, furent brisez<br \/>\npar la pesanteur de tout l&#8217;edifice, que les injures de l&#8217;air<br \/>\nrenverserent de fond en comble.]<\/p>\n<p>1074.<\/p>\n<p>The river Loire at Amboise.<\/p>\n<p>The river is higher within the bank <em>b d<\/em> than outside that bank.<\/p>\n<p>The island where there is a part of Amboise.<\/p>\n<p>This is the river that passes through Amboise; it passes at <em>a b c<br \/>\nd<\/em>, and when it has passed the bridge it turns back, against the<br \/>\noriginal current, by the channel <em>d e<\/em>, <em>b f<\/em> in contact with the<br \/>\nbank which lies between the two contrary currents of the said river,<br \/>\n<em>a b<\/em>, <em>c d<\/em>, and <em>d e<\/em>, <em>b f<\/em>. It then turns down again by the<br \/>\nchannel <em>f l<\/em>, <em>g h<\/em>, <em>n m<\/em>, and reunites with the river from which<br \/>\nit was at first separated, which passes by <em>k n<\/em>, which makes <em>k m<\/em>,<br \/>\n<em>r t<\/em>. But when the river is very full it flows all in one channel<br \/>\npassing over the bank <em>b d<\/em>. [Footnote: See Pl. CXV. Lines 1-7 are<br \/>\nabove, lines 8-10 in the middle of the large island and the word<br \/>\n<em>Isola<\/em> is written above <em>d<\/em> in the smaller island; <em>a<\/em> is written<br \/>\non the margin on the bank of the river above 1. I; in the<br \/>\nreproduction it is not visible. As may be seen from the last<br \/>\nsentence, the observation was made after long study of the river&#8217;s<br \/>\ncourse, when Leonardo had resided for some time at, or near,<br \/>\nAmboise.]<\/p>\n<p>1075.<\/p>\n<p>The water may be dammed up above the level of Romorantin to such a<br \/>\nheight, that in its fall it may be used for numerous mills.<\/p>\n<p>1075.<\/p>\n<p>The river at Villefranche may be conducted to Romorantin which may<br \/>\nbe done by the inhabitants; and the timber of which their houses are<br \/>\nbuilt may be carried in boats to Romorantin [Footnote: Compare No.<br \/>\n744.]. The river may be dammed up at such a height that the waters<br \/>\nmay be brought back to Romorantin with a convenient fall.<\/p>\n<p>1076.<\/p>\n<p>As to whether it is better that the water should all be raised in a<br \/>\nsingle turn or in two?<\/p>\n<p>The answer is that in one single turn the wheel could not support<br \/>\nall the water that it can raise in two turns, because at the half<br \/>\nturn of the wheel it would be raising 100 pounds and no more; and if<br \/>\nit had to raise the whole, 200 pounds in one turn, it could not<br \/>\nraise them unless the wheel were of double the diameter and if the<br \/>\ndiameter were doubled, the time of its revolution would be doubled;<br \/>\ntherefore it is better and a greater advantage in expense to make<br \/>\nsuch a wheel of half the size (?) the land which it would water and<br \/>\nwould render the country fertile to supply food to the inhabitants,<br \/>\nand would make navigable canals for mercantile purposes.<\/p>\n<p>The way in which the river in its flow should scour its own channel.<\/p>\n<p>By the ninth of the third; the more rapid it is, the more it wears<br \/>\naway its channel; and, by the converse proposition, the slower the<br \/>\nwater the more it deposits that which renders it turbid.<\/p>\n<p>And let the sluice be movable like the one I arranged in Friuli<br \/>\n[Footnote 19: This passage reveals to us the fact that Leonardo had<br \/>\nvisited the country of Friuli and that he had stayed there for some<br \/>\ntime. Nothing whatever was known of this previously.], where when<br \/>\none sluice was opened the water which passed through it dug out the<br \/>\nbottom. Therefore when the rivers are flooded, the sluices of the<br \/>\nmills ought to be opened in order that the whole course of the river<br \/>\nmay pass through falls to each mill; there should be many in order<br \/>\nto give a greater impetus, and so all the river will be scoured. And<br \/>\nbelow the site of each of the two mills there may be one of the said<br \/>\nsluice falls; one of them may be placed below each mill.<\/p>\n<p>1078.<\/p>\n<p>A trabocco is four braccia, and one mile is three thousand of the<br \/>\nsaid braccia. Each braccio is divided into 12 inches; and the water<br \/>\nin the canals has a fall in every hundred trabocchi of two of these<br \/>\ninches; therefore 14 inches of fall are necessary in two thousand<br \/>\neight hundred braccia of flow in these canals; it follows that 15<br \/>\ninches of fall give the required momentum to the currents of the<br \/>\nwaters in the said canals, that is one braccio and a half in the<br \/>\nmile. And from this it may be concluded that the water taken from<br \/>\nthe river of Ville-franche and lent to the river of Romorantin<br \/>\nwill&#8230;.. Where one river by reason of its low level cannot flow<br \/>\ninto the other, it will be necessary to dam it up, so that it may<br \/>\nacquire a fall into the other, which was previously the higher.<\/p>\n<p>The eve of Saint Antony I returned from Romorantin to Amboise, and<br \/>\nthe King went away two days before from Romorantin.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From Romorantin as far as the bridge at Saudre it is called the<br \/>\n  Saudre, and from that bridge as far as Tours it is called the Cher.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>I would test the level of that channel which is to lead from the<br \/>\nLoire to Romorantin, with a channel one braccio wide and one braccio<br \/>\ndeep.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Lines 6-18 are partly reproduced in the facsimile on p.<br \/>\n254, and the whole of lines 19-25.<\/p>\n<p>The following names are written along the rivers on the larger<br \/>\nsketch, <em>era f<\/em> (the Loire) <em>scier f<\/em> (the Cher) three times. <em>Pote<br \/>\nSodro<\/em> (bridge of the Soudre). <em>Villa francha<\/em> (Villefranche)<br \/>\n<em>banco<\/em> (sandbank) <em>Sodro<\/em> (Soudre). The circle below shows the<br \/>\nposition of Romorantin. The words &#8216;<em>orologio del sole<\/em>&#8216; written<br \/>\nbelow do not belong to the map of the rivers. The following names<br \/>\nare written by the side of the smaller sketch-map:&#8211;<em>tors<\/em> (Tours),<br \/>\n<em>Abosa<\/em> (Amboise) <em>bres<\/em>&#8211;for Bles (Blois) <em>mo rica<\/em> (Montrichard).<br \/>\n<em>Lione<\/em> (Lyons). This map was also published in the &#8216;Saggio&#8217;<br \/>\n(Milano, 1872) Pl. XXII, and the editors remark: <em>Forse la linia<br \/>\nretta che va da Amboise a Romorantin segna l&#8217;andamento proposto d&#8217;un<br \/>\nCanale, che poi rembra prolungarsi in giu fin dove sta scritto<br \/>\nLione.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>M. Ravaisson has enlarged on this idea in the Gazette des Beaux Arts<br \/>\n(1881 p. 530): <em>Les traces de Leonard permettent d&#8217;entrevoir que le<br \/>\ncanal commencant soit aupres de Tours, soit aupres de Blois et<br \/>\npassant par Romorantin, avec port d&#8217;embarquement a Villefranche,<br \/>\ndevait, au dela de Bourges, traverser l&#8217;Allier au-dessous des<br \/>\naffluents de la Dore et de la Sioule, aller par Moulins jusqu&#8217; a<br \/>\nDigoin; enfin, sur l&#8217;autre rive de la Loire, depasser les monts du<br \/>\nCharolais et rejoindre la Saone aupres de Macon.<\/em> It seems to me<br \/>\nrash, however, to found so elaborate an hypothesis on these sketches<br \/>\nof rivers. The slight stroke going to <em>Lione<\/em> is perhaps only an<br \/>\nindication of the direction.&#8211;With regard to the Loire compare also<br \/>\nNo. 988. l. 38.]<\/p>\n<p>1079.<\/p>\n<p>THE ROAD TO ORLEANS<\/p>\n<p>At 1\/4 from the South to the South East. At 1\/3 from the South to<br \/>\nthe South East. At 1\/4 from the South to the South East. At 1\/5 from<br \/>\nthe South to the South East. Between the South West and South, to<br \/>\nthe East bearing to the South; from the South towards the East 1\/8;<br \/>\nthence to the West, between the South and South West; at the South.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The meaning is obscure; a more important passage<br \/>\nreferring to France is to be found under No. 744]<\/p>\n<p>On the Germans (1080. 1081).<\/p>\n<p>1080.<\/p>\n<p>The way in which the Germans closing up together cross and<br \/>\ninterweave their broad leather shields against the enemy, stooping<br \/>\ndown and putting one of the ends on the ground while they hold the<br \/>\nrest in their hand. [Footnote: Above the text is a sketch of a few<br \/>\nlines crossing each other and the words <em>de ponderibus<\/em>. The meaning<br \/>\nof the passage is obscure.]<\/p>\n<p>1081.<\/p>\n<p>The Germans are wont to annoy a garrison with the smoke of feathers,<br \/>\nsulphur and realgar, and they make this smoke last 7 or 8 hours.<br \/>\nLikewise the husks of wheat make a great and lasting smoke; and also<br \/>\ndry dung; but this must be mixed with olive husks, that is olives<br \/>\npressed for oil and from which the oil has been extracted.<br \/>\n[Footnote: There is with this passage a sketch of a round tower<br \/>\nshrouded in smoke.]<\/p>\n<p>The Danube.<\/p>\n<p>1082.<\/p>\n<p>That the valleys were formerly in great part covered by lakes the<br \/>\nsoil of which always forms the banks of rivers,&#8211;and by seas, which<br \/>\nafterwards, by the persistent wearing of the rivers, cut through the<br \/>\nmountains and the wandering courses of the rivers carried away the<br \/>\nother plains enclosed by the mountains; and the cutting away of the<br \/>\nmountains is evident from the strata in the rocks, which correspond<br \/>\nin their sections as made by the courses of the rivers [Footnote 4:<br \/>\n<em>Emus<\/em>, the Balkan; <em>Dardania<\/em>, now Servia.], The Haemus mountains<br \/>\nwhich go along Thrace and Dardania and join the Sardonius mountains<br \/>\nwhich, going on to the westward change their name from Sardus to<br \/>\nRebi, as they come near Dalmatia; then turning to the West cross<br \/>\nIllyria, now called Sclavonia, changing the name of Rebi to Albanus,<br \/>\nand going on still to the West, they change to Mount Ocra in the<br \/>\nNorth; and to the South above Istria they are named Caruancas; and<br \/>\nto the West above Italy they join the Adula, where the Danube rises<br \/>\n[8], which stretches to the East and has a course of 1500 miles; its<br \/>\nshortest line is about l000 miles, and the same or about the same is<br \/>\nthat branch of the Adula mountains changed as to their name, as<br \/>\nbefore mentioned. To the North are the Carpathians, closing in the<br \/>\nbreadth of the valley of the Danube, which, as I have said extends<br \/>\neastward, a length of about 1000 miles, and is sometimes 200 and in<br \/>\nsome places 300 miles wide; and in the midst flows the Danube, the<br \/>\nprincipal river of Europe as to size. The said Danube runs through<br \/>\nthe middle of Austria and Albania and northwards through Bavaria,<br \/>\nPoland, Hungary, Wallachia and Bosnia and then the Danube or Donau<br \/>\nflows into the Black Sea, which formerly extended almost to Austria<br \/>\nand occupied the plains through which the Danube now courses; and<br \/>\nthe evidence of this is in the oysters and cockle shells and<br \/>\nscollops and bones of great fishes which are still to be found in<br \/>\nmany places on the sides of those mountains; and this sea was formed<br \/>\nby the filling up of the spurs of the Adula mountains which then<br \/>\nextended to the East joining the spurs of the Taurus which extend to<br \/>\nthe West. And near Bithynia the waters of this Black Sea poured into<br \/>\nthe Propontis [Marmora] falling into the Aegean Sea, that is the<br \/>\nMediterranean, where, after a long course, the spurs of the Adula<br \/>\nmountains became separated from those of the Taurus. The Black Sea<br \/>\nsank lower and laid bare the valley of the Danube with the above<br \/>\nnamed countries, and the whole of Asia Minor beyond the Taurus range<br \/>\nto the North, and the plains from mount Caucasus to the Black Sea to<br \/>\nthe West, and the plains of the Don this side&#8211;that is to say, at<br \/>\nthe foot of the Ural mountains. And thus the Black Sea must have<br \/>\nsunk about 1000 braccia to uncover such vast plains.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 8: <em>Danubio<\/em>, in the original <em>Reno<\/em>; evidently a mistake<br \/>\nas we may infer from <em>come dissi<\/em> l. 10 &amp;c.]<\/p>\n<p>III.<\/p>\n<p>THE COUNTRIES OF THE WESTERN END OF THE MEDITERRANEAN.<\/p>\n<p>The straits of Gibraltar (1083-1085).<\/p>\n<p>1083.<\/p>\n<p>WHY THE SEA MAKES A STRONGER CURRENT IN THE STRAITS OF SPAIN THAN<br \/>\nELSEWHERE.<\/p>\n<p>A river of equal depth runs with greater speed in a narrow space<br \/>\nthan in a wide one, in proportion to the difference between the<br \/>\nwider and the narrower one.<\/p>\n<p>This proposition is clearly proved by reason confirmed by<br \/>\nexperiment. Supposing that through a channel one mile wide there<br \/>\nflows one mile in length of water; where the river is five miles<br \/>\nwide each of the 5 square miles will require 1\/5 of itself to be<br \/>\nequal to the square mile of water required in the sea, and where the<br \/>\nriver is 3 miles wide each of these square miles will require the<br \/>\nthird of its volume to make up the amount of the square mile of the<br \/>\nnarrow part; as is demonstrated in <em>f g h<\/em> at the mile marked <em>n<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the place marked A in the diagram <em>Mare Mediterano<\/em><br \/>\n(Mediterranean Sea) is written in the original. And at B, <em>stretto<br \/>\ndi Spugna<\/em> (straits of Spain, <em>i.e.<\/em> Gibraltar). Compare No. 960.]<\/p>\n<p>1084.<\/p>\n<p>WHY THE CURRENT OF GIBRALTAR IS ALWAYS GREATER TO THE WEST THAN TO<br \/>\nTHE EAST.<\/p>\n<p>The reason is that if you put together the mouths of the rivers<br \/>\nwhich discharge into the Mediterranean sea, you would find the sum<br \/>\nof water to be larger than that which this sea pours through the<br \/>\nstraits into the ocean. You see Africa discharging its rivers that<br \/>\nrun northwards into this sea, and among them the Nile which runs<br \/>\nthrough 3000 miles of Africa; there is also the Bagrada river and<br \/>\nthe Schelif and others. [Footnote 5: <em>Bagrada<\/em> (Leonardo writes<br \/>\nBragada) in Tunis, now Medscherda; <em>Mavretano<\/em>, now Schelif.]<br \/>\nLikewise Europe pours into it the Don and the Danube, the Po, the<br \/>\nRhone, the Arno, and the Tiber, so that evidently these rivers, with<br \/>\nan infinite number of others of less fame, make its great breadth<br \/>\nand depth and current; and the sea is not wider than 18 miles at the<br \/>\nmost westerly point of land where it divides Europe from Africa.<\/p>\n<p>1085.<\/p>\n<p>The gulf of the Mediterranean, as an inland sea, received the<br \/>\nprincipal waters of Africa, Asia and Europe that flowed towards it;<br \/>\nand its waters came up to the foot of the mountains that surrounded<br \/>\nit and made its shores. And the summits of the Apennines stood up<br \/>\nout of this sea like islands, surrounded by salt water. Africa<br \/>\nagain, behind its Atlas mountains did not expose uncovered to the<br \/>\nsky the surface of its vast plains about 3000 miles in length, and<br \/>\nMemphis [Footnote 6: <em>Mefi.<\/em> Leonardo can only mean here the citadel<br \/>\nof Cairo on the Mokattam hills.] was on the shores of this sea, and<br \/>\nabove the plains of Italy, where now birds fly in flocks, fish were<br \/>\nwont to wander in large shoals.<\/p>\n<p>1086.<\/p>\n<p>Tunis.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest ebb made anywhere by the Mediterranean is above Tunis,<br \/>\nbeing about two and a half braccia and at Venice it falls two<br \/>\nbraccia. In all the rest of the Mediterranean sea the fall is little<br \/>\nor none.<\/p>\n<p>1087.<\/p>\n<p>Libya.<\/p>\n<p>Describe the mountains of shifting deserts; that is to say the<br \/>\nformation of waves of sand borne by the wind, and of its mountains<br \/>\nand hills, such as occur in Libya. Examples may be seen on the wide<br \/>\nsands of the Po and the Ticino, and other large rivers.<\/p>\n<p>1088.<\/p>\n<p>Majorca.<\/p>\n<p>Circumfulgore is a naval machine. It was an invention of the men of<br \/>\nMajorca. [Footnote: The machine is fully described in the MS. and<br \/>\nshown in a sketch.]<\/p>\n<p>1089.<\/p>\n<p>The Tyrrhene Sea.<\/p>\n<p>Some at the Tyrrhene sea employ this method; that is to say they<br \/>\nfastened an anchor to one end of the yard, and to the other a cord,<br \/>\nof which the lower end was fastened to an anchor; and in battle they<br \/>\nflung this anchor on to the oars of the opponent&#8217;s boat and by the<br \/>\nuse of a capstan drew it to the side; and threw soft soap and tow,<br \/>\ndaubed with pitch and set ablaze, on to that side where the anchor<br \/>\nhung; so that in order to escape that fire, the defenders of that<br \/>\nship had to fly to the opposite side; and in doing this they aided<br \/>\nto the attack, because the galley was more easily drawn to the side<br \/>\nby reason of the counterpoise. [Footnote: This text is illustrated<br \/>\nin the original by a pen and ink sketch.]<\/p>\n<p>IV.<\/p>\n<p>THE LEVANT.<\/p>\n<p>The Levantine Sea.<\/p>\n<p>1090.<\/p>\n<p>On the shores of the Mediterranean 300 rivers flow, and 40, 200<br \/>\nports. And this sea is 3000 miles long. Many times has the increase<br \/>\nof its waters, heaped up by their backward flow and the blowing of<br \/>\nthe West winds, caused the overflow of the Nile and of the rivers<br \/>\nwhich flow out through the Black Sea, and have so much raised the<br \/>\nseas that they have spread with vast floods over many countries. And<br \/>\nthese floods take place at the time when the sun melts the snows on<br \/>\nthe high mountains of Ethiopia that rise up into the cold regions of<br \/>\nthe air; and in the same way the approach of the sun acts on the<br \/>\nmountains of Sarmatia in Asia and on those in Europe; so that the<br \/>\ngathering together of these three things are, and always have been,<br \/>\nthe cause of tremendous floods: that is, the return flow of the sea<br \/>\nwith the West wind and the melting of the snows. So every river will<br \/>\noverflow in Syria, in Samaria, in Judea between Sinai and the<br \/>\nLebanon, and in the rest of Syria between the Lebanon and the Taurus<br \/>\nmountains, and in Cilicia, in the Armenian mountains, and in<br \/>\nPamphilia and in Lycia within the hills, and in Egypt as far as the<br \/>\nAtlas mountains. The gulf of Persia which was formerly a vast lake<br \/>\nof the Tigris and discharged into the Indian Sea, has now worn away<br \/>\nthe mountains which formed its banks and laid them even with the<br \/>\nlevel of the Indian ocean. And if the Mediterranean had continued<br \/>\nits flow through the gulf of Arabia, it would have done the same,<br \/>\nthat is to say, would have reduced the level of the Mediterranean to<br \/>\nthat of the Indian Sea.<\/p>\n<p>The Red Sea. (1091. 1092).<\/p>\n<p>1091.<\/p>\n<p>For a long time the water of the Mediterranean flowed out through<br \/>\nthe Red Sea, which is 100 miles wide and 1500 long, and full of<br \/>\nreefs; and it has worn away the sides of Mount Sinai, a fact which<br \/>\ntestifies, not to an inundation from the Indian sea beating on these<br \/>\ncoasts, but to a deluge of water which carried with it all the<br \/>\nrivers which abound round the Mediterranean, and besides this there<br \/>\nis the reflux of the sea; and then, a cutting being made to the West<br \/>\n3000 miles away from this place, Gibraltar was separated from Ceuta,<br \/>\nwhich had been joined to it. And this passage was cut very low down,<br \/>\nin the plains between Gibraltar and the ocean at the foot of the<br \/>\nmountain, in the low part, aided by the hollowing out of some<br \/>\nvalleys made by certain rivers, which might have flowed here.<br \/>\nHercules [Footnote 9: Leonardo seems here to mention Hercules half<br \/>\njestingly and only in order to suggest to the reader an allusion to<br \/>\nthe legend of the pillars of Hercules.] came to open the sea to the<br \/>\nwestward and then the sea waters began to pour into the Western<br \/>\nOcean; and in consequence of this great fall, the Red Sea remained<br \/>\nthe higher; whence the water, abandoning its course here, ever after<br \/>\npoured away through the Straits of Spain.<\/p>\n<p>1092.<\/p>\n<p>The surface of the Red Sea is on a level with the ocean.<\/p>\n<p>A mountain may have fallen and closed the mouth of the Red Sea and<br \/>\nprevented the outlet of the Mediterranean, and the Mediterranean Sea<br \/>\nthus overfilled had for outlet the passage below the mountains of<br \/>\nGades; for, in our own times a similar thing has been seen [Footnote<br \/>\n6: Compare also No. 1336, ll. 30, 35 and 36.&#8211; Paolo Giovio, the<br \/>\ncelebrated historian (born at Como in 1483) reports that in 1513 at<br \/>\nthe foot of the Alps, above Bellinzona, on the road to Switzerland,<br \/>\na mountain fell with a very great noise, in consequence of an<br \/>\nearthquake, and that the mass of rocks, which fell on the left<br \/>\n(Western) side blocked the river Breno (T. I p. 218 and 345 of D.<br \/>\nSauvage&#8217;s French edition, quoted in ALEXIS PERCY, <em>Memoire des<br \/>\ntremblements de terre de la peninsule italique; Academie Royale de<br \/>\nBelgique.<\/em> T. XXII).&#8211;]; a mountain fell seven miles across a valley<br \/>\nand closed it up and made a lake. And thus most lakes have been made<br \/>\nby mountains, as the lake of Garda, the lakes of Como and Lugano,<br \/>\nand the Lago Maggiore. The Mediterranean fell but little on the<br \/>\nconfines of Syria, in consequence of the Gaditanean passage, but a<br \/>\ngreat deal in this passage, because before this cutting was made the<br \/>\nMediterranean sea flowed to the South East, and then the fall had to<br \/>\nbe made by its run through the Straits of Gades.<\/p>\n<p>At <em>a<\/em> the water of the Mediterranean fell into the ocean.<\/p>\n<p>All the plains which lie between the sea and mountains were formerly<br \/>\ncovered with salt water.<\/p>\n<p>Every valley has been made by its own river; and the proportion<br \/>\nbetween valleys is the same as that between river and river.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest river in our world is the Mediterranean river, which<br \/>\nmoves from the sources of the Nile to the Western ocean.<\/p>\n<p>And its greatest height is in Outer Mauritania and it has a course<br \/>\nof ten thousand miles before it reunites with its ocean, the father<br \/>\nof the waters.<\/p>\n<p>That is 3000 miles for the Mediterranean, 3000 for the Nile, as far<br \/>\nas discovered and 3000 for the Nile which flows to the East, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CXI 2, a sketch of the shores of the<br \/>\nMediterranean Sea, where lines 11 to 16 may be seen. The large<br \/>\nfigures 158 are not in Leonardo&#8217;s writing. The character of the<br \/>\nwriting leads us to conclude that this text was written later than<br \/>\nthe foregoing. A slight sketch of the Mediterranean is also to be<br \/>\nfound in MS. I&#8217;, 47a.]<\/p>\n<p>The Nile (1093-1098).<\/p>\n<p>1093.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore we must conclude those mountains to be of the greatest<br \/>\nheight, above which the clouds falling in snow give rise to the<br \/>\nNile.<\/p>\n<p>1094.<\/p>\n<p>The Egyptians, the Ethiopians, and the Arabs, in crossing the Nile<br \/>\nwith camels, are accustomed to attach two bags on the sides of the<br \/>\ncamel&#8217;s bodies that is skins in the form shown underneath.<\/p>\n<p>In these four meshes of the net the camels for baggage place their<br \/>\nfeet.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Unfortunately both the sketches which accompany this<br \/>\npassage are too much effaced to be reproduced. The upper represents<br \/>\nthe two sacks joined by ropes, as here described, the other shows<br \/>\nfour camels with riders swimming through a river.]<\/p>\n<p>1095.<\/p>\n<p>The Tigris passes through Asia Minor and brings with it the water of<br \/>\nthree lakes, one after the other of various elevations; the first<br \/>\nbeing Munace and the middle Pallas and the lowest Triton. And the<br \/>\nNile again springs from three very high lakes in Ethiopia, and runs<br \/>\nnorthwards towards the sea of Egypt with a course of 4000 miles, and<br \/>\nby the shortest and straightest line it is 3000 miles. It is said<br \/>\nthat it issues from the Mountains of the Moon, and has various<br \/>\nunknown sources. The said lakes are about 4000 braccia above the<br \/>\nsurface of the sphere of water, that is 1 mile and 1\/3, giving to<br \/>\nthe Nile a fall of 1 braccia in every mile.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 5: <em>Incogniti principio.<\/em> The affluents of the lakes are<br \/>\nprobably here intended. Compare, as to the Nile, Nos. 970, 1063 and<br \/>\n1084.]<\/p>\n<p>1096.<\/p>\n<p>Very many times the Nile and other very large rivers have poured out<br \/>\ntheir whole element of water and restored it to the sea.<\/p>\n<p>1097.<\/p>\n<p>Why does the inundation of the Nile occur in the summer, coming from<br \/>\ntorrid countries?<\/p>\n<p>1098.<\/p>\n<p>It is not denied that the Nile is constantly muddy in entering the<br \/>\nEgyptian sea and that its turbidity is caused by soil that this<br \/>\nriver is continually bringing from the places it passes; which soil<br \/>\nnever returns in the sea which receives it, unless it throws it on<br \/>\nits shores. You see the sandy desert beyond Mount Atlas where<br \/>\nformerly it was covered with salt water.<\/p>\n<p>Customs of Asiatic Nations (1099. 1100).<\/p>\n<p>1099.<\/p>\n<p>The Assyrians and the people of Euboea accustom their horses to<br \/>\ncarry sacks which they can at pleasure fill with air, and which in<br \/>\ncase of need they carry instead of the girth of the saddle above and<br \/>\nat the side, and they are well covered with plates of cuir bouilli,<br \/>\nin order that they may not be perforated by flights of arrows. Thus<br \/>\nthey have not on their minds their security in flight, when the<br \/>\nvictory is uncertain; a horse thus equipped enables four or five men<br \/>\nto cross over at need.<\/p>\n<p>1100.<\/p>\n<p>SMALL BOATS.<\/p>\n<p>The small boats used by the Assyrians were made of thin laths of<br \/>\nwillow plaited over rods also of willow, and bent into the form of a<br \/>\nboat. They were daubed with fine mud soaked with oil or with<br \/>\nturpentine, and reduced to a kind of mud which resisted the water<br \/>\nand because pine would split; and always remained fresh; and they<br \/>\ncovered this sort of boats with the skins of oxen in safely crossing<br \/>\nthe river Sicuris of Spain, as is reported by Lucant; [Footnote 7:<br \/>\nSee Lucan&#8217;s Pharsalia IV, 130: _Utque habuit ripas Sicoris camposque<br \/>\nreliquit, Primum cana salix madefacto vimine parvam Texitur in<br \/>\npuppim, calsoque inducto juvenco Vectoris patiens tumidum supernatat<br \/>\namnem. Sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fusoque Britannus Navigat oceano,<br \/>\nsic cum tenet omnia Nilus, Conseritur bibula Memphitis cymbo papyro.<br \/>\nHis ratibus transjecta manus festinat utrimque Succisam cavare nemus<br \/>\n]<\/p>\n<p>The Spaniards, the Scythians and the Arabs, when they want to make a<br \/>\nbridge in haste, fix hurdlework made of willows on bags of ox-hide,<br \/>\nand so cross in safety.<\/p>\n<p>Rhodes (1101. 1102).<\/p>\n<p>1101.<\/p>\n<p>In [fourteen hundred and] eighty nine there was an earthquake in the<br \/>\nsea of Atalia near Rhodes, which opened the sea&#8211;that is its<br \/>\nbottom&#8211;and into this opening such a torrent of water poured that<br \/>\nfor more than three hours the bottom of the sea was uncovered by<br \/>\nreason of the water which was lost in it, and then it closed to the<br \/>\nformer level.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Nello ottanto<\/em> 9. It is scarcely likely that Leonardo<br \/>\nshould here mean 89 AD. Dr. H. MULLER- STRUBING writes to me as<br \/>\nfollows on this subject: &#8220;With reference to Rhodes Ross says (<em>Reise<br \/>\nauf den Griechischen Inseln, III<\/em> 70 <em>ff<\/em>. 1840), that ancient<br \/>\nhistory affords instances of severe earthquakes at Rhodes, among<br \/>\nothers one in the second year of the 138th Olympiad=270 B. C.; a<br \/>\nremarkably violent one under Antoninus Pius (A. D. 138-161) and<br \/>\nagain under Constantine and later. But Leonardo expressly speaks of<br \/>\nan earthquake &#8220;<em>nel mar di Atalia presso a Rodi<\/em>&#8220;, which is<br \/>\nsingular. The town of Attalia, founded by Attalus, which is what he<br \/>\nno doubt means, was in Pamphylia and more than 150 English miles<br \/>\nEast of Rhodes in a straight line. Leake and most other geographers<br \/>\nidentify it with the present town of Adalia. Attalia is rarely<br \/>\nmentioned by the ancients, indeed only by Strabo and Pliny and no<br \/>\nearthquake is spoken of. I think therefore you are justified in<br \/>\nassuming that Leonardo means 1489&#8221;. In the elaborate catalogue of<br \/>\nearthquakes in the East by Sciale Dshelal eddin Sayouthy (an<br \/>\nunpublished Arabic MS. in the possession of Prof. SCHEFER, (Membre<br \/>\nde l&#8217;Institut, Paris) mention is made of a terrible earthquake in<br \/>\nthe year 867 of the Mohamedan Era corresponding to the year 1489,<br \/>\nand it is there stated that a hundred persons were killed by it in<br \/>\nthe fortress of Kerak. There are three places of this name. Kerak on<br \/>\nthe sea of Tiberias, Kerak near Tahle on the Libanon, which I<br \/>\nvisited in the summer of l876&#8211;but neither of these is the place<br \/>\nalluded to. Possibly it may be the strongly fortified town of<br \/>\nKerak=Kir Moab, to the West of the Dead Sea. There is no notice<br \/>\nabout this in ALEXIS PERCY, <em>Memoire sur les tremblements de terres<br \/>\nressentis dans la peninsule turco- hellenique et en Syrie (Memoires<br \/>\ncouronnes et memoires des savants etrangers, Academie Royale de<br \/>\nBelgique, Tome XXIII).<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>1102.<\/p>\n<p>Rhodes has in it 5000 houses.<\/p>\n<p>Cyprus (1103. 1104).<\/p>\n<p>1103.<\/p>\n<p>SITE FOR [A TEMPLE OF] VENUS.<\/p>\n<p>You must make steps on four sides, by which to mount to a meadow<br \/>\nformed by nature at the top of a rock which may be hollowed out and<br \/>\nsupported in front by pilasters and open underneath in a large<br \/>\nportico,<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. LXXXIII. Compare also p. 33 of this Vol. The<br \/>\nstanding male figure at the side is evidently suggested by Michael<br \/>\nAngelo&#8217;s David. On the same place a slight sketch of horses seems to<br \/>\nhave been drawn first; there is no reason for assuming that the text<br \/>\nand this sketch, which have no connection with each other, are of<br \/>\nthe same date.<\/p>\n<p><em>Sito di Venere.<\/em> By this heading Leonardo appears to mean Cyprus,<br \/>\nwhich was always considered by the ancients to be the home and birth<br \/>\nplace of Aphrodite (Kirpic in Homer).]<\/p>\n<p>in which the water may fall into various vases of granite,<br \/>\nporphyryand serpentine, within semi-circular recesses; and the water<br \/>\nmay overflow from these. And round this portico towards the North<br \/>\nthere should be a lake with a little island in the midst of which<br \/>\nshould be a thick and shady wood; the waters at the top of the<br \/>\npilasters should pour into vases at their base, from whence they<br \/>\nshould flow in little channels.<\/p>\n<p>Starting from the shore of Cilicia towards the South you discover<br \/>\nthe beauties of the island of Cyprus.<\/p>\n<p>The Caspian Sea (1105. 1106).<\/p>\n<p>1104.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the shore of the Southern coast of Cilicia may be seen to the<br \/>\n  South the beautiful island of Cyprus, which was the realm of the<br \/>\n  goddess Venus, and many navigators being attracted by her beauty,<br \/>\n  had their ships and rigging broken amidst the reefs, surrounded by<br \/>\n  the whirling waters. Here the beauty of delightful hills tempts<br \/>\n  wandering mariners to refresh themselves amidst their flowery<br \/>\n  verdure, where the winds are tempered and fill the island and the<br \/>\n  surrounding seas with fragrant odours. Ah! how many a ship has here<br \/>\n  been sunk. Ah! how many a vessel broken on these rocks. Here might<br \/>\n  be seen barks without number, some wrecked and half covered by the<br \/>\n  sand; others showing the poop and another the prow, here a keel and<br \/>\n  there the ribs; and it seems like a day of judgment when there<br \/>\n  should be a resurrection of dead ships, so great is the number of<br \/>\n  them covering all the Northern shore; and while the North gale makes<br \/>\n  various and fearful noises there.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>1105.<\/p>\n<p>Write to Bartolomeo the Turk as to the flow and ebb of the Black<br \/>\nsea, and whether he is aware if there be such a flow and ebb in the<br \/>\nHyrcanean or Caspian sea. [Footnote: The handwriting of this note<br \/>\npoints to a late date.]<\/p>\n<p>1106.<\/p>\n<p>WHY WATER IS FOUND AT THE TOP OF MOUNTAINS.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the straits of Gibraltar to the Don is 3500 miles, that is one<br \/>\n  mile and 1\/6, giving a fall of one braccio in a mile to any water<br \/>\n  that moves gently. The Caspian sea is a great deal higher; and none<br \/>\n  of the mountains of Europe rise a mile above the surface of our<br \/>\n  seas; therefore it might be said that the water which is on the<br \/>\n  summits of our mountains might come from the height of those seas,<br \/>\n  and of the rivers which flow into them, and which are still higher.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>The sea of Azov.<\/p>\n<p>1107.<\/p>\n<p>Hence it follows that the sea of Azov is the highest part of the<br \/>\nMediterranean sea, being at a distance of 3500 miles from the<br \/>\nStraits of Gibraltar, as is shown by the map for navigation; and it<br \/>\nhas 3500 braccia of descent, that is, one mile and 1\/6; therefore it<br \/>\nis higher than any mountains which exist in the West.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The passage before this, in the original, treats of the<br \/>\nexit of the waters from Lakes in general.]<\/p>\n<p>The Dardanelles.<\/p>\n<p>1108.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bosphorus the Black Sea flows always into the Egean sea, and<br \/>\nthe Egean sea never flows into it. And this is because the Caspian,<br \/>\nwhich is 400 miles to the East, with the rivers which pour into it,<br \/>\nalways flows through subterranean caves into this sea of Pontus; and<br \/>\nthe Don does the same as well as the Danube, so that the waters of<br \/>\nPontus are always higher than those of the Egean; for the higher<br \/>\nalways fall towards the lower, and never the lower towards the<br \/>\nhigher.<\/p>\n<p>Constantinople.<\/p>\n<p>1109.<\/p>\n<p>The bridge of Pera at Constantinople, 40 braccia wide, 70 braccia<br \/>\nhigh above the water, 600 braccia long; that is 400 over the sea and<br \/>\n200 on the land, thus making its own abutments.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See Pl. CX No. 1. In 1453 by order of Sultan Mohamed II.<br \/>\nthe Golden Horn was crossed by a pontoon bridge laid on barrels (see<br \/>\nJoh. Dukas&#8217; History of the Byzantine Empire XXXVIII p. 279). &#8211;The<br \/>\nbiographers of Michelangelo, Vasari as well as Condivi, relate that<br \/>\nat the time when Michelangelo suddenly left Rome, in 1506, he<br \/>\nentertained some intention of going to Constantinople, there to<br \/>\nserve the Sultan, who sought to engage him, by means of certain<br \/>\nFranciscan Monks, for the purpose of constructing a bridge to<br \/>\nconnect Constantinople with Pera. See VASARI, <em>Vite<\/em> (ed. Sansoni<br \/>\nVII, 168): <em>Michelangelo, veduto questa furia del papa, dubitando di<br \/>\nlui, ebbe, secondo che si dice, voglia di andarsene in<br \/>\nGostantinopoli a servire il Turco, per mezzo di certi frati di San<br \/>\nFrancesco, che desiderava averlo per fare un ponte che passassi da<br \/>\nGostantinopoli a Pera.<\/em> And CONDIVI, <em>Vita di M. Buonaroti chap.<\/em><br \/>\n30_; Michelangelo allora vedendosi condotto a questo, temendo<br \/>\ndell&#8217;ira del papa, penso d&#8217;andarsene in Levante; massimamente<br \/>\nessendo stato dal Turco ricercato con grandissime promesse per mezzo<br \/>\ndi certi frati di San Francesco, per volersene servire in fare un<br \/>\nponte da Costantinopoli a Pera ed in altri affari._ Leonardo&#8217;s plan<br \/>\nfor this bridge was made in 1502. We may therefore conclude that at<br \/>\nabout that time the Sultan Bajazet II. had either announced a<br \/>\ncompetition in this matter, or that through his agents Leonardo had<br \/>\nfirst been called upon to carry out the scheme.]<\/p>\n<p>The Euphrates.<\/p>\n<p>1110.<\/p>\n<p>If the river will turn to the rift farther on it will never return<br \/>\nto its bed, as the Euphrates does, and this may do at Bologna the<br \/>\none who is disappointed for his rivers.<\/p>\n<p>Centrae Asia.<\/p>\n<p>1111.<\/p>\n<p>Mounts Caucasus, Comedorum, and Paropemisidae are joined together<br \/>\nbetween Bactria and India, and give birth to the river Oxus which<br \/>\ntakes its rise in these mountains and flows 500 miles towards the<br \/>\nNorth and as many towards the West, and discharges its waters into<br \/>\nthe Caspian sea; and is accompanied by the Oxus, Dargados, Arthamis,<br \/>\nXariaspes, Dargamaim, Ocus and Margus, all very large rivers. From<br \/>\nthe opposite side towards the South rises the great river Indus<br \/>\nwhich sends its waters for 600 miles Southwards and receives as<br \/>\ntributaries in this course the rivers Xaradrus, Hyphasis, Vadris,<br \/>\nVandabal Bislaspus to the East, Suastes and Coe to the West, uniting<br \/>\nwith these rivers, and with their waters it flows 800 miles to the<br \/>\nWest; then, turning back by the Arbiti mountains makes an elbow and<br \/>\nturns Southwards, where after a course of about 100 miles it finds<br \/>\nthe Indian Sea, in which it pours itself by seven branches. On the<br \/>\nside of the same mountains rises the great Ganges, which river flows<br \/>\nSouthwards for 500 miles and to the Southwest a thousand &#8230; and<br \/>\nSarabas, Diarnuna, Soas and Scilo, Condranunda are its tributaries.<br \/>\nIt flows into the Indian sea by many mouths.<\/p>\n<p>On the natives of hot countries.<\/p>\n<p>1112.<\/p>\n<p>Men born in hot countries love the night because it refreshes them<br \/>\nand have a horror of light because it burns them; and therefore they<br \/>\nare of the colour of night, that is black. And in cold countries it<br \/>\nis just the contrary.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketch here inserted is in MS. H3 55b.]<\/p>\n<p><em>XVIII.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Naval Warfare.&#8211;Mechanical Appliances.&#8211;Music.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Such theoretical questions, as have been laid before the reader in<br \/>\nSections XVI and XVII, though they were the chief subjects of<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s studies of the sea, did not exclusively claim his<br \/>\nattention. A few passages have been collected at the beginning of<br \/>\nthis section, which prove that he had turned his mind to the<br \/>\npractical problems of navigation, and more especially of naval<br \/>\nwarfare. What we know for certain of his life gives us no data, it<br \/>\nis true, as to when or where these matters came under his<br \/>\nconsideration; but the fact remains certain both from these notes in<br \/>\nhis manuscripts, and from the well known letter to Ludovico il Moro<br \/>\n(No.<\/em> 1340_), in which he expressly states that he is as capable as<br \/>\nany man, in this very department._<\/p>\n<p><em>The numerous notes as to the laws and rationale of the flight of<br \/>\nbirds, are scattered through several note-books. An account of these<br \/>\nis given in the Bibliography of the manuscripts at the end of this<br \/>\nwork. It seems probable that the idea which led him to these<br \/>\ninvestigations was his desire to construct a flying or aerial<br \/>\nmachine for man. At the same time it must be admitted that the notes<br \/>\non the two subjects are quite unconnected in the manuscripts, and<br \/>\nthat those on the flight of birds are by far the most numerous and<br \/>\nextensive. The two most important passages that treat of the<br \/>\nconstruction of a flying machine are those already published as Tav.<br \/>\nXVI, No.<\/em> 1 <em>and Tav. XVIII in the<\/em> &#8220;Saggio delle opere di Leonardo<br \/>\nda Vinci&#8221; <em>(Milan<\/em> 1872_). The passages&#8211;Nos._ 1120-1125&#8211;<em>here<br \/>\nprinted for the first time and hitherto unknown&#8211;refer to the same<br \/>\nsubject and, with the exception of one already published in the<br \/>\nSaggio&#8211; No.<\/em> 1126&#8211;<em>they are, so far as I know, the only notes,<br \/>\namong the numerous observations on the flight of birds, in which the<br \/>\nphenomena are incidentally and expressly connected with the idea of<br \/>\na flying machine.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The notes on machines of war, the construction of fortifications,<br \/>\nand similar matters which fall within the department of the<br \/>\nEngineer, have not been included in this work, for the reasons given<br \/>\non page<\/em> 26 <em>of this Vol. An exception has been made in favour of<br \/>\nthe passages Nos.<\/em> 1127 <em>and<\/em> 1128, <em>because they have a more<br \/>\ngeneral interest, as bearing on the important question: whence the<br \/>\nMaster derived his knowledge of these matters. Though it would be<br \/>\nrash to assert that Leonardo was the first to introduce the science<br \/>\nof mining into Italy, it may be confidently said that he is one of<br \/>\nthe earliest writers who can be proved to have known and understood<br \/>\nit; while, on the other hand, it is almost beyond doubt that in the<br \/>\nEast at that time, the whole science of besieging towns and mining<br \/>\nin particular, was far more advanced than in Europe. This gives a<br \/>\npeculiar value to the expressions used in No.<\/em> 1127.<\/p>\n<p><em>I have been unable to find in the manuscripts any passage whatever<br \/>\nwhich throws any light on Leonardo&#8217;s great reputation as a musician.<br \/>\nNothing therein illustrates VASARPS well-known statement:<\/em> Avvenne<br \/>\nche morto Giovan Galeazze duca di Milano, e creato Lodovico Sforza<br \/>\nnel grado medesimo anno 1494, fu condotto a Milano con gran<br \/>\nriputazione Lionardo al duca, il quale molto si dilettava del suono<br \/>\ndella lira, perche sonasse; e Lionardo porto quello strumento<br \/>\nch&#8217;egli aveva di sua mano fabbricato d&#8217;argento gran parte, in forma<br \/>\nd&#8217;un teschio di cavallo, cosa bizzarra e nuova, acciocche l&#8217;armonia<br \/>\nfosse con maggior tuba e piu sonora di voce; laonde supero tutti i<br \/>\nmusici che quivi erano concorsi a sonare.<\/p>\n<p><em>The only notes on musical matters are those given as Nos.<\/em> 1129<br \/>\n<em>and<\/em> 1130, <em>which explain certain arrangements in instruments.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The ship&#8217;s logs of Vitruvius, of Alberti and of Leonardo<\/p>\n<p>1113.<\/p>\n<p>ON MOVEMENTS;&#8211;TO KNOW HOW MUCH A SHIP ADVANCES IN AN HOUR.<\/p>\n<p>The ancients used various devices to ascertain the distance gone by<br \/>\na ship each hour, among which Vitruvius [Footnote 6: See VITRUVIUS,<br \/>\n<em>De Architectura lib. X.<\/em> C. 14 (p. 264 in the edition of Rose and<br \/>\nMuller- Strubing). The German edition published at Bale in 1543 has,<br \/>\non fol. 596, an illustration of the contrivance, as described by<br \/>\nVitruvius.] gives one in his work on Architecture which is just as<br \/>\nfallacious as all the others; and this is a mill wheel which touches<br \/>\nthe waves of the sea at one end and in each complete revolution<br \/>\ndescribes a straight line which represents the circumference of the<br \/>\nwheel extended to a straightness. But this invention is of no worth<br \/>\nexcepting on the smooth and motionless surface of lakes. But if the<br \/>\nwater moves together with the ship at an equal rate, then the wheel<br \/>\nremains motionless; and if the motion of the water is more or less<br \/>\nrapid than that of the ship, then neither has the wheel the same<br \/>\nmotion as the ship so that this invention is of but little use.<br \/>\nThere is another method tried by experiment with a known distance<br \/>\nbetween one island and another; and this is done by a board or under<br \/>\nthe pressure of wind which strikes on it with more or less<br \/>\nswiftness. This is in Battista Alberti [Footnote 25: LEON BATTISTA<br \/>\nALBERTI, <em>De Architectura lib. V.<\/em>, c. 12 treats &#8216;<em>de le navi e<br \/>\nparti loro<\/em>&#8216;, but there is no reference to the machine, mentioned by<br \/>\nLeonardo. Alberti says here: <em>Noi abbiamo trattato lungamente in<br \/>\naltro luogo de&#8217; modi de le navi, ma in questo luogo ne abbiamo detto<br \/>\nquel tanto che si bisogna<\/em>. To this the following note is added in<br \/>\nthe most recent Italian edition: <em>Questo libro e tuttora inedito e<br \/>\nporta il titolo, secondo Gesnero di<\/em> &#8216;<em>Liber navis<\/em>&#8216;.].<\/p>\n<p>Battista Alberti&#8217;s method which is made by experiment on a known<br \/>\ndistance between one island and another. But such an invention does<br \/>\nnot succeed excepting on a ship like the one on which the experiment<br \/>\nwas made, and it must be of the same burden and have the same sails,<br \/>\nand the sails in the same places, and the size of the waves must be<br \/>\nthe same. But my method will serve for any ship, whether with oars<br \/>\nor sails; and whether it be small or large, broad or long, or high<br \/>\nor low, it always serves [Footnote 52: Leonardo does not reveal the<br \/>\nmethod invented by him.].<\/p>\n<p>Methods of staying and moving in water<\/p>\n<p>1114.<\/p>\n<p>How an army ought to cross rivers by swimming with air-bags &#8230; How<br \/>\nfishes swim [Footnote 2: Compare No. 821.]; of the way in which they<br \/>\njump out of the water, as may be seen with dolphins; and it seems a<br \/>\nwonderful thing to make a leap from a thing which does not resist<br \/>\nbut slips away. Of the swimming of animals of a long form, such as<br \/>\neels and the like. Of the mode of swimming against currents and in<br \/>\nthe rapid falls of rivers. Of the mode of swimming of fishes of a<br \/>\nround form. How it is that animals which have not long hind quartres<br \/>\ncannot swim. How it is that all other animals which have feet with<br \/>\ntoes, know by nature how to swim, excepting man. In what way man<br \/>\nought to learn to swim. Of the way in which man may rest on the<br \/>\nwater. How man may protect himself against whirlpools or eddies in<br \/>\nthe water, which drag him down. How a man dragged to the bottom must<br \/>\nseek the reflux which will throw him up from the depths. How he<br \/>\nought to move his arms. How to swim on his back. How he can and how<br \/>\nhe cannot stay under water unless he can hold his breath [13]. How<br \/>\nby means of a certain machine many people may stay some time under<br \/>\nwater. How and why I do not describe my method of remaining under<br \/>\nwater, or how long I can stay without eating; and I do not publish<br \/>\nnor divulge these by reason of the evil nature of men who would use<br \/>\nthem as means of destruction at the bottom of the sea, by sending<br \/>\nships to the bottom, and sinking them together with the men in them.<br \/>\nAnd although I will impart others, there is no danger in them;<br \/>\nbecause the mouth of the tube, by which you breathe, is above the<br \/>\nwater supported on bags or corks [19].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: L. 13-19 will also be found in Vol. I No. 1.]<\/p>\n<p>On naval warfare (1115. 1116).<\/p>\n<p>1115.<\/p>\n<p>Supposing in a battle between ships and galleys that the ships are<br \/>\nvictorious by reason of the high of heir tops, you must haul the<br \/>\nyard up almost to the top of the mast, and at the extremity of the<br \/>\nyard, that is the end which is turned towards the enemy, have a<br \/>\nsmall cage fastened, wrapped up below and all round in a great<br \/>\nmattress full of cotton so that it may not be injured by the bombs;<br \/>\nthen, with the capstan, haul down the opposite end of this yard and<br \/>\nthe top on the opposite side will go up so high, that it will be far<br \/>\nabove the round-top of the ship, and you will easily drive out the<br \/>\nmen that are in it. But it is necessary that the men who are in the<br \/>\ngalley should go to the opposite side of it so as to afford a<br \/>\ncounterpoise to the weight of the men placed inside the cage on the<br \/>\nyard.<\/p>\n<p>1116.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to build an armada for the sea employ these ships to ram<br \/>\nin the enemy&#8217;s ships. That is, make ships 100 feet long and 8 feet<br \/>\nwide, but arranged so that the left hand rowers may have their oars<br \/>\nto the right side of the ship, and the right hand ones to the left<br \/>\nside, as is shown at M, so that the leverage of the oars may be<br \/>\nlonger. And the said ship may be one foot and a half thick, that is<br \/>\nmade with cross beams within and without, with planks in contrary<br \/>\ndirections. And this ship must have attached to it, a foot below the<br \/>\nwater, an iron-shod spike of about the weight and size of an anvil;<br \/>\nand this, by force of oars may, after it has given the first blow,<br \/>\nbe drawn back, and driven forward again with fury give a second<br \/>\nblow, and then a third, and so many as to destroy the other ship.<\/p>\n<p>The use of swimming belts.<\/p>\n<p>1117.<\/p>\n<p>A METHOD OF ESCAPING IN A TEMPEST AND SHIPWRECK AT SEA.<\/p>\n<p>Have a coat made of leather, which must be double across the breast,<br \/>\nthat is having a hem on each side of about a finger breadth. Thus it<br \/>\nwill be double from the waist to the knee; and the leather must be<br \/>\nquite air-tight. When you want to leap into the sea, blow out the<br \/>\nskirt of your coat through the double hems of the breast; and jump<br \/>\ninto the sea, and allow yourself to be carried by the waves; when<br \/>\nyou see no shore near, give your attention to the sea you are in,<br \/>\nand always keep in your mouth the air-tube which leads down into the<br \/>\ncoat; and if now and again you require to take a breath of fresh<br \/>\nair, and the foam prevents you, you may draw a breath of the air<br \/>\nwithin the coat.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: AMORETTI, <em>Memorie Storiche<\/em>, Tav. II. B. Fig. 5, gives<br \/>\nthe same figure, somewhat altered. 6. <em>La canna dell&#8217; aria<\/em>. Compare<br \/>\nVol. I. No. I. Note]<\/p>\n<p>On the gravity of water.<\/p>\n<p>1118.<\/p>\n<p>If the weight of the sea bears on its bottom, a man, lying on that<br \/>\nbottom and having l000 braccia of water on his back, would have<br \/>\nenough to crush him.<\/p>\n<p>Diving apparatus and Skating (1119-1121).<\/p>\n<p>1119.<\/p>\n<p>Of walking under water. Method of walking on water.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The two sketches belonging to this passage are given by<br \/>\nAMORETTI, <em>Memorie Storiche<\/em>. Tav. II, Fig. 3 and 4.]<\/p>\n<p>1120.<\/p>\n<p>Just as on a frozen river a man may run without moving his feet, so<br \/>\na car might be made that would slide by itself.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The drawings of carts by the side of this text have no<br \/>\ndirect connection with the problem as stated in words.&#8211;Compare No.<br \/>\n1448, l. 17.]<\/p>\n<p>1121.<\/p>\n<p>A definition as to why a man who slides on ice does not fall.<br \/>\n[Footnote: An indistinct sketch accompanies the passage, in the<br \/>\noriginal.]<\/p>\n<p>On Flying machines (1122-1126).<\/p>\n<p>1122.<\/p>\n<p>Man when flying must stand free from the waist upwards so as to be<br \/>\nable to balance himself as he does in a boat so that the centre of<br \/>\ngravity in himself and in the machine may counterbalance each other,<br \/>\nand be shifted as necessity demands for the changes of its centre of<br \/>\nresistance.<\/p>\n<p>1123.<\/p>\n<p>Remember that your flying machine must imitate no other than the<br \/>\nbat, because the web is what by its union gives the armour, or<br \/>\nstrength to the wings.<\/p>\n<p>If you imitate the wings of feathered birds, you will find a much<br \/>\nstronger structure, because they are pervious; that is, their<br \/>\nfeathers are separate and the air passes through them. But the bat<br \/>\nis aided by the web that connects the whole and is not pervious.<\/p>\n<p>1124.<\/p>\n<p>TO ESCAPE THE PERIL OF DESTRUCTION.<\/p>\n<p>Destruction to such a machine may occur in two ways; of which the<br \/>\nfirst is the breaking of the machine. The second would be when the<br \/>\nmachine should turn on its edge or nearly on its edge, because it<br \/>\nought always to descend in a highly oblique direction, and almost<br \/>\nexactly balanced on its centre. As regards the first&#8211;the breaking<br \/>\nof the machine&#8211;, that may be prevented by making it as strong as<br \/>\npossible; and in whichever direction it may tend to turn over, one<br \/>\ncentre must be very far from the other; that is, in a machine 30<br \/>\nbraccia long the centres must be 4 braccia one from the other.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 1428.]<\/p>\n<p>1125.<\/p>\n<p>Bags by which a man falling from a height of 6 braccia may avoid<br \/>\nhurting himself, by a fall whether into water or on the ground; and<br \/>\nthese bags, strung together like a rosary, are to be fixed on one&#8217;s<br \/>\nback.<\/p>\n<p>1126.<\/p>\n<p>An object offers as much resistance to the air as the air does to<br \/>\nthe object. You may see that the beating of its wings against the<br \/>\nair supports a heavy eagle in the highest and rarest atmosphere,<br \/>\nclose to the sphere of elemental fire. Again you may see the air in<br \/>\nmotion over the sea, fill the swelling sails and drive heavily laden<br \/>\nships. From these instances, and the reasons given, a man with wings<br \/>\nlarge enough and duly connected might learn to overcome the<br \/>\nresistance of the air, and by conquering it, succeed in subjugating<br \/>\nit and rising above it. [Footnote: A parachute is here sketched,<br \/>\nwith an explanatory remark. It is reproduced on Tav. XVI in the<br \/>\nSaggio, and in: <em>Leonardo da Vinci als Ingenieur etc., Ein Beitrag<br \/>\nzur Geschichte der Technik und der induktiven Wissenschaften, von<br \/>\nDr. Hermann Grothe, Berlin<\/em> 1874, p. 50.]<\/p>\n<p>Of mining.<\/p>\n<p>1127.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to know where a mine runs, place a drum over all the<br \/>\nplaces where you suspect that it is being made, and upon this drum<br \/>\nput a couple of dice, and when you are over the spot where they are<br \/>\nmining, the dice will jump a little on the drum at every blow which<br \/>\nis given underground in the mining.<\/p>\n<p>There are persons who, having the convenience of a river or a lake<br \/>\nin their lands, have made, close to the place where they suspect<br \/>\nthat a mine is being made, a great reservoir of water, and have<br \/>\ncountermined the enemy, and having found them, have turned the water<br \/>\nupon them and destroyed a great number in the mine.<\/p>\n<p>Of Greek fire.<\/p>\n<p>1128.<\/p>\n<p>GREEK FIRE.<\/p>\n<p>Take charcoal of willow, and saltpetre, and sulphuric acid, and<br \/>\nsulphur, and pitch, with frankincense and camphor, and Ethiopian<br \/>\nwool, and boil them all together. This fire is so ready to burn that<br \/>\nit clings to the timbers even under water. And add to this<br \/>\ncomposition liquid varnish, and bituminous oil, and turpentine and<br \/>\nstrong vinegar, and mix all together and dry it in the sun, or in an<br \/>\noven when the bread is taken out; and then stick it round hempen or<br \/>\nother tow, moulding it into a round form, and studding it all over<br \/>\nwith very sharp nails. You must leave in this ball an opening to<br \/>\nserve as a fusee, and cover it with rosin and sulphur.<\/p>\n<p>Again, this fire, stuck at the top of a long plank which has one<br \/>\nbraccio length of the end pointed with iron that it may not be burnt<br \/>\nby the said fire, is good for avoiding and keeping off the ships, so<br \/>\nas not to be overwhelmed by their onset.<\/p>\n<p>Again throw vessels of glass full of pitch on to the enemy&#8217;s ships<br \/>\nwhen the men in them are intent on the battle; and then by throwing<br \/>\nsimilar burning balls upon them you have it in your power to burn<br \/>\nall their ships.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Venturi has given another short text about the Greek fire<br \/>\nin a French translation (Essai Section XIV). He adds that the<br \/>\noriginal text is to be found in MS. B. 30 (?). Libri speaks of it in<br \/>\na note as follows (<em>Histoire des sciences mathematiques en Italie<br \/>\nVol. II<\/em> p. 129): <em>La composition du feu gregeois est une des chases<br \/>\nqui ont ete les plus cherchees et qui sont encore les plus<br \/>\ndouteuses. On dit qu&#8217;il fut invente au septieme siecle de l&#8217;ere<br \/>\nchretienne par l&#8217;architecte Callinique (Constantini Porphyrogenetae<br \/>\nopera, Lugd. Batav.<\/em> 1617,&#8211; <em>in-_8vo; p. 172, _de admin, imper.<br \/>\nexp.<\/em> 48_), et il se trouve souvent mentionne par les Historiens<br \/>\nByzantins. Tantot on le langait avec des machines, comme on<br \/>\nlancerait une banche, tantot on le soufflait avec de longs tubes,<br \/>\ncomme on soufflerait un gaz ou un liquide enflamme (Annae Comnenae<br \/>\nAlexias_, p. 335, <em>lib. XI.&#8211;Aeliani et Leonis, imperatoris tactica,<br \/>\nLugd.-Bat.<\/em> 1613, <em>in<\/em>-4. part. 2 a, p. 322, <em>Leonis tact. cap.<\/em><br \/>\nl9.&#8211;<em>Joinville, histoire du Saint Louis collect. Petitot tom. II,<\/em><br \/>\np. 235). <em>Les ecrivains contemporains disent que l&#8217;eau ne pouvait<br \/>\npas eteindre ce feu, mais qu&#8217;avec du vinaigre et du sable on y<br \/>\nparvenait. Suivant quelques historiens le feu gregeois etait compose<br \/>\nde soufre et de resine. Marcus Graecus (Liber ignium, Paris,<\/em> 1804,<br \/>\n<em>in<\/em>-40_) donne plusieurs manieres de le faire qui ne sont pas tres<br \/>\nintelligibles, mais parmi lesquelles on trouve la composition de la<br \/>\npoudre a canon. Leonard de Vinci (MSS. de Leonard de Vinci, vol. B.<br \/>\nf. 30,) dit qu&#8217;on le faisait avec du charbon de saule, du salpetre,<br \/>\nde l&#8217;eau de vie, de la resine, du soufre, de la poix et du camphre.<br \/>\nMais il est probable que nous ne savons pas qu&#8217;elle etait sa<br \/>\ncomposition, surtout a cause du secret qu&#8217;en faisaient les Grecs. En<br \/>\neffet, l&#8217;empereur Constantin Porphyrogenete recommende a son fils de<br \/>\nne jamais en donner aux Barbares, et de leur repondre, s&#8217;ils en<br \/>\ndemandaient, qu&#8217;il avait ete apporti du ciel par un ange et que le<br \/>\nsecret en avait ete confie aux Chretiens (Constantini<br \/>\nPorphyrogennetae opera,_ p. 26-27, <em>de admin. imper., cap. _12<\/em>)._]<\/p>\n<p>Of Music (1129. 1130).<\/p>\n<p>1129.<\/p>\n<p>A drum with cogs working by wheels with springs [2].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This chapter consists of explanations of the sketches<br \/>\nshown on Pl. CXXI. Lines 1 and 2 of the text are to be seen at the<br \/>\ntop at the left hand side of the first sketch of a drum. Lines 3-5<br \/>\nrefer to the sketch immediately below this. Line 6 is written as the<br \/>\nside of the seventh sketch, and lines 7 and 8 at the side of the<br \/>\neighth. Lines 9-16 are at the bottom in the middle. The remainder of<br \/>\nthe text is at the side of the drawing at the bottom.]<\/p>\n<p>A square drum of which the parchment may be drawn tight or slackened<br \/>\nby the lever <em>a b<\/em> [5].<\/p>\n<p>A drum for harmony [6].<\/p>\n<p>[7] A clapper for harmony; that is, three clappers together.<\/p>\n<p>[9] Just as one and the same drum makes a deep or acute sound<br \/>\naccording as the parchments are more or less tightened, so these<br \/>\nparchments variously tightened on one and the same drum will make<br \/>\nvarious sounds [16].<\/p>\n<p>Keys narrow and close together; (bicchi) far apart; these will be<br \/>\nright for the trumpet shown above.<\/p>\n<p><em>a<\/em> must enter in the place of the ordinary keys which have the &#8230;<br \/>\nin the openings of a flute.<\/p>\n<p>1130.<\/p>\n<p>Tymbals to be played like the monochord, or the soft flute.<\/p>\n<p>[6] Here there is to be a cylinder of cane after the manner of<br \/>\nclappers with a musical round called a Canon, which is sung in four<br \/>\nparts; each singer singing the whole round. Therefore I here make a<br \/>\nwheel with 4 teeth so that each tooth takes by itself the part of a<br \/>\nsinger.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original there are some more sketches, to which<br \/>\nthe text, from line 6, refers. They are studies for a contrivance<br \/>\nexactly like the cylinder in our musical boxes.]<\/p>\n<p>1131.<\/p>\n<p>Of decorations.<\/p>\n<p>White and sky-blue cloths, woven in checks to make a decoration.<\/p>\n<p>Cloths with the threads drawn at <em>a b c d e f g h i k<\/em>, to go round<br \/>\nthe decoration.<\/p>\n<p><em>XIX.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Philosophical Maxims. Morals. Polemics and Speculations<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>Vasari indulges in severe strictures on Leonardo&#8217;s religious views.<br \/>\nHe speaks, among other things, of his<\/em> &#8220;capricci nel filosofar delle<br \/>\ncose naturali&#8221; <em>and says on this point:<\/em> &#8220;Per il che fece nell&#8217;animo<br \/>\nun concetto si eretico che e&#8217; non si accostava a qualsi voglia<br \/>\nreligione, stimando per avventura assai piu lo esser filosofo che<br \/>\ncristiano&#8221; <em>(see the first edition of<\/em> &#8216;Le Vite&#8217;<em>). But this<br \/>\naccusation on the part of a writer in the days of the Inquisition is<br \/>\nnot a very serious one&#8211;and the less so, since, throughout the<br \/>\nmanuscripts, we find nothing to support it.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Under the heading of &#8220;Philosophical Maxims&#8221; I have collected all<br \/>\nthe passages which can give us a clear comprehension of Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nideas of the world at large. It is scarcely necessary to observe<br \/>\nthat there is absolutely nothing in them to lead to the inference<br \/>\nthat he was an atheist. His views of nature and its laws are no<br \/>\ndoubt very unlike those of his contemporaries, and have a much<br \/>\ncloser affinity to those which find general acceptance at the<br \/>\npresent day. On the other hand, it is obvious from Leonardo&#8217;s will<br \/>\n(see No.<\/em> 1566_) that, in the year before his death, he had<br \/>\nprofessed to adhere to the fundamental doctrines of the Roman<br \/>\nCatholic faith, and this evidently from his own personal desire and<br \/>\nimpulse._<\/p>\n<p><em>The incredible and demonstrably fictitious legend of Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\ndeath in the arms of Francis the First, is given, with others, by<br \/>\nVasari and further embellished by this odious comment:<\/em> &#8220;Mostrava<br \/>\ntuttavia quanto avea offeso Dio e gli uomini del mondo, non avendo<br \/>\noperato nell&#8217;arte come si conveniva.&#8221; <em>This last accusation, it may<br \/>\nbe remarked, is above all evidence of the superficial character of<br \/>\nthe information which Vasari was in a position to give about<br \/>\nLeonardo. It seems to imply that Leonardo was disdainful of diligent<br \/>\nlabour. With regard to the second, referring to Leonardo&#8217;s morality<br \/>\nand dealings with his fellow men, Vasari himself nullifies it by<br \/>\nasserting the very contrary in several passages. A further<br \/>\nrefutation may be found in the following sentence from the letter in<br \/>\nwhich Melsi, the young Milanese nobleman, announces the Master&#8217;s<br \/>\ndeath to Leonardo&#8217;s brothers:<\/em> Credo siate certificati della morte<br \/>\ndi Maestro Lionardo fratello vostro, e mio quanto optimo padre, per<br \/>\nla cui morte sarebbe impossibile che io potesse esprimere il dolore<br \/>\nche io ho preso; e in mentre che queste mia membra si sosterranno<br \/>\ninsieme, io possedero una perpetua infelicita, e meritamente perche<br \/>\nsviscerato et ardentissimo amore mi portava giornalmente. E dolto ad<br \/>\nognuno la perdita di tal uomo, quale non e piu in podesta della<br \/>\nnatura, ecc.<\/p>\n<p><em>It is true that, in April<\/em> 1476, <em>we find the names of Leonardo and<br \/>\nVerrocchio entered in the<\/em> &#8220;Libro degli Uffiziali di notte e de&#8217;<br \/>\nMonasteri&#8221; <em>as breaking the laws; but we immediately after find the<br \/>\nnote<\/em> &#8220;Absoluti cum condizione ut retamburentur&#8221; (Tamburini <em>was the<br \/>\nname given to the warrant cases of the night police). The acquittal<br \/>\ntherefore did not exclude the possibility of a repetition of the<br \/>\ncharge. It was in fact repeated, two months later, and on this<br \/>\noccasion the Master and his pupil were again fully acquitted.<br \/>\nVerrocchio was at this time forty and Leonardo four-and-twenty. The<br \/>\ndocuments referring to this affair are in the State Archives of<br \/>\nFlorence; they have been withheld from publication, but it seemed to<br \/>\nme desirable to give the reader this brief account of the leading<br \/>\nfacts of the story, as the vague hints of it, which have recently<br \/>\nbeen made public, may have given to the incident an aspect which it<br \/>\nhad not in reality, and which it does not deserve.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The passages here classed under the head &#8220;Morals&#8221; reveal Leonardo<br \/>\nto us as a man whose life and conduct were unfailingly governed by<br \/>\nlofty principles and aims. He could scarcely have recorded his stern<br \/>\nreprobation and unmeasured contempt for men who do nothing useful<br \/>\nand strive only for riches, if his own life and ambitions had been<br \/>\nsuch as they have so often been misrepresented.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>At a period like that, when superstition still exercised unlimited<br \/>\ndominion over the minds not merely of the illiterate crowd, but of<br \/>\nthe cultivated and learned classes, it was very natural that<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s views as to Alchemy, Ghosts, Magicians, and the like<br \/>\nshould be met with stern reprobation whenever and wherever he may<br \/>\nhave expressed them; this accounts for the argumentative tone of all<br \/>\nhis utterances on such subjects which I have collected in<br \/>\nSubdivision III of this section. To these I have added some passages<br \/>\nwhich throw light on Leonardo&#8217;s personal views on the Universe. They<br \/>\nare, without exception, characterised by a broad spirit of<br \/>\nnaturalism of which the principles are more strictly applied in his<br \/>\nessays on Astronomy, and still more on Physical Geography.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>To avoid repetition, only such notes on Philosophy, Morals and<br \/>\nPolemics, have been included in this section as occur as independent<br \/>\ntexts in the original MSS. Several moral reflections have already<br \/>\nbeen given in Vol. I, in section &#8220;Allegorical representations,<br \/>\nMottoes and Emblems&#8221;. Others will be found in the following section.<br \/>\nNos.<\/em> 9 <em>to<\/em> 12, <em>Vol. I, are also passages of an argumentative<br \/>\ncharacter. It did not seem requisite to repeat here these and<br \/>\nsimilar passages, since their direct connection with the context is<br \/>\nfar closer in places where they have appeared already, than it would<br \/>\nbe here.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>PHILOSOPHICAL MAXIMS.<\/p>\n<p>Prayers to God (1132. 1133).<\/p>\n<p>1132.<\/p>\n<p>I obey Thee Lord, first for the love I ought, in all reason to bear<br \/>\nThee; secondly for that Thou canst shorten or prolong the lives of<br \/>\nmen.<\/p>\n<p>1133.<\/p>\n<p>A PRAYER.<\/p>\n<p>Thou, O God, dost sell us all good things at the price of labour.<\/p>\n<p>The powers of Nature (1134-1139).<\/p>\n<p>1134.<\/p>\n<p>O admirable impartiality of Thine, Thou first Mover; Thou hast not<br \/>\npermitted that any force should fail of the order or quality of its<br \/>\nnecessary results.<\/p>\n<p>1135.<\/p>\n<p>Necessity is the mistress and guide of nature.<\/p>\n<p>Necessity is the theme and the inventress, the eternal curb and law<br \/>\nof nature.<\/p>\n<p>1136.<\/p>\n<p>In many cases one and the same thing is attracted by two strong<br \/>\nforces, namely Necessity and Potency. Water falls in rain; the earth<br \/>\nabsorbs it from the necessity for moisture; and the sun evaporates<br \/>\nit, not from necessity, but by its power.<\/p>\n<p>1137.<\/p>\n<p>Weight, force and casual impulse, together with resistance, are the<br \/>\nfour external powers in which all the visible actions of mortals<br \/>\nhave their being and their end.<\/p>\n<p>1138.<\/p>\n<p>Our body is dependant on heaven and heaven on the Spirit.<\/p>\n<p>1139.<\/p>\n<p>The motive power is the cause of all life.<\/p>\n<p>Psychology (1140-1147).<\/p>\n<p>1140.<\/p>\n<p>And you, O Man, who will discern in this work of mine the wonderful<br \/>\nworks of Nature, if you think it would be a criminal thing to<br \/>\ndestroy it, reflect how much more criminal it is to take the life of<br \/>\na man; and if this, his external form, appears to thee marvellously<br \/>\nconstructed, remember that it is nothing as compared with the soul<br \/>\nthat dwells in that structure; for that indeed, be it what it may,<br \/>\nis a thing divine. Leave it then to dwell in His work at His good<br \/>\nwill and pleasure, and let not your rage or malice destroy a<br \/>\nlife&#8211;for indeed, he who does not value it, does not himself deserve<br \/>\nit [Footnote 19: In MS. II 15a is the note: <em>chi no stima la vita,<br \/>\nnon la merita.<\/em>].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This text is on the back of the drawings reproduced on<br \/>\nPl. CVII. Compare No. 798, 35 note on p. 111: Compare also No. 837<br \/>\nand 838.]<\/p>\n<p>1141.<\/p>\n<p>The soul can never be corrupted with the corruption of the body,,<br \/>\nbut is in the body as it were the air which causes the sound of the<br \/>\norgan, where when a pipe bursts, the wind would cease to have any<br \/>\ngood effect. [Footnote: Compare No. 845.]<\/p>\n<p>1142.<\/p>\n<p>The part always has a tendency to reunite with its whole in order to<br \/>\nescape from its imperfection.<\/p>\n<p>The spirit desires to remain with its body, because, without the<br \/>\norganic instruments of that body, it can neither act, nor feel<br \/>\nanything.<\/p>\n<p>1143.<\/p>\n<p>If any one wishes to see how the soul dwells in its body, let him<br \/>\nobserve how this body uses its daily habitation; that is to say, if<br \/>\nthis is devoid of order and confused, the body will be kept in<br \/>\ndisorder and confusion by its soul.<\/p>\n<p>1144.<\/p>\n<p>Why does the eye see a thing more clearly in dreams than with the<br \/>\nimagination being awake?<\/p>\n<p>1145.<\/p>\n<p>The senses are of the earth; Reason, stands apart in contemplation.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 842.]<\/p>\n<p>1146.<\/p>\n<p>Every action needs to be prompted by a motive.<\/p>\n<p>To know and to will are two operations of the human mind.<\/p>\n<p>Discerning, judging, deliberating are acts of the human mind.<\/p>\n<p>1147.<\/p>\n<p>All our knowledge has its origin in our preceptions.<\/p>\n<p>Science, its principles and rules (1148&#8211;1161)<\/p>\n<p>1148.<\/p>\n<p>Science is the observation of things possible, whether present or<br \/>\npast; prescience is the knowledge of things which may come to pass,<br \/>\nthough but slowly.<\/p>\n<p>1149.<\/p>\n<p>Experience, the interpreter between formative nature and the human<br \/>\nrace, teaches how that nature acts among mortals; and being<br \/>\nconstrained by necessity cannot act otherwise than as reason, which<br \/>\nis its helm, requires her to act.<\/p>\n<p>1150.<\/p>\n<p>Wisdom is the daughter of experience.<\/p>\n<p>1151.<\/p>\n<p>Nature is full of infinite causes that have never occured in<br \/>\nexperience.<\/p>\n<p>1152.<\/p>\n<p>Truth was the only daughter of Time.<\/p>\n<p>1153.<\/p>\n<p>Experience never errs; it is only your judgments that err by<br \/>\npromising themselves effects such as are not caused by your<br \/>\nexperiments.<\/p>\n<p>Experience does not err; only your judgments err by expecting from<br \/>\nher what is not in her power. Men wrongly complain of Experience;<br \/>\nwith great abuse they accuse her of leading them astray but they set<br \/>\nExperience aside, turning from it with complaints as to our<br \/>\nignorance causing us to be carried away by vain and foolish desires<br \/>\nto promise ourselves, in her name, things that are not in her power;<br \/>\nsaying that she is fallacious. Men are unjust in complaining of<br \/>\ninnocent Experience, constantly accusing her of error and of false<br \/>\nevidence.<\/p>\n<p>1154.<\/p>\n<p>Instrumental or mechanical science is of all the noblest and the<br \/>\nmost useful, seeing that by means of this all animated bodies that<br \/>\nhave movement perform all their actions; and these movements are<br \/>\nbased on the centre of gravity which is placed in the middle<br \/>\ndividing unequal weights, and it has dearth and wealth of muscles<br \/>\nand also lever and counterlever.<\/p>\n<p>1155.<\/p>\n<p>OF MECHANICS.<\/p>\n<p>Mechanics are the Paradise of mathematical science, because here we<br \/>\ncome to the fruits of mathematics. [Footnote: Compare No. 660, 11.<br \/>\n19&#8211;22 (Vol. I., p. 332). 1156.<\/p>\n<p>Every instrument requires to be made by experience.<\/p>\n<p>1157.<\/p>\n<p>The man who blames the supreme certainty of mathematics feeds on<br \/>\nconfusion, and can never silence the contradictions of sophistical<br \/>\nsciences which lead to an eternal quackery.<\/p>\n<p>1158.<\/p>\n<p>There is no certainty in sciences where one of the mathematical<br \/>\nsciences cannot be applied, or which are not in relation with these<br \/>\nmathematics.<\/p>\n<p>**** TEXT BEYOND THIS POINT STILL NEEDS SOME CLEANUP ****<\/p>\n<p>1159.<\/p>\n<p>Any one who in discussion relies upon authority uses, not his<br \/>\nunderstanding, but rather his memory. Good culture is born of a good<br \/>\ndisposition; and since the cause is more to be praised than the<br \/>\neffect, I will rather praise a good disposition without culture,<br \/>\nthan good culture without the disposition.<\/p>\n<p>1160.<\/p>\n<p>Science is the captain, and practice the soldiers.<\/p>\n<p>1161.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE ERRORS OF THOSE WHO DEPEND ON PRACTICE WITHOUT SCIENCE.<\/p>\n<p>Those who fall in love with practice without science are like a<br \/>\nsailor who enters a ship without a helm or a compass, and who never<br \/>\ncan be certain whither he is going.<\/p>\n<p>II.<\/p>\n<p>MORALS.<\/p>\n<p>What is life? (1162. 1163).<\/p>\n<p>1162.<\/p>\n<p>Now you see that the hope and the desire of returning home and to<br \/>\none&#8217;s former state is like the moth to the light, and that the man<br \/>\nwho with constant longing awaits with joy each new spring time, each<br \/>\nnew summer, each new month and new year&#8211;deeming that the things he<br \/>\nlongs for are ever too late in coming&#8211;does not perceive that he is<br \/>\nlonging for his own destruction. But this desire is the very<br \/>\nquintessence, the spirit of the elements, which finding itself<br \/>\nimprisoned with the soul is ever longing to return from the human<br \/>\nbody to its giver. And you must know that this same longing is that<br \/>\nquintessence, inseparable from nature, and that man is the image of<br \/>\nthe world.<\/p>\n<p>1163.<\/p>\n<p>O Time! consumer of all things; O envious age! thou dost destroy all<br \/>\nthings and devour all things with the relentless teeth of years,<br \/>\nlittle by little in a slow death. Helen, when she looked in her<br \/>\nmirror, seeing the withered wrinkles made in her face by old age,<br \/>\nwept and wondered why she had twice been carried away.<\/p>\n<p>O Time! consumer of all things, and O envious age! by which all<br \/>\nthings are all devoured.<\/p>\n<p>Death.<\/p>\n<p>1164.<\/p>\n<p>Every evil leaves behind a grief in our memory, except the supreme<br \/>\nevil, that is death, which destroys this memory together with life.<\/p>\n<p>How to spend life<\/p>\n<p>(1165-1170).<\/p>\n<p>1165.<\/p>\n<p>0 sleepers! what a thing is slumber! Sleep resembles death. Ah, why<br \/>\nthen dost thou not work in such wise as that after death thou mayst<br \/>\nretain a resemblance to perfect life, when, during life, thou art in<br \/>\nsleep so like to the hapless dead? [Footnote: Compare No. 676, Vol.<br \/>\nI. p. 353.]<\/p>\n<p>1166.<\/p>\n<p>One pushes down the other.<\/p>\n<p>By these square-blocks are meant the life and the studies of men.<\/p>\n<p>1167.<\/p>\n<p>The knowledge of past times and of the places on the earth is both<br \/>\nan ornament and nutriment to the human mind.<\/p>\n<p>1168.<\/p>\n<p>To lie is so vile, that even if it were in speaking well of godly<br \/>\nthings it would take off something from God&#8217;s grace; and Truth is so<br \/>\nexcellent, that if it praises but small things they become noble.<\/p>\n<p>Beyond a doubt truth bears the same relation to falsehood as light<br \/>\nto darkness; and this truth is in itself so excellent that, even<br \/>\nwhen it dwells on humble and lowly matters, it is still infinitely<br \/>\nabove uncertainty and lies, disguised in high and lofty discourses;<br \/>\nbecause in our minds, even if lying should be their fifth element,<br \/>\nthis does not prevent that the truth of things is the chief<br \/>\nnutriment of superior intellects, though not of wandering wits.<\/p>\n<p>But you who live in dreams are better pleased by the sophistical<br \/>\nreasons and frauds of wits in great and uncertain things, than by<br \/>\nthose reasons which are certain and natural and not so far above us.<\/p>\n<p>1169.<\/p>\n<p>Avoid studies of which the result dies with the worker.<\/p>\n<p>1170.<\/p>\n<p>Men are in error when they lament the flight of time, accusing it of<br \/>\nbeing too swift, and not perceiving that it is sufficient as it<br \/>\npasses; but good memory, with which nature has endowed us, causes<br \/>\nthings long past to seem present.<\/p>\n<p>1171.<\/p>\n<p>Learning acquired in youth arrests the evil of old age; and if you<br \/>\nunderstand that old age has wisdom for its food, you will so conduct<br \/>\nyourself in youth that your old age will not lack for nourishment.<\/p>\n<p>1172.<\/p>\n<p>The acquisition of any knowledge is always of use to the intellect,<br \/>\nbecause it may thus drive out useless things and retain the good.<\/p>\n<p>For nothing can be loved or hated unless it is first known.<\/p>\n<p>1173.<\/p>\n<p>As a day well spent procures a happy sleep, so a life well employed<br \/>\nprocures a happy death.<\/p>\n<p>1174.<\/p>\n<p>The water you touch in a river is the last of that which has passed,<br \/>\nand the first of that which is coming. Thus it is with time present.<\/p>\n<p>Life if well spent, is long.<\/p>\n<p>1175.<\/p>\n<p>Just as food eaten without caring for it is turned into loathsome<br \/>\nnourishment, so study without a taste for it spoils memory, by<br \/>\nretaining nothing which it has taken in.<\/p>\n<p>1176.<\/p>\n<p>Just as eating against one&#8217;s will is injurious to health, so study<br \/>\nwithout a liking for it spoils the memory, and it retains nothing it<br \/>\ntakes in.<\/p>\n<p>1177.<\/p>\n<p>On Mount Etna the words freeze in your mouth and you may make ice of<br \/>\nthem.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 2: There is no clue to explain this strange sentence.]<\/p>\n<p>Just as iron rusts unless it is used, and water putrifies or, in<br \/>\ncold, turns to ice, so our intellect spoils unless it is kept in<br \/>\nuse.<\/p>\n<p>You do ill if you praise, and still worse if you reprove in a matter<br \/>\nyou do not understand.<\/p>\n<p>When Fortune comes, seize her in front with a sure hand, because<br \/>\nbehind she is bald.<\/p>\n<p>1178.<\/p>\n<p>It seems to me that men of coarse and clumsy habits and of small<br \/>\nknowledge do not deserve such fine instruments nor so great a<br \/>\nvariety of natural mechanism as men of speculation and of great<br \/>\nknowledge; but merely a sack in which their food may be stowed and<br \/>\nwhence it may issue, since they cannot be judged to be any thing<br \/>\nelse than vehicles for food; for it seems to me they have nothing<br \/>\nabout them of the human species but the voice and the figure, and<br \/>\nfor all the rest are much below beasts.<\/p>\n<p>1179.<\/p>\n<p>Some there are who are nothing else than a passage for food and<br \/>\naugmentors of excrement and fillers of privies, because through them<br \/>\nno other things in the world, nor any good effects are produced,<br \/>\nsince nothing but full privies results from them.<\/p>\n<p>On foolishness and ignorance (1180&#8211;1182).<\/p>\n<p>1180.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest deception men suffer is from their own opinions.<\/p>\n<p>1181.<\/p>\n<p>Folly is the shield of shame, as unreadiness is that of poverty<br \/>\nglorified.<\/p>\n<p>1182.<\/p>\n<p>Blind ignorance misleads us thus and delights with the results of<br \/>\nlascivious joys.<\/p>\n<p>Because it does not know the true light. Because it does not know<br \/>\nwhat is the true light.<\/p>\n<p>Vain splendour takes from us the power of being &#8230;. behold! for its<br \/>\nvain splendour we go into the fire, thus blind ignorance does<br \/>\nmislead us. That is, blind ignorance so misleads us that &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>O! wretched mortals, open your eyes.<\/p>\n<p>On riches (1183&#8211;1187).<\/p>\n<p>1183.<\/p>\n<p>That is not riches, which may be lost; virtue is our true good and<br \/>\nthe true reward of its possessor. That cannot be lost; that never<br \/>\ndeserts us, but when life leaves us. As to property and external<br \/>\nriches, hold them with trembling; they often leave their possessor<br \/>\nin contempt, and mocked at for having lost them.<\/p>\n<p>1184.<\/p>\n<p>Every man wishes to make money to give it to the doctors, destroyers<br \/>\nof life; they then ought to be rich. [Footnote 2: Compare No. 856.]<\/p>\n<p>Man has much power of discourse which for the most part is vain and<br \/>\nfalse; animals have but little, but it is useful and true, and a<br \/>\nsmall truth is better than a great lie.<\/p>\n<p>1185.<\/p>\n<p>He who possesses most must be most afraid of loss.<\/p>\n<p>1186.<\/p>\n<p>He who wishes to be rich in a day will be hanged in a year.<\/p>\n<p>1187.<\/p>\n<p>That man is of supreme folly who always wants for fear of wanting;<br \/>\nand his life flies away while he is still hoping to enjoy the good<br \/>\nthings which he has with extreme labour acquired.<\/p>\n<p>Rules of Life (1188-1202).<\/p>\n<p>1188.<\/p>\n<p>If you governed your body by the rules of virtue you would not walk<br \/>\non all fours in this world.<\/p>\n<p>You grow in reputation like bread in the hands of a child.<br \/>\n[Footnote: The first sentence is obscure. Compare Nos. 825, 826.]<\/p>\n<p>1189.<\/p>\n<p>Savage he is who saves himself.<\/p>\n<p>1190.<\/p>\n<p>We ought not to desire the impossible. [Footnote: The writing of<br \/>\nthis note, which is exceedingly minute, is reproduced in facsimile<br \/>\non Pl. XLI No. 5 above the first diagram.<\/p>\n<p>1191.<\/p>\n<p>Ask counsel of him who rules himself well.<\/p>\n<p>Justice requires power, insight, and will; and it resembles the<br \/>\nqueen-bee.<\/p>\n<p>He who does not punish evil commands it to be done.<\/p>\n<p>He who takes the snake by the tail will presently be bitten by it.<\/p>\n<p>The grave will fall in upon him who digs it.<\/p>\n<p>1192.<\/p>\n<p>The man who does not restrain wantonness, allies himself with<br \/>\nbeasts.<\/p>\n<p>You can have no dominion greater or less than that over yourself.<\/p>\n<p>He who thinks little, errs much.<\/p>\n<p>It is easier to contend with evil at the first than at the last.<\/p>\n<p>No counsel is more loyal than that given on ships which are in<br \/>\nperil: He may expect loss who acts on the advice of an inexperienced<br \/>\nyouth.<\/p>\n<p>1193.<\/p>\n<p>Where there is most feeling, there is the greatest martyrdom;&#8211;a<br \/>\ngreat martyr.<\/p>\n<p>1194.<\/p>\n<p>The memory of benefits is a frail defence against ingratitude.<\/p>\n<p>Reprove your friend in secret and praise him openly.<\/p>\n<p>Be not false about the past.<\/p>\n<p>1195.<\/p>\n<p>A SIMILE FOR PATIENCE.<\/p>\n<p>Patience serves us against insults precisely as clothes do against<br \/>\nthe cold. For if you multiply your garments as the cold increases,<br \/>\nthat cold cannot hurt you; in the same way increase your patience<br \/>\nunder great offences, and they cannot hurt your feelings.<\/p>\n<p>1196.<\/p>\n<p>To speak well of a base man is much the same as speaking ill of a<br \/>\ngood man.<\/p>\n<p>1197.<\/p>\n<p>Envy wounds with false accusations, that is with detraction, a thing<br \/>\nwhich scares virtue.<\/p>\n<p>1198.<\/p>\n<p>We are deceived by promises and time disappoints us &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 2: The rest of this passage may be rendered in various<br \/>\nways, but none of them give a satisfactory meaning.]<\/p>\n<p>1199.<\/p>\n<p>Fear arises sooner than any thing else.<\/p>\n<p>1200.<\/p>\n<p>Just as courage imperils life, fear protects it.<\/p>\n<p>Threats alone are the weapons of the threatened man.<\/p>\n<p>Wherever good fortune enters, envy lays siege to the place and<br \/>\nattacks it; and when it departs, sorrow and repentance remain<br \/>\nbehind.<\/p>\n<p>He who walks straight rarely falls.<\/p>\n<p>It is bad if you praise, and worse if you reprove a thing, I mean,<br \/>\nif you do not understand the matter well.<\/p>\n<p>It is ill to praise, and worse to reprimand in matters that you do<br \/>\nnot understand.<\/p>\n<p>1201.<\/p>\n<p>Words which do not satisfy the ear of the hearer weary him or vex<br \/>\nhim, and the symptoms of this you will often see in such hearers in<br \/>\ntheir frequent yawns; you therefore, who speak before men whose good<br \/>\nwill you desire, when you see such an excess of fatigue, abridge<br \/>\nyour speech, or change your discourse; and if you do otherwise, then<br \/>\ninstead of the favour you desire, you will get dislike and<br \/>\nhostility.<\/p>\n<p>And if you would see in what a man takes pleasure, without hearing<br \/>\nhim speak, change the subject of your discourse in talking to him,<br \/>\nand when you presently see him intent, without yawning or wrinkling<br \/>\nhis brow or other actions of various kinds, you may be certain that<br \/>\nthe matter of which you are speaking is such as is agreeable to him<br \/>\n&amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>1202.<\/p>\n<p>The lover is moved by the beloved object as the senses are by<br \/>\nsensible objects; and they unite and become one and the same thing.<br \/>\nThe work is the first thing born of this union; if the thing loved<br \/>\nis base the lover becomes base.<\/p>\n<p>When the thing taken into union is perfectly adapted to that which<br \/>\nreceives it, the result is delight and pleasure and satisfaction.<\/p>\n<p>When that which loves is united to the thing beloved it can rest<br \/>\nthere; when the burden is laid down it finds rest there.<\/p>\n<p>Politics (1203. 1204).<\/p>\n<p>1203.<\/p>\n<p>There will be eternal fame also for the inhabitants of that town,<br \/>\nconstructed and enlarged by him.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: These notes were possibly written in preparation for a<br \/>\nletter. The meaning is obscure.]<\/p>\n<p>All communities obey and are led by their magnates, and these<br \/>\nmagnates ally themselves with the lords and subjugate them in two<br \/>\nways: either by consanguinity, or by fortune; by consanguinity, when<br \/>\ntheir children are, as it were, hostages, and a security and pledge<br \/>\nof their suspected fidelity; by property, when you make each of<br \/>\nthese build a house or two inside your city which may yield some<br \/>\nrevenue and he shall have&#8230;; 10 towns, five thousand houses with<br \/>\nthirty thousand inhabitants, and you will disperse this great<br \/>\ncongregation of people which stand like goats one behind the other,<br \/>\nfilling every place with fetid smells and sowing seeds of pestilence<br \/>\nand death;<\/p>\n<p>And the city will gain beauty worthy of its name and to you it will<br \/>\nbe useful by its revenues, and the eternal fame of its<br \/>\naggrandizement.<\/p>\n<p>1204.<\/p>\n<p>To preserve Nature&#8217;s chiefest boon, that is freedom, I can find<br \/>\nmeans of offence and defence, when it is assailed by ambitious<br \/>\ntyrants, and first I will speak of the situation of the walls, and<br \/>\nalso I shall show how communities can maintain their good and just<br \/>\nLords.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 1266.]<\/p>\n<p>III.<\/p>\n<p>POLEMICS.&#8211;SPECULATION.<\/p>\n<p>Against Speculators (1205. 1206).<\/p>\n<p>1205.<\/p>\n<p>Oh! speculators on things, boast not of knowing the things that<br \/>\nnature ordinarily brings about; but rejoice if you know the end of<br \/>\nthose things which you yourself devise.<\/p>\n<p>1206.<\/p>\n<p>Oh! speculators on perpetual motion how many vain projects of the<br \/>\nlike character you have created! Go and be the companions of the<br \/>\nsearchers for gold. [Footnote: Another short passage in MS. I,<br \/>\nreferring also to speculators, is given by LIBRI (<em>Hist, des<br \/>\nSciences math.<\/em> III, 228): <em>Sicche voi speculatori non vi fidate<br \/>\ndelli autori che anno sol col immaginatione voluto farsi inter*preti<br \/>\ntra la natura e l&#8217;omo, ma sol di quelli che non coi cienni della<br \/>\nnatura, ma cogli effetti delle sue esperienze anno esercitati i loro<br \/>\ningegni.<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>Against alchemists (1207. 1208).<\/p>\n<p>1207.<\/p>\n<p>The false interpreters of nature declare that quicksilver is the<br \/>\ncommon seed of every metal, not remembering that nature varies the<br \/>\nseed according to the variety of the things she desires to produce<br \/>\nin the world.<\/p>\n<p>1208.<\/p>\n<p>And many have made a trade of delusions and false miracles,<br \/>\ndeceiving the stupid multitude.<\/p>\n<p>Against friars.<\/p>\n<p>1209.<\/p>\n<p>Pharisees&#8211;that is to say, friars.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 837, *11. 54-57, No. 1296 (p. 363 and 364),<br \/>\nand No. 1305 (p. 370).]<\/p>\n<p>Against writers of epitomes.<\/p>\n<p>1210.<\/p>\n<p>Abbreviators do harm to knowledge and to love, seeing that the love<br \/>\nof any thing is the offspring of this knowledge, the love being the<br \/>\nmore fervent in proportion as the knowledge is more certain. And<br \/>\nthis certainty is born of a complete knowledge of all the parts,<br \/>\nwhich, when combined, compose the totality of the thing which ought<br \/>\nto be loved. Of what use then is he who abridges the details of<br \/>\nthose matters of which he professes to give thorough information,<br \/>\nwhile he leaves behind the chief part of the things of which the<br \/>\nwhole is composed? It is true that impatience, the mother of<br \/>\nstupidity, praises brevity, as if such persons had not life long<br \/>\nenough to serve them to acquire a complete knowledge of one single<br \/>\nsubject, such as the human body; and then they want to comprehend<br \/>\nthe mind of God in which the universe is included, weighing it<br \/>\nminutely and mincing it into infinite parts, as if they had to<br \/>\ndissect it!<\/p>\n<p>Oh! human stupidity, do you not perceive that, though you have been<br \/>\nwith yourself all your life, you are not yet aware of the thing you<br \/>\npossess most of, that is of your folly? and then, with the crowd of<br \/>\nsophists, you deceive yourselves and others, despising the<br \/>\nmathematical sciences, in which truth dwells and the knowledge of<br \/>\nthe things included in them. And then you occupy yourself with<br \/>\nmiracles, and write that you possess information of those things of<br \/>\nwhich the human mind is incapable and which cannot be proved by any<br \/>\ninstance from nature. And you fancy you have wrought miracles when<br \/>\nyou spoil a work of some speculative mind, and do not perceive that<br \/>\nyou are falling into the same error as that of a man who strips a<br \/>\ntree of the ornament of its branches covered with leaves mingled<br \/>\nwith the scented blossoms or fruit&#8230;&#8230;. [Footnote 48: <em>Givstino<\/em>,<br \/>\nMarcus Junianus Justinus, a Roman historian of the second century,<br \/>\nwho compiled an epitome from the general history written by Trogus<br \/>\nPompeius, who lived in the time of Augustus. The work of the latter<br \/>\nwriter no longer exist.] as Justinus did, in abridging the histories<br \/>\nwritten by Trogus Pompeius, who had written in an ornate style all<br \/>\nthe worthy deeds of his forefathers, full of the most admirable and<br \/>\nornamental passages; and so composed a bald work worthy only of<br \/>\nthose impatient spirits, who fancy they are losing as much time as<br \/>\nthat which they employ usefully in studying the works of nature and<br \/>\nthe deeds of men. But these may remain in company of beasts; among<br \/>\ntheir associates should be dogs and other animals full of rapine and<br \/>\nthey may hunt with them after&#8230;., and then follow helpless beasts,<br \/>\nwhich in time of great snows come near to your houses asking alms as<br \/>\nfrom their master&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>On spirits (1211&#8211;1213).<\/p>\n<p>1211.<\/p>\n<p>O mathematicians shed light on this error.<\/p>\n<p>The spirit has no voice, because where there is a voice there is a<br \/>\nbody, and where there is a body space is occupied, and this prevents<br \/>\nthe eye from seeing what is placed behind that space; hence the<br \/>\nsurrounding air is filled by the body, that is by its image.<\/p>\n<p>1212.<\/p>\n<p>There can be no voice where there is no motion or percussion of the<br \/>\nair; there can be no percussion of the air where there is no<br \/>\ninstrument, there can be no instrument without a body; and this<br \/>\nbeing so, a spirit can have neither voice, nor form, nor strength.<br \/>\nAnd if it were to assume a body it could not penetrate nor enter<br \/>\nwhere the passages are closed. And if any one should say that by<br \/>\nair, compressed and compacted together, a spirit may take bodies of<br \/>\nvarious forms and by this means speak and move with strength&#8211;to him<br \/>\nI reply that when there are neither nerves nor bones there can be no<br \/>\nforce exercised in any kind of movement made by such imaginary<br \/>\nspirits.<\/p>\n<p>Beware of the teaching of these speculators, because their reasoning<br \/>\nis not confirmed by experience.<\/p>\n<p>1213.<\/p>\n<p>Of all human opinions that is to be reputed the most foolish which<br \/>\ndeals with the belief in Necromancy, the sister of Alchemy, which<br \/>\ngives birth to simple and natural things. But it is all the more<br \/>\nworthy of reprehension than alchemy, because it brings forth nothing<br \/>\nbut what is like itself, that is, lies; this does not happen in<br \/>\nAlchemy which deals with simple products of nature and whose<br \/>\nfunction cannot be exercised by nature itself, because it has no<br \/>\norganic instruments with which it can work, as men do by means of<br \/>\ntheir hands, who have produced, for instance, glass &amp;c. but this<br \/>\nNecromancy the flag and flying banner, blown by the winds, is the<br \/>\nguide of the stupid crowd which is constantly witness to the<br \/>\ndazzling and endless effects of this art; and there are books full,<br \/>\ndeclaring that enchantments and spirits can work and speak without<br \/>\ntongues and without organic instruments&#8211; without which it is<br \/>\nimpossible to speak&#8211; and can carry heaviest weights and raise<br \/>\nstorms and rain; and that men can be turned into cats and wolves and<br \/>\nother beasts, although indeed it is those who affirm these things<br \/>\nwho first became beasts.<\/p>\n<p>And surely if this Necromancy did exist, as is believed by small<br \/>\nwits, there is nothing on the earth that would be of so much<br \/>\nimportance alike for the detriment and service of men, if it were<br \/>\ntrue that there were in such an art a power to disturb the calm<br \/>\nserenity of the air, converting it into darkness and making<br \/>\ncoruscations or winds, with terrific thunder and lightnings rushing<br \/>\nthrough the darkness, and with violent storms overthrowing high<br \/>\nbuildings and rooting up forests; and thus to oppose armies,<br \/>\ncrushing and annihilating them; and, besides these frightful storms<br \/>\nmay deprive the peasants of the reward of their labours.&#8211;Now what<br \/>\nkind of warfare is there to hurt the enemy so much as to deprive him<br \/>\nof the harvest? What naval warfare could be compared with this? I<br \/>\nsay, the man who has power to command the winds and to make ruinous<br \/>\ngales by which any fleet may be submerged, &#8211;surely a man who could<br \/>\ncommand such violent forces would be lord of the nations, and no<br \/>\nhuman ingenuity could resist his crushing force. The hidden<br \/>\ntreasures and gems reposing in the body of the earth would all be<br \/>\nmade manifest to him. No lock nor fortress, though impregnable,<br \/>\nwould be able to save any one against the will of the necromancer.<br \/>\nHe would have himself carried through the air from East to West and<br \/>\nthrough all the opposite sides of the universe. But why should I<br \/>\nenlarge further upon this? What is there that could not be done by<br \/>\nsuch a craftsman? Almost nothing, except to escape death. Hereby I<br \/>\nhave explained in part the mischief and the usefulness, contained in<br \/>\nthis art, if it is real; and if it is real why has it not remained<br \/>\namong men who desire it so much, having nothing to do with any<br \/>\ndeity? For I know that there are numberless people who would, to<br \/>\nsatisfy a whim, destroy God and all the universe; and if this<br \/>\nnecromancy, being, as it were, so necessary to men, has not been<br \/>\nleft among them, it can never have existed, nor will it ever exist<br \/>\naccording to the definition of the spirit, which is invisible in<br \/>\nsubstance; for within the elements there are no incorporate things,<br \/>\nbecause where there is no body, there is a vacuum; and no vacuum can<br \/>\nexist in the elements because it would be immediately filled up.<br \/>\nTurn over.<\/p>\n<p>1214.<\/p>\n<p>OF SPIRITS.<\/p>\n<p>We have said, on the other side of this page, that the definition of<br \/>\na spirit is a power conjoined to a body; because it cannot move of<br \/>\nits own accord, nor can it have any kind of motion in space; and if<br \/>\nyou were to say that it moves itself, this cannot be within the<br \/>\nelements. For, if the spirit is an incorporeal quantity, this<br \/>\nquantity is called a vacuum, and a vacuum does not exist in nature;<br \/>\nand granting that one were formed, it would be immediately filled up<br \/>\nby the rushing in of the element in which the vacuum had been<br \/>\ngenerated. Therefore, from the definition of weight, which is<br \/>\nthis&#8211;Gravity is an accidental power, created by one element being<br \/>\ndrawn to or suspended in another&#8211;it follows that an element, not<br \/>\nweighing anything compared with itself, has weight in the element<br \/>\nabove it and lighter than it; as we see that the parts of water have<br \/>\nno gravity or levity compared with other water, but if you draw it<br \/>\nup into the air, then it would acquire weight, and if you were to<br \/>\ndraw the air beneath the water then the water which remains above<br \/>\nthis air would acquire weight, which weight could not sustain itself<br \/>\nby itself, whence collapse is inevitable. And this happens in water;<br \/>\nwherever the vacuum may be in this water it will fall in; and this<br \/>\nwould happen with a spirit amid the elements, where it would<br \/>\ncontinuously generate a vacuum in whatever element it might find<br \/>\nitself, whence it would be inevitable that it should be constantly<br \/>\nflying towards the sky until it had quitted these elements.<\/p>\n<p>AS TO WHETHER A SPIRIT HAS A BODY AMID THE ELEMENTS.<\/p>\n<p>We have proved that a spirit cannot exist of itself amid the<br \/>\nelements without a body, nor can it move of itself by voluntary<br \/>\nmotion unless it be to rise upwards. But now we will say how such a<br \/>\nspirit taking an aerial body would be inevitably melt into air;<br \/>\nbecause if it remained united, it would be separated and fall to<br \/>\nform a vacuum, as is said above; therefore it is inevitable, if it<br \/>\nis to be able to remain suspended in the air, that it should absorb<br \/>\na certain quantity of air; and if it were mingled with the air, two<br \/>\ndifficulties arise; that is to say: It must rarefy that portion of<br \/>\nthe air with which it mingles; and for this cause the rarefied air<br \/>\nmust fly up of itself and will not remain among the air that is<br \/>\nheavier than itself; and besides this the subtle spiritual essence<br \/>\ndisunites itself, and its nature is modified, by which that nature<br \/>\nloses some of its first virtue. Added to these there is a third<br \/>\ndifficulty, and this is that such a body formed of air assumed by<br \/>\nthe spirits is exposed to the penetrating winds, which are<br \/>\nincessantly sundering and dispersing the united portions of the air,<br \/>\nrevolving and whirling amidst the rest of the atmosphere; therefore<br \/>\nthe spirit which is infused in this<\/p>\n<p>1215.<\/p>\n<p>air would be dismembered or rent and broken up with the rending of<br \/>\nthe air into which it was incorporated.<\/p>\n<p>AS TO WHETHER THE SPIRIT, HAVING TAKEN THIS BODY OF AIR, CAN MOVE OF<br \/>\nITSELF OR NOT.<\/p>\n<p>It is impossible that the spirit infused into a certain quantity of<br \/>\nair, should move this air; and this is proved by the above passage<br \/>\nwhere it is said: the spirit rarefies that portion of the air in<br \/>\nwhich it incorporates itself; therefore this air will rise high<br \/>\nabove the other air and there will be a motion of the air caused by<br \/>\nits lightness and not by a voluntary movement of the spirit, and if<br \/>\nthis air is encountered by the wind, according to the 3rd of this,<br \/>\nthe air will be moved by the wind and not by the spirit incorporated<br \/>\nin it.<\/p>\n<p>AS TO WHETHER THE SPIRIT CAN SPEAK OR NOT.<\/p>\n<p>In order to prove whether the spirit can speak or not, it is<br \/>\nnecessary in the first place to define what a voice is and how it is<br \/>\ngenerated; and we will say that the voice is, as it were, the<br \/>\nmovement of air in friction against a dense body, or a dense body in<br \/>\nfriction against the air,&#8211;which is the same thing. And this<br \/>\nfriction of the dense and the rare condenses the rare and causes<br \/>\nresistance; again, the rare, when in swift motion, and the rare in<br \/>\nslow motion condense each other when they come in contact and make a<br \/>\nnoise and very great uproar; and the sound or murmur made by the<br \/>\nrare moving through the rare with only moderate swiftness, like a<br \/>\ngreat flame generating noises in the air; and the tremendous uproar<br \/>\nmade by the rare mingling with the rare, and when that air which is<br \/>\nboth swift and rare rushes into that which is itself rare and in<br \/>\nmotion, it is like the flame of fire which issues from a big gun and<br \/>\nstriking against the air; and again when a flame issues from the<br \/>\ncloud, there is a concussion in the air as the bolt is generated.<br \/>\nTherefore we may say that the spirit cannot produce a voice without<br \/>\nmovement of the air, and air in it there is none, nor can it emit<br \/>\nwhat it has not; and if desires to move that air in which it is<br \/>\nincorporated, it is necessary that the spirit should multiply<br \/>\nitself, and that cannot multiply which has no quantity. And in the<br \/>\n4th place it is said that no rare body can move, if it has not a<br \/>\nstable spot, whence it may take its motion; much more is it so when<br \/>\nan element has to move within its own element, which does not move<br \/>\nof itself, excepting by uniform evaporation at the centre of the<br \/>\nthing evaporated; as occurs in a sponge squeezed in the hand held<br \/>\nunder water; the water escapes in every direction with equal<br \/>\nmovement through the openings between the fingers of the hand in<br \/>\nwhich it is squeezed.<\/p>\n<p>As to whether the spirit has an articulate voice, and whether the<br \/>\nspirit can be heard, and what hearing is, and seeing; the wave of<br \/>\nthe voice passes through the air as the images of objects pass to<br \/>\nthe eye.<\/p>\n<p>Nonentity.<\/p>\n<p>1216.<\/p>\n<p>Every quantity is intellectually conceivable as infinitely<br \/>\ndivisible.<\/p>\n<p>[Amid the vastness of the things among which we live, the existence<br \/>\nof nothingness holds the first place; its function extends over all<br \/>\nthings that have no existence, and its essence, as regards time,<br \/>\nlies precisely between the past and the future, and has nothing in<br \/>\nthe present. This nothingness has the part equal to the whole, and<br \/>\nthe whole to the part, the divisible to the indivisible; and the<br \/>\nproduct of the sum is the same whether we divide or multiply, and in<br \/>\naddition as in subtraction; as is proved by arithmeticians by their<br \/>\ntenth figure which represents zero; and its power has not extension<br \/>\namong the things of Nature.]<\/p>\n<p>[What is called Nothingness is to be found only in time and in<br \/>\nspeech. In time it stands between the past and future and has no<br \/>\nexistence in the present; and thus in speech it is one of the things<br \/>\nof which we say: They are not, or they are impossible.]<\/p>\n<p>With regard to time, nothingness lies between the past and the<br \/>\nfuture, and has nothing to do with the present, and as to its nature<br \/>\nit is to be classed among things impossible: hence, from what has<br \/>\nbeen said, it has no existence; because where there is nothing there<br \/>\nwould necessarily be a vacuum.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 916.]<\/p>\n<p>Reflections on Nature (1217-1219).<\/p>\n<p>1217.<\/p>\n<p>EXAMPLE OF THE LIGHTNING IN CLOUDS.<\/p>\n<p>[O mighty and once living instrument of formative nature. Incapable<br \/>\nof availing thyself of thy vast strength thou hast to abandon a life<br \/>\nof stillness and to obey the law which God and time gave to<br \/>\nprocreative nature.]<\/p>\n<p>Ah! how many a time the shoals of terrified dolphins and the huge<br \/>\ntunny-fish were seen to flee before thy cruel fury, to escape;<br \/>\nwhilst thy fulminations raised in the sea a sudden tempest with<br \/>\nbuffeting and submersion of ships in the great waves; and filling<br \/>\nthe uncovered shores with the terrified and desperate fishes which<br \/>\nfled from thee, and left by the sea, remained in spots where they<br \/>\nbecame the abundant prey of the people in the neighbourhood.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The character of the handwriting points to an early<br \/>\nperiod of Leonardo&#8217;s life. It has become very indistinct, and is at<br \/>\npresent exceedingly difficult to decipher. Some passages remain<br \/>\ndoubtful.]<\/p>\n<p>O time, swift robber of all created things, how many kings, how many<br \/>\nnations hast thou undone, and how many changes of states and of<br \/>\nvarious events have happened since the wondrous forms of this fish<br \/>\nperished here in this cavernous and winding recess. Now destroyed by<br \/>\ntime thou liest patiently in this confined space with bones stripped<br \/>\nand bare; serving as a support and prop for the superimposed<br \/>\nmountain.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 1339, written on the same sheet.]<\/p>\n<p>1218.<\/p>\n<p>The watery element was left enclosed between the raised banks of the<br \/>\nrivers, and the sea was seen between the uplifted earth and the<br \/>\nsurrounding air which has to envelope and enclose the complicated<br \/>\nmachine of the earth, and whose mass, standing between the water and<br \/>\nthe element of fire, remained much restricted and deprived of its<br \/>\nindispensable moisture; the rivers will be deprived of their waters,<br \/>\nthe fruitful earth will put forth no more her light verdure; the<br \/>\nfields will no more be decked with waving corn; all the animals,<br \/>\nfinding no fresh grass for pasture, will die and food will then be<br \/>\nlacking to the lions and wolves and other beasts of prey, and to men<br \/>\nwho after many efforts will be compelled to abandon their life, and<br \/>\nthe human race will die out. In this way the fertile and fruitful<br \/>\nearth will remain deserted, arid and sterile from the water being<br \/>\nshut up in its interior, and from the activity of nature it will<br \/>\ncontinue a little time to increase until the cold and subtle air<br \/>\nbeing gone, it will be forced to end with the element of fire; and<br \/>\nthen its surface will be left burnt up to cinder and this will be<br \/>\nthe end of all terrestrial nature.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 1339, written on the same sheet.]<\/p>\n<p>1219.<\/p>\n<p>Why did nature not ordain that one animal should not live by the<br \/>\ndeath of another? Nature, being inconstant and taking pleasure in<br \/>\ncreating and making constantly new lives and forms, because she<br \/>\nknows that her terrestrial materials become thereby augmented, is<br \/>\nmore ready and more swift in her creating, than time in his<br \/>\ndestruction; and so she has ordained that many animals shall be food<br \/>\nfor others. Nay, this not satisfying her desire, to the same end she<br \/>\nfrequently sends forth certain poisonous and pestilential vapours<br \/>\nupon the vast increase and congregation of animals; and most of all<br \/>\nupon men, who increase vastly because other animals do not feed upon<br \/>\nthem; and, the causes being removed, the effects would not follow.<br \/>\nThis earth therefore seeks to lose its life, desiring only continual<br \/>\nreproduction; and as, by the argument you bring forward and<br \/>\ndemonstrate, like effects always follow like causes, animals are the<br \/>\nimage of the world.<\/p>\n<p><em>XX.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Humorous Writings.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Just as Michaelangelo&#8217;s occasional poems reflect his private life<br \/>\nas well as the general disposition of his mind, we may find in the<br \/>\nwritings collected in this section, the transcript of Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nfanciful nature, and we should probably not be far wrong in<br \/>\nassuming, that he himself had recited these fables in the company of<br \/>\nhis friends or at the court festivals of princes and patrons.<\/em> Era<br \/>\ntanto piacevole nella conversazione&#8211; <em>so relates Vasari<\/em>&#8211;che<br \/>\ntirava a se gli animi delle genti. <em>And Paulus Jovius says in his<br \/>\nshort biography of the artist:<\/em> Fuit ingenio valde comi, nitido,<br \/>\nliberali, vultu autem longe venustissimo, et cum elegantiae omnis<br \/>\ndeliciarumque maxime theatralium mirificus inventor ac arbiter<br \/>\nesset, ad lyramque scito caneret, cunctis per omnem aetatem<br \/>\nprincipibus mire placuit. <em>There can be no doubt that the fables are<br \/>\nthe original offspring of Leonardo&#8217;s brain, and not borrowed from<br \/>\nany foreign source; indeed the schemes and plans for the composition<br \/>\nof fables collected in division V seem to afford an external proof<br \/>\nof this, if the fables themselves did not render it self-evident.<br \/>\nSeveral of them&#8211; for instance No.<\/em> l279&#8211;<em>are so strikingly<br \/>\ncharacteristic of Leonardo&#8217;s views of natural science that we cannot<br \/>\ndo them justice till we are acquainted with his theories on such<br \/>\nsubjects; and this is equally true of the &#8216;Prophecies&#8217;<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><em>I have prefixed to these quaint writings the &#8216;Studies on the life<br \/>\nand habits of animals&#8217; which are singular from their peculiar<br \/>\naphoristic style, and I have transcribed them in exactly the order<br \/>\nin which they are written in MS. H. This is one of the very rare<br \/>\ninstances in which one subject is treated in a consecutive series of<br \/>\nnotes, all in one MS., and Leonardo has also departed from his<br \/>\nordinary habits, by occasionally not completing the text on the page<br \/>\nit is begun. These brief notes of a somewhat mysterious bearing have<br \/>\nbeen placed here, simply because they may possibly have been<br \/>\nintended to serve as hints for fables or allegories. They can<br \/>\nscarcely be regarded as preparatory for a natural history, rather<br \/>\nthey would seem to be extracts. On the one hand the names of some of<br \/>\nthe animals seem to prove that Leonardo could not here be recording<br \/>\nobservations of his own; on the other hand the notes on their habits<br \/>\nand life appear to me to dwell precisely on what must have<br \/>\ninterested him most&#8211;so far as it is possible to form any complete<br \/>\nestimate of his nature and tastes.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>In No.<\/em> 1293 <em>lines<\/em> 1-10, <em>we have a sketch of a scheme for<br \/>\ngrouping the Prophecies. I have not however availed myself of it as<br \/>\na clue to their arrangement here because, in the first place, the<br \/>\ntexts are not so numerous as to render the suggested classification<br \/>\nuseful to the reader, and, also, because in reading the long series,<br \/>\nas they occur in the original, we may follow the author&#8217;s mind; and<br \/>\nhere and there it is not difficult to see how one theme suggested<br \/>\nanother. I have however regarded Leonardo&#8217;s scheme for the<br \/>\nclassification of the Prophecies as available for that of the Fables<br \/>\nand Jests, and have adhered to it as far as possible.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Among the humourous writings I might perhaps have included the<\/em><br \/>\n&#8216;Rebusses&#8217;, <em>of which there are several in the collection of<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s drawings at Windsor; it seems to me not likely that many<br \/>\nor all of them could be solved at the present day and the MSS. throw<br \/>\nno light on them. Nor should I be justified if I intended to include<br \/>\nin the literary works the well-known caricatures of human faces<br \/>\nattributed to Leonardo&#8211; of which, however, it may be incidentally<br \/>\nobserved, the greater number are in my opinion undoubtedly spurious.<br \/>\nTwo only have necessarily been given owing to their presence in<br \/>\ntext, which it was desired to reproduce: Vol. I page<\/em> 326, <em>and Pl.<br \/>\nCXXII. It can scarcely be doubted that some satirical intention is<br \/>\nconveyed by the drawing on Pl. LXIV (text No. _688<\/em>).<\/p>\n<p>My reason for not presenting Leonardo to the reader as a poet is the<br \/>\nfact that the maxims and morals in verse which have been ascribed to<br \/>\nhim, are not to be found in the manuscripts, and Prof. Uzielli has<br \/>\nalready proved that they cannot be by him. Hence it would seem that<br \/>\nonly a few short verses can be attributed to him with any<br \/>\ncertainty._<\/p>\n<p>I.<\/p>\n<p>STUDIES ON THE LIFE AND HABITS OF ANIMALS.<\/p>\n<p>1220.<\/p>\n<p>THE LOVE OF VIRTUE.<\/p>\n<p>The gold-finch is a bird of which it is related that, when it is<br \/>\ncarried into the presence of a sick person, if the sick man is going<br \/>\nto die, the bird turns away its head and never looks at him; but if<br \/>\nthe sick man is to be saved the bird never loses sight of him but is<br \/>\nthe cause of curing him of all his sickness.<\/p>\n<p>Like unto this is the love of virtue. It never looks at any vile or<br \/>\nbase thing, but rather clings always to pure and virtuous things and<br \/>\ntakes up its abode in a noble heart; as the birds do in green woods<br \/>\non flowery branches. And this Love shows itself more in adversity<br \/>\nthan in prosperity; as light does, which shines most where the place<br \/>\nis darkest.<\/p>\n<p>1221.<\/p>\n<p>ENVY.<\/p>\n<p>We read of the kite that, when it sees its young ones growing too<br \/>\nbig in the nest, out of envy it pecks their sides, and keeps them<br \/>\nwithout food.<\/p>\n<p>CHEERFULNESS.<\/p>\n<p>Cheerfulness is proper to the cock, which rejoices over every little<br \/>\nthing, and crows with varied and lively movements.<\/p>\n<p>SADNESS.<\/p>\n<p>Sadness resembles the raven, which, when it sees its young ones born<br \/>\nwhite, departs in great grief, and abandons them with doleful<br \/>\nlamentations, and does not feed them until it sees in them some few<br \/>\nblack feathers.<\/p>\n<p>1222.<\/p>\n<p>PEACE.<\/p>\n<p>We read of the beaver that when it is pursued, knowing that it is<br \/>\nfor the virtue [contained] in its medicinal testicles and not being<br \/>\nable to escape, it stops; and to be at peace with its pursuers, it<br \/>\nbites off its testicles with its sharp teeth, and leaves them to its<br \/>\nenemies.<\/p>\n<p>RAGE.<\/p>\n<p>It is said of the bear that when it goes to the haunts of bees to<br \/>\ntake their honey, the bees having begun to sting him he leaves the<br \/>\nhoney and rushes to revenge himself. And as he seeks to be revenged<br \/>\non all those that sting him, he is revenged on none; in such wise<br \/>\nthat his rage is turned to madness, and he flings himself on the<br \/>\nground, vainly exasperating, by his hands and feet, the foes against<br \/>\nwhich he is defending himself.<\/p>\n<p>1223.<\/p>\n<p>GRATITUDE.<\/p>\n<p>The virtue of gratitude is said to be more [developed] in the birds<br \/>\ncalled hoopoes which, knowing the benefits of life and food, they<br \/>\nhave received from their father and their mother, when they see them<br \/>\ngrow old, make a nest for them and brood over them and feed them,<br \/>\nand with their beaks pull out their old and shabby feathers; and<br \/>\nthen, with a certain herb restore their sight so that they return to<br \/>\na prosperous state.<\/p>\n<p>AVARICE.<\/p>\n<p>The toad feeds on earth and always remains lean; because it never<br \/>\neats enough:&#8211; it is so afraid lest it should want for earth.<\/p>\n<p>1224.<\/p>\n<p>INGRATITUDE.<\/p>\n<p>Pigeons are a symbol of ingratitude; for when they are old enough no<br \/>\nlonger to need to be fed, they begin to fight with their father, and<br \/>\nthis struggle does not end until the young one drives the father out<br \/>\nand takes the hen and makes her his own.<\/p>\n<p>CRUELTY.<\/p>\n<p>The basilisk is so utterly cruel that when it cannot kill animals by<br \/>\nits baleful gaze, it turns upon herbs and plants, and fixing its<br \/>\ngaze on them withers them up.<\/p>\n<p>1225.<\/p>\n<p>GENEROSITY.<\/p>\n<p>It is said of the eagle that it is never so hungry but that it will<br \/>\nleave a part of its prey for the birds that are round it, which,<br \/>\nbeing unable to provide their own food, are necessarily dependent on<br \/>\nthe eagle, since it is thus that they obtain food.<\/p>\n<p>DISCIPLINE.<\/p>\n<p>When the wolf goes cunningly round some stable of cattle, and by<br \/>\naccident puts his foot in a trap, so that he makes a noise, he bites<br \/>\nhis foot off to punish himself for his folly.<\/p>\n<p>1226.<\/p>\n<p>FLATTERERS OR SYRENS.<\/p>\n<p>The syren sings so sweetly that she lulls the mariners to sleep;<br \/>\nthen she climbs upon the ships and kills the sleeping mariners.<\/p>\n<p>PRUDENCE.<\/p>\n<p>The ant, by her natural foresight provides in the summer for the<br \/>\nwinter, killing the seeds she harvests that they may not germinate,<br \/>\nand on them, in due time she feeds.<\/p>\n<p>FOLLY.<\/p>\n<p>The wild bull having a horror of a red colour, the hunters dress up<br \/>\nthe trunk of a tree with red and the bull runs at this with great<br \/>\nfrenzy, thus fixing his horns, and forthwith the hunters kill him<br \/>\nthere.<\/p>\n<p>1227.<\/p>\n<p>JUSTICE.<\/p>\n<p>We may liken the virtue of Justice to the king of the bees which<br \/>\norders and arranges every thing with judgment. For some bees are<br \/>\nordered to go to the flowers, others are ordered to labour, others<br \/>\nto fight with the wasps, others to clear away all dirt, others to<br \/>\naccompagny* and escort the king; and when he is old and has no wings<br \/>\nthey carry him. And if one of them fails in his duty, he is punished<br \/>\nwithout reprieve.<\/p>\n<p>TRUTH.<\/p>\n<p>Although partridges steal each other&#8217;s eggs, nevertheless the young<br \/>\nborn of these eggs always return to their true mother.<\/p>\n<p>1228.<\/p>\n<p>FIDELITY, OR LOYALTY.<\/p>\n<p>The cranes are so faithful and loyal to their king, that at night,<br \/>\nwhen he is sleeping, some of them go round the field to keep watch<br \/>\nat a distance; others remain near, each holding a stone in his foot,<br \/>\nso that if sleep should overcome them, this stone would fall and<br \/>\nmake so much noise that they would wake up again. And there are<br \/>\nothers which sleep together round the king; and this they do every<br \/>\nnight, changing in turn so that their king may never find them<br \/>\nwanting.<\/p>\n<p>FALSEHOOD.<\/p>\n<p>The fox when it sees a flock of herons or magpies or birds of that<br \/>\nkind, suddenly flings himself on the ground with his mouth open to<br \/>\nlook as he were dead; and these birds want to peck at his tongue,<br \/>\nand he bites off their heads.<\/p>\n<p>1229.<\/p>\n<p>LIES.<\/p>\n<p>The mole has very small eyes and it always lives under ground; and<br \/>\nit lives as long as it is in the dark but when it comes into the<br \/>\nlight it dies immediately, because it becomes known;&#8211;and so it is<br \/>\nwith lies.<\/p>\n<p>VALOUR.<\/p>\n<p>The lion is never afraid, but rather fights with a bold spirit and<br \/>\nsavage onslaught against a multitude of hunters, always seeking to<br \/>\ninjure the first that injures him.<\/p>\n<p>FEAR OR COWARDICE.<\/p>\n<p>The hare is always frightened; and the leaves that fall from the<br \/>\ntrees in autumn always keep him in terror and generally put him to<br \/>\nflight.<\/p>\n<p>1230.<\/p>\n<p>MAGNANIMITY.<\/p>\n<p>The falcon never preys but on large birds; and it will let itself<br \/>\ndie rather than feed on little ones, or eat stinking meat.<\/p>\n<p>VAIN GLORY.<\/p>\n<p>As regards this vice, we read that the peacock is more guilty of it<br \/>\nthan any other animal. For it is always contemplating the beauty of<br \/>\nits tail, which it spreads in the form of a wheel, and by its cries<br \/>\nattracts to itself the gaze of the creatures that surround it.<\/p>\n<p>And this is the last vice to be conquered.<\/p>\n<p>1231.<\/p>\n<p>CONSTANCY.<\/p>\n<p>Constancy may be symbolised by the phoenix which, knowing that by<br \/>\nnature it must be resuscitated, has the constancy to endure the<br \/>\nburning flames which consume it, and then it rises anew.<\/p>\n<p>INCONSTANCY.<\/p>\n<p>The swallow may serve for Inconstancy, for it is always in movement,<br \/>\nsince it cannot endure the smallest discomfort.<\/p>\n<p>CONTINENCE.<\/p>\n<p>The camel is the most lustful animal there is, and will follow the<br \/>\nfemale for a thousand miles. But if you keep it constantly with its<br \/>\nmother or sister it will leave them alone, so temperate is its<br \/>\nnature.<\/p>\n<p>1232.<\/p>\n<p>INCONTINENCE.<\/p>\n<p>The unicorn, through its intemperance and not knowing how to control<br \/>\nitself, for the love it bears to fair maidens forgets its ferocity<br \/>\nand wildness; and laying aside all fear it will go up to a seated<br \/>\ndamsel and go to sleep in her lap, and thus the hunters take it.<\/p>\n<p>HUMILITY.<\/p>\n<p>We see the most striking example of humility in the lamb which will<br \/>\nsubmit to any animal; and when they are given for food to imprisoned<br \/>\nlions they are as gentle to them as to their own mother, so that<br \/>\nvery often it has been seen that the lions forbear to kill them.<\/p>\n<p>1233.<\/p>\n<p>PRIDE.<\/p>\n<p>The falcon, by reason of its haughtiness and pride, is fain to lord<br \/>\nit and rule over all the other birds of prey, and longs to be sole<br \/>\nand supreme; and very often the falcon has been seen to assault the<br \/>\neagle, the Queen of birds.<\/p>\n<p>ABSTINENCE.<\/p>\n<p>The wild ass, when it goes to the well to drink, and finds the water<br \/>\ntroubled, is never so thirsty but that it will abstain from<br \/>\ndrinking, and wait till the water is clear again.<\/p>\n<p>GLUTTONY.<\/p>\n<p>The vulture is so addicted to gluttony that it will go a thousand<br \/>\nmiles to eat a carrion [carcase]; therefore is it that it follows<br \/>\narmies.<\/p>\n<p>1234.<\/p>\n<p>CHASTITY.<\/p>\n<p>The turtle-dove is never false to its mate; and if one dies the<br \/>\nother preserves perpetual chastity, and never again sits on a green<br \/>\nbough, nor ever again drinks of clear water.<\/p>\n<p>UNCHASTITY.<\/p>\n<p>The bat, owing to unbridled lust, observes no universal rule in<br \/>\npairing, but males with males and females with females pair<br \/>\npromiscuously, as it may happen.<\/p>\n<p>MODERATION.<\/p>\n<p>The ermine out of moderation never eats but once in the day; it will<br \/>\nrather let itself be taken by the hunters than take refuge in a<br \/>\ndirty lair, in order not to stain its purity.<\/p>\n<p>1235.<\/p>\n<p>THE EAGLE.<\/p>\n<p>The eagle when it is old flies so high that it scorches its<br \/>\nfeathers, and Nature allowing that it should renew its youth, it<br \/>\nfalls into shallow water *[Footnote 5: The meaning is obscure.]. And<br \/>\nif its young ones cannot bear to gaze on the sun *[Footnote 6: The<br \/>\nmeaning is obscure.]&#8211;; it does not feed them with any bird, that<br \/>\ndoes not wish to die. Animals which much fear it do not approach its<br \/>\nnest, although it does not hurt them. It always leaves part of its<br \/>\nprey uneaten.<\/p>\n<p>LUMERPA,&#8211;FAME.<\/p>\n<p>This is found in Asia Major, and shines so brightly that it absorbs<br \/>\nits own shadow, and when it dies it does not lose this light, and<br \/>\nits feathers never fall out, but a feather pulled out shines no<br \/>\nlonger.<\/p>\n<p>1236.<\/p>\n<p>THE PELICAN.<\/p>\n<p>This bird has a great love for its young; and when it finds them in<br \/>\nits nest dead from a serpent&#8217;s bite, it pierces itself to the heart,<br \/>\nand with its blood it bathes them till they return to life.<\/p>\n<p>THE SALAMANDER.<\/p>\n<p>This has no digestive organs, and gets no food but from the fire, in<br \/>\nwhich it constantly renews its scaly skin.<\/p>\n<p>The salamander, which renews its scaly skin in the fire,&#8211;for<br \/>\nvirtue.<\/p>\n<p>THE CAMELEON.<\/p>\n<p>This lives on air, and there it is the prey of all the birds; so in<br \/>\norder to be safer it flies above the clouds and finds an air so<br \/>\nrarefied that it cannot support the bird that follows it.<\/p>\n<p>At that height nothing can go unless it has a gift from Heaven, and<br \/>\nthat is where the chameleon flies.<\/p>\n<p>1237.<\/p>\n<p>THE ALEPO, A FISH.<\/p>\n<p>The fish <em>alepo<\/em> does not live out of water.<\/p>\n<p>THE OSTRICH.<\/p>\n<p>This bird converts iron into nourishment, and hatches its eggs by<br \/>\nits gaze;&#8211;Armies under commanders.<\/p>\n<p>THE SWAN.<\/p>\n<p>The swan is white without any spot, and it sings sweetly as it dies,<br \/>\nits life ending with that song.<\/p>\n<p>THE STORK.<\/p>\n<p>This bird, by drinking saltwater purges itself of distempers. If the<br \/>\nmale finds his mate unfaithful, he abandons her; and when it grows<br \/>\nold its young ones brood over it, and feed it till it dies.<\/p>\n<p>H.1 14a]<\/p>\n<p>1238.<\/p>\n<p>THE GRASSHOPPER.<\/p>\n<p>This silences the cuckoo with its song. It dies in oil and revives<br \/>\nin vinegar. It sings in the greatest heats<\/p>\n<p>THE BAT.<\/p>\n<p>The more light there is the blinder this creature becomes; as those<br \/>\nwho gaze most at the sun become most dazzled.&#8211;For Vice, that cannot<br \/>\nremain where Virtue appears.<\/p>\n<p>THE PARTRIDGE.<\/p>\n<p>This bird changes from the female into the male and forgets its<br \/>\nformer sex; and out of envy it steals the eggs from others and<br \/>\nhatches them, but the young ones follow the true mother.<\/p>\n<p>THE SWALLOW.<\/p>\n<p>This bird gives sight to its blind young ones by means of celandine.<\/p>\n<p>H.1 14b]<\/p>\n<p>1239.<\/p>\n<p>THE OYSTER.&#8211;FOR TREACHERY.<\/p>\n<p>This creature, when the moon is full opens itself wide, and when the<br \/>\ncrab looks in he throws in a piece of rock or seaweed and the oyster<br \/>\ncannot close again, whereby it serves for food to that crab. This is<br \/>\nwhat happens to him who opens his mouth to tell his secret. He<br \/>\nbecomes the prey of the treacherous hearer.<\/p>\n<p>THE BASILISK.&#8211;CRUELTY.<\/p>\n<p>All snakes flie from this creature; but the weasel attacks it by<br \/>\nmeans of rue and kills it.<\/p>\n<p>THE ASP.<\/p>\n<p>This carries instantaneous death in its fangs; and, that it may not<br \/>\nhear the charmer it stops its ears with its tail.<\/p>\n<p>1240.<\/p>\n<p>THE DRAGON.<\/p>\n<p>This creature entangles itself in the legs of the elephant which<br \/>\nfalls upon it, and so both die, and in its death it is avenged.<\/p>\n<p>THE VIPER.<\/p>\n<p>She, in pairing opens her mouth and at last clenches her teeth and<br \/>\nkills her husband. Then the young ones, growing within her body rend<br \/>\nher open and kill their mother.<\/p>\n<p>THE SCORPION.<\/p>\n<p>Saliva, spit out when fasting will kill a scorpion. This may be<br \/>\nlikened to abstinence from greediness, which removes and heals the<br \/>\nills which result from that gluttony, and opens the path of virtue.<\/p>\n<p>1241.<\/p>\n<p>THE CROCODILE. HYPOCRISY.<\/p>\n<p>This animal catches a man and straightway kills him; after he is<br \/>\ndead, it weeps for him with a lamentable voice and many tears. Then,<br \/>\nhaving done lamenting, it cruelly devours him. It is thus with the<br \/>\nhypocrite, who, for the smallest matter, has his face bathed with<br \/>\ntears, but shows the heart of a tiger and rejoices in his heart at<br \/>\nthe woes of others, while wearing a pitiful face.<\/p>\n<p>THE TOAD.<\/p>\n<p>The toad flies from the light of the sun, and if it is held there by<br \/>\nforce it puffs itself out so much as to hide its head below and<br \/>\nshield itself from the rays. Thus does the foe of clear and radiant<br \/>\nvirtue, who can only be constrainedly brought to face it with puffed<br \/>\nup courage.<\/p>\n<p>1242.<\/p>\n<p>THE CATERPILLAR.&#8211;FOR VIRTUE IN GENERAL.<\/p>\n<p>The caterpillar, which by means of assiduous care is able to weave<br \/>\nround itself a new dwelling place with marvellous artifice and fine<br \/>\nworkmanship, comes out of it afterwards with painted and lovely<br \/>\nwings, with which it rises towards Heaven.<\/p>\n<p>THE SPIDER.<\/p>\n<p>The spider brings forth out of herself the delicate and ingenious<br \/>\nweb, which makes her a return by the prey it takes.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Two notes are underneath this text. The first: <em>&#8216;nessuna<br \/>\nchosa e da ttemere piu che lla sozza fama&#8217;<\/em> is a repetition of the<br \/>\nfirst line of the text given in Vol. I No. 695.<\/p>\n<p>The second: <em>faticha fugga cholla fama in braccio quasi ochultata c<\/em><br \/>\nis written in red chalk and is evidently an incomplete sentence.]<\/p>\n<p>1243.<\/p>\n<p>THE LION.<\/p>\n<p>This animal, with his thundering roar, rouses his young the third<br \/>\nday after they are born, teaching them the use of all their dormant<br \/>\nsenses and all the wild things which are in the wood flee away.<\/p>\n<p>This may be compared to the children of Virtue who are roused by the<br \/>\nsound of praise and grow up in honourable studies, by which they are<br \/>\nmore and more elevated; while all that is base flies at the sound,<br \/>\nshunning those who are virtuous.<\/p>\n<p>Again, the lion covers over its foot tracks, so that the way it has<br \/>\ngone may not be known to its enemies. Thus it beseems a captain to<br \/>\nconceal the secrets of his mind so that the enemy may not know his<br \/>\npurpose.<\/p>\n<p>1244.<\/p>\n<p>THE TARANTULA.<\/p>\n<p>The bite of the tarantula fixes a man&#8217;s mind on one idea; that is on<br \/>\nthe thing he was thinking of when he was bitten.<\/p>\n<p>THE SCREECH-OWL AND THE OWL.<\/p>\n<p>These punish those who are scoffing at them by pecking out their<br \/>\neyes; for nature has so ordered it, that they may thus be fed.<\/p>\n<p>1245.<\/p>\n<p>THE ELEPHANT.<\/p>\n<p>The huge elephant has by nature what is rarely found in man; that is<br \/>\nHonesty, Prudence, Justice, and the Observance of Religion; inasmuch<br \/>\nas when the moon is new, these beasts go down to the rivers, and<br \/>\nthere, solemnly cleansing themselves, they bathe, and so, having<br \/>\nsaluted the planet, return to the woods. And when they are ill,<br \/>\nbeing laid down, they fling up plants towards Heaven as though they<br \/>\nwould offer sacrifice. &#8211;They bury their tusks when they fall out<br \/>\nfrom old age.&#8211;Of these two tusks they use one to dig up roots for<br \/>\nfood; but they save the point of the other for fighting with; when<br \/>\nthey are taken by hunters and when worn out by fatigue, they dig up<br \/>\nthese buried tusks and ransom themselves.<\/p>\n<p>1246.<\/p>\n<p>They are merciful, and know the dangers, and if one finds a man<br \/>\nalone and lost, he kindly puts him back in the road he has missed,<br \/>\nif he finds the footprints of the man before the man himself. It<br \/>\ndreads betrayal, so it stops and blows, pointing it out to the other<br \/>\nelephants who form in a troop and go warily.<\/p>\n<p>These beasts always go in troops, and the oldest goes in front and<br \/>\nthe second in age remains the last, and thus they enclose the troop.<br \/>\nOut of shame they pair only at night and secretly, nor do they then<br \/>\nrejoin the herd but first bathe in the river. The females do not<br \/>\nfight as with other animals; and it is so merciful that it is most<br \/>\nunwilling by nature ever to hurt those weaker than itself. And if it<br \/>\nmeets in the middle of its way a flock of sheep<\/p>\n<p>1247.<\/p>\n<p>it puts them aside with its trunk, so as not to trample them under<br \/>\nfoot; and it never hurts any thing unless when provoked. When one<br \/>\nhas fallen into a pit the others fill up the pit with branches,<br \/>\nearth and stones, thus raising the bottom that he may easily get<br \/>\nout. They greatly dread the noise of swine and fly in confusion,<br \/>\ndoing no less harm then, with their feet, to their own kind than to<br \/>\nthe enemy. They delight in rivers and are always wandering about<br \/>\nnear them, though on account of their great weight they cannot swim.<br \/>\nThey devour stones, and the trunks of trees are their favourite<br \/>\nfood. They have a horror of rats. Flies delight in their smell and<br \/>\nsettle on their back, and the beast scrapes its skin making its<br \/>\nfolds even and kills them.<\/p>\n<p>1248.<\/p>\n<p>When they cross rivers they send their young ones up against the<br \/>\nstream of the water; thus, being set towards the fall, they break<br \/>\nthe united current of the water so that the current does not carry<br \/>\nthem away. The dragon flings itself under the elephant&#8217;s body, and<br \/>\nwith its tail it ties its legs; with its wings and with its arms it<br \/>\nalso clings round its ribs and cuts its throat with its teeth, and<br \/>\nthe elephant falls upon it and the dragon is burst. Thus, in its<br \/>\ndeath it is revenged on its foe.<\/p>\n<p>THE DRAGON.<\/p>\n<p>These go in companies together, and they twine themselves after the<br \/>\nmanner of roots, and with their heads raised they cross lakes, and<br \/>\nswim to where they find better pasture; and if they did not thus<br \/>\ncombine<\/p>\n<p>1249.<\/p>\n<p>they would be drowned, therefore they combine.<\/p>\n<p>THE SERPENT.<\/p>\n<p>The serpent is a very large animal. When it sees a bird in the air<br \/>\nit draws in its breath so strongly that it draws the birds into its<br \/>\nmouth too. Marcus Regulus, the consul of the Roman army was<br \/>\nattacked, with his army, by such an animal and almost defeated. And<br \/>\nthis animal, being killed by a catapult, measured 123 feet, that is<br \/>\n64 1\/2 braccia and its head was high above all the trees in a wood.<\/p>\n<p>THE BOA(?)<\/p>\n<p>This is a very large snake which entangles itself round the legs of<br \/>\nthe cow so that it cannot move and then sucks it, in such wise that<br \/>\nit almost dries it up. In the time of Claudius the Emperor, there<br \/>\nwas killed, on the Vatican Hill,<\/p>\n<p>1250.<\/p>\n<p>one which had inside it a boy, entire, that it had swallowed.<\/p>\n<p>THE MACLI.&#8211;CAUGHT WHEN ASLEEP.<\/p>\n<p>This beast is born in Scandinavia. It has the shape of a great<br \/>\nhorse, excepting that the great length of its neck and of its ears<br \/>\nmake a difference. It feeds on grass, going backwards, for it has so<br \/>\nlong an upper lip that if it went forwards it would cover up the<br \/>\ngrass. Its legs are all in one piece; for this reason when it wants<br \/>\nto sleep it leans against a tree, and the hunters, spying out the<br \/>\nplace where it is wont to sleep, saw the tree almost through, and<br \/>\nthen, when it leans against it to sleep, in its sleep it falls, and<br \/>\nthus the hunters take it. And every other mode of taking it is in<br \/>\nvain, because it is incredibly swift in running.<\/p>\n<p>1251.<\/p>\n<p>THE BISON WHICH DOES INJURY IN ITS FLIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>This beast is a native of Paeonia and has a neck with a mane like a<br \/>\nhorse. In all its other parts it is like a bull, excepting that its<br \/>\nhorns are in a way bent inwards so that it cannot butt; hence it has<br \/>\nno safety but in flight, in which it flings out its excrement to a<br \/>\ndistance of 400 braccia in its course, and this burns like fire<br \/>\nwherever it touches.<\/p>\n<p>LIONS, PARDS, PANTHERS, TIGERS.<\/p>\n<p>These keep their claws in the sheath, and never put them out unless<br \/>\nthey are on the back of their prey or their enemy.<\/p>\n<p>THE LIONESS.<\/p>\n<p>When the lioness defends her young from the hand of the hunter, in<br \/>\norder not to be frightened by the spears she keeps her eyes on the<br \/>\nground, to the end that she may not by her flight leave her young<br \/>\nones prisoners.<\/p>\n<p>1252.<\/p>\n<p>THE LION.<\/p>\n<p>This animal, which is so terrible, fears nothing more than the noise<br \/>\nof empty carts, and likewise the crowing of cocks. And it is much<br \/>\nterrified at the sight of one, and looks at its comb with a<br \/>\nfrightened aspect, and is strangely alarmed when its face is<br \/>\ncovered.<\/p>\n<p>THE PANTHER IN AFRICA.<\/p>\n<p>This has the form of the lioness but it is taller on its legs and<br \/>\nslimmer and long bodied; and it is all white and marked with black<br \/>\nspots after the manner of rosettes; and all animals delight to look<br \/>\nupon these rosettes, and they would always be standing round it if<br \/>\nit were not for the terror of its face;<\/p>\n<p>1253.<\/p>\n<p>therefore knowing this, it hides its face, and the surrounding<br \/>\nanimals grow bold and come close, the better to enjoy the sight of<br \/>\nso much beauty; when suddenly it seizes the nearest and at once<br \/>\ndevours it.<\/p>\n<p>CAMELS.<\/p>\n<p>The Bactrian have two humps; the Arabian one only. They are swift in<br \/>\nbattle and most useful to carry burdens. This animal is extremely<br \/>\nobservant of rule and measure, for it will not move if it has a<br \/>\ngreater weight than it is used to, and if it is taken too far it<br \/>\ndoes the same, and suddenly stops and so the merchants are obliged<br \/>\nto lodge there.<\/p>\n<p>1254.<\/p>\n<p>THE TIGER.<\/p>\n<p>This beast is a native of Hyrcania, and it is something like the<br \/>\npanther from the various spots on its skin. It is an animal of<br \/>\nterrible swiftness; the hunter when he finds its young ones carries<br \/>\nthem off hastily, placing mirrors in the place whence he takes them,<br \/>\nand at once escapes on a swift horse. The panther returning finds<br \/>\nthe mirrors fixed on the ground and looking into them believes it<br \/>\nsees its young; then scratching with its paws it discovers the<br \/>\ncheat. Forthwith, by means of the scent of its young, it follows the<br \/>\nhunter, and when this hunter sees the tigress he drops one of the<br \/>\nyoung ones and she takes it, and having carried it to the den she<br \/>\nimmediately returns to the hunter and does<\/p>\n<p>1255.<\/p>\n<p>the same till he gets into his boat.<\/p>\n<p>CATOBLEPAS.<\/p>\n<p>It is found in Ethiopia near to the source Nigricapo. It is not a<br \/>\nvery large animal, is sluggish in all its parts, and its head is so<br \/>\nlarge that it carries it with difficulty, in such wise that it<br \/>\nalways droops towards the ground; otherwise it would be a great pest<br \/>\nto man, for any one on whom it fixes its eyes dies immediately.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Leonardo undoubtedly derived these remarks as to the<br \/>\nCatoblepas from Pliny, Hist. Nat. VIII. 21 (al. 32): <em>Apud Hesperios<br \/>\nAethiopas fons est Nigris<\/em> (different readings), <em>ut plerique<br \/>\nexistimavere, Nili caput.&#8212;&#8211;Juxta hunc fera appellatur catoblepas,<br \/>\nmodica alioquin, ceterisque membris iners, caput tantum praegrave<br \/>\naegre ferens; alias internecio humani generis, omnibus qui oculos<br \/>\nejus videre, confestim morientibus.<\/em> Aelian, <em>Hist. An.<\/em> gives a far<br \/>\nmore minute description of the creature, but he says that it poisons<br \/>\nbeasts not by its gaze, but by its venomous breath. Athenaeus 221 B,<br \/>\nmentions both. If Leonardo had known of these two passages, he would<br \/>\nscarcely have omitted the poisonous breath. (H. MULLER-STRUBING.)]<\/p>\n<p>THE BASILISK.<\/p>\n<p>This is found in the province of Cyrenaica and is not more than 12<br \/>\nfingers long. It has on its head a white spot after the fashion of a<br \/>\ndiadem. It scares all serpents with its whistling. It resembles a<br \/>\nsnake, but does not move by wriggling but from the centre forwards<br \/>\nto the right. It is said that one<\/p>\n<p>1256.<\/p>\n<p>of these, being killed with a spear by one who was on horse-back,<br \/>\nand its venom flowing on the spear, not only the man but the horse<br \/>\nalso died. It spoils the wheat and not only that which it touches,<br \/>\nbut where it breathes the grass dries and the stones are split.<\/p>\n<p>THE WEASEL.<\/p>\n<p>This beast finding the lair of the basilisk kills it with the smell<br \/>\nof its urine, and this smell, indeed, often kills the weasel itself.<\/p>\n<p>THE CERASTES.<\/p>\n<p>This has four movable little horns; so, when it wants to feed, it<br \/>\nhides under leaves all of its body except these little horns which,<br \/>\nas they move, seem to the birds to be some small worms at play. Then<br \/>\nthey immediately swoop down to pick them and the Cerastes suddenly<br \/>\ntwines round them and encircles and devours them.<\/p>\n<p>1257.<\/p>\n<p>THE AMPHISBOENA.<\/p>\n<p>This has two heads, one in its proper place the other at the tail;<br \/>\nas if one place were not enough from which to fling its venom.<\/p>\n<p>THE IACULUS.<\/p>\n<p>This lies on trees, and flings itself down like a dart, and pierces<br \/>\nthrough the wild beast and kills them.<\/p>\n<p>THE ASP.<\/p>\n<p>The bite of this animal cannot be cured unless by immediately<br \/>\ncutting out the bitten part. This pestilential animal has such a<br \/>\nlove for its mate that they always go in company. And if, by mishap,<br \/>\none of them is killed the other, with incredible swiftness, follows<br \/>\nhim who has killed it; and it is so determined and eager for<br \/>\nvengeance that it overcomes every difficulty, and passing by every<br \/>\ntroop it seeks to hurt none but its enemy. And it will travel any<br \/>\ndistance, and it is impossible to avoid it unless by crossing water<br \/>\nand by very swift flight. It has its eyes turned inwards, and large<br \/>\nears and it hears better than it sees.<\/p>\n<p>1258.<\/p>\n<p>THE ICHNEUMON.<\/p>\n<p>This animal is the mortal enemy of the asp. It is a native of Egypt<br \/>\nand when it sees an asp near its place, it runs at once to the bed<br \/>\nor mud of the Nile and with this makes itself muddy all over, then<br \/>\nit dries itself in the sun, smears itself again with mud, and thus,<br \/>\ndrying one after the other, it makes itself three or four coatings<br \/>\nlike a coat of mail. Then it attacks the asp, and fights well with<br \/>\nhim, so that, taking its time it catches him in the throat and<br \/>\ndestroys him.<\/p>\n<p>THE CROCODILE.<\/p>\n<p>This is found in the Nile, it has four feet and lives on land and in<br \/>\nwater. No other terrestrial creature but this is found to have no<br \/>\ntongue, and it only bites by moving its upper jaw. It grows to a<br \/>\nlength of forty feet and has claws and is armed with a hide that<br \/>\nwill take any blow. By day it is on land and at night in the water.<br \/>\nIt feeds on fishes, and going to sleep on the bank of the Nile with<br \/>\nits mouth open, a bird called<\/p>\n<p>1259.<\/p>\n<p>trochilus, a very small bird, runs at once to its mouth and hops<br \/>\namong its teeth and goes pecking out the remains of the food, and so<br \/>\ninciting it with voluptuous delight tempts it to open the whole of<br \/>\nits mouth, and so it sleeps. This being observed by the ichneumon it<br \/>\nflings itself into its mouth and perforates its stomach and bowels,<br \/>\nand finally kills it.<\/p>\n<p>THE DOLPHIN.<\/p>\n<p>Nature has given such knowledge to animals, that besides the<br \/>\nconsciousness of their own advantages they know the disadvantages of<br \/>\ntheir foes. Thus the dolphin understands what strength lies in a cut<br \/>\nfrom the fins placed on his chine, and how tender is the belly of<br \/>\nthe crocodile; hence in fighting with him it thrusts at him from<br \/>\nbeneath and rips up his belly and so kills him.<\/p>\n<p>The crocodile is a terror to those that flee, and a base coward to<br \/>\nthose that pursue him.<\/p>\n<p>1260.<\/p>\n<p>THE HIPPOPOTAMUS.<\/p>\n<p>This beast when it feels itself over-full goes about seeking thorns,<br \/>\nor where there may be the remains of canes that have been split, and<br \/>\nit rubs against them till a vein is opened; then when the blood has<br \/>\nflowed as much as he needs, he plasters himself with mud and heals<br \/>\nthe wound. In form he is something like a horse with long haunches,<br \/>\na twisted tail and the teeth of a wild boar, his neck has a mane;<br \/>\nthe skin cannot be pierced, unless when he is bathing; he feeds on<br \/>\nplants in the fields and goes into them backwards so that it may<br \/>\nseem, as though he had come out.<\/p>\n<p>THE IBIS.<\/p>\n<p>This bird resembles a crane, and when it feels itself ill it fills<br \/>\nits craw with water, and with its beak makes an injection of it.<\/p>\n<p>THE STAG.<\/p>\n<p>These creatures when they feel themselves bitten by the spider<br \/>\ncalled father-long-legs, eat crabs and free themselves of the venom.<\/p>\n<p>1261.<\/p>\n<p>THE LIZARD.<\/p>\n<p>This, when fighting with serpents eats the sow-thistle and is free.<\/p>\n<p>THE SWALLOW.<\/p>\n<p>This [bird] gives sight to its blind young ones, with the juice of<br \/>\nthe celandine.<\/p>\n<p>THE WEASEL.<\/p>\n<p>This, when chasing rats first eats of rue.<\/p>\n<p>THE WILD BOAR.<\/p>\n<p>This beast cures its sickness by eating of ivy.<\/p>\n<p>THE SNAKE.<\/p>\n<p>This creature when it wants to renew itself casts its old skin,<br \/>\nbeginning with the head, and changing in one day and one night.<\/p>\n<p>THE PANTHER.<\/p>\n<p>This beast after its bowels have fallen out will still fight with<br \/>\nthe dogs and hunters.<\/p>\n<p>1262.<\/p>\n<p>THE CHAMELEON.<\/p>\n<p>This creature always takes the colour of the thing on which it is<br \/>\nresting, whence it is often devoured together with the leaves on<br \/>\nwhich the elephant feeds.<\/p>\n<p>THE RAVEN.<\/p>\n<p>When it has killed the Chameleon it takes laurel as a purge.<\/p>\n<p>1263.<\/p>\n<p>Moderation checks all the vices. The ermine will die rather than<br \/>\nbesmirch itself.<\/p>\n<p>OF FORESIGHT.<\/p>\n<p>The cock does not crow till it has thrice flapped its wings; the<br \/>\nparrot in moving among boughs never puts its feet excepting where it<br \/>\nhas first put its beak. Vows are not made till Hope is dead.<\/p>\n<p>Motion tends towards the centre of gravity.<\/p>\n<p>1264.<\/p>\n<p>MAGNANIMITY.<\/p>\n<p>The falcon never seizes any but large birds and will sooner die than<br \/>\neat [tainted] meat of bad savour.<\/p>\n<p>II.<\/p>\n<p>FABLES.<\/p>\n<p>Fables on animals (1265-1270).<\/p>\n<p>1265.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>An oyster being turned out together with other fish in the house of<br \/>\na fisherman near the sea, he entreated a rat to take him to the sea.<br \/>\nThe rat purposing to eat him bid him open; but as he bit him the<br \/>\noyster squeezed his head and closed; and the cat came and killed<br \/>\nhim.<\/p>\n<p>1266.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The thrushes rejoiced greatly at seeing a man take the owl and<br \/>\ndeprive her of liberty, tying her feet with strong bonds. But this<br \/>\nowl was afterwards by means of bird-lime the cause of the thrushes<br \/>\nlosing not only their liberty, but their life. This is said for<br \/>\nthose countries which rejoice in seeing their governors lose their<br \/>\nliberty, when by that means they themselves lose all succour, and<br \/>\nremain in bondage in the power of their enemies, losing their<br \/>\nliberty and often their life.<\/p>\n<p>1267.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>A dog, lying asleep on the fur of a sheep, one of his fleas,<br \/>\nperceiving the odour of the greasy wool, judged that this must be a<br \/>\nland of better living, and also more secure from the teeth and nails<br \/>\nof the dog than where he fed on the dog; and without farther<br \/>\nreflection he left the dog and went into the thick wool. There he<br \/>\nbegan with great labour to try to pass among the roots of the hairs;<br \/>\nbut after much sweating had to give up the task as vain, because<br \/>\nthese hairs were so close that they almost touched each other, and<br \/>\nthere was no space where fleas could taste the skin. Hence, after<br \/>\nmuch labour and fatigue, he began to wish to return to his dog, who<br \/>\nhowever had already departed; so he was constrained after long<br \/>\nrepentance and bitter tears, to die of hunger.<\/p>\n<p>1268.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The vain and wandering butterfly, not content with being able to fly<br \/>\nat its ease through the air, overcome by the tempting flame of the<br \/>\ncandle, decided to fly into it; but its sportive impulse was the<br \/>\ncause of a sudden fall, for its delicate wings were burnt in the<br \/>\nflame. And the hapless butterfly having dropped, all scorched, at<br \/>\nthe foot of the candlestick, after much lamentation and repentance,<br \/>\ndried the tears from its swimming eyes, and raising its face<br \/>\nexclaimed: O false light! how many must thou have miserably deceived<br \/>\nin the past, like me; or if I must indeed see light so near, ought I<br \/>\nnot to have known the sun from the false glare of dirty tallow?<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The monkey, finding a nest of small birds, went up to it greatly<br \/>\ndelighted. But they, being already fledged, he could only succeed in<br \/>\ntaking the smallest; greatly delighted he took it in his hand and<br \/>\nwent to his abode; and having begun to look at the little bird he<br \/>\ntook to kissing it, and from excess of love he kissed it so much and<br \/>\nturned it about and squeezed it till he killed it. This is said for<br \/>\nthose who by not punishing their children let them come to mischief.<\/p>\n<p>1269.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>A rat was besieged in his little dwelling by a weasel, which with<br \/>\nunwearied vigilance awaited his surrender, while watching his<br \/>\nimminent peril through a little hole. Meanwhile the cat came by and<br \/>\nsuddenly seized the weasel and forthwith devoured it. Then the rat<br \/>\noffered up a sacrifice to Jove of some of his store of nuts, humbly<br \/>\nthanking His providence, and came out of his hole to enjoy his<br \/>\nlately lost liberty. But he was instantly deprived of it, together<br \/>\nwith his life, by the cruel claws and teeth of the lurking cat.<\/p>\n<p>1270.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The ant found a grain of millet. The seed feeling itself taken<br \/>\nprisoner cried out to her: &#8220;If you will do me the kindness to allow<br \/>\nme accomplish my function of reproduction, I will give you a hundred<br \/>\nsuch as I am.&#8221; And so it was.<\/p>\n<p>A Spider found a bunch of grapes which for its sweetness was much<br \/>\nresorted to by bees and divers kinds of flies. It seemed to her that<br \/>\nshe had found a most convenient spot to spread her snare, and having<br \/>\nsettled herself on it with her delicate web, and entered into her<br \/>\nnew habitation, there, every day placing herself in the openings<br \/>\nmade by the spaces between the grapes, she fell like a thief on the<br \/>\nwretched creatures which were not aware of her. But, after a few<br \/>\ndays had passed, the vintager came, and cut away the bunch of grapes<br \/>\nand put it with others, with which it was trodden; and thus the<br \/>\ngrapes were a snare and pitfall both for the treacherous spider and<br \/>\nthe betrayed flies.<\/p>\n<p>An ass having gone to sleep on the ice over a deep lake, his heat<br \/>\ndissolved the ice and the ass awoke under water to his great grief,<br \/>\nand was forthwith drowned.<\/p>\n<p>A falcon, unable to endure with patience the disappearance of a<br \/>\nduck, which, flying before him had plunged under water, wished to<br \/>\nfollow it under water, and having soaked his feathers had to remain<br \/>\nin the water while the duck rising to the air mocked at the falcon<br \/>\nas he drowned.<\/p>\n<p>The spider wishing to take flies in her treacherous net, was cruelly<br \/>\nkilled in it by the hornet.<\/p>\n<p>An eagle wanting to mock at the owl was caught by the wings in<br \/>\nbird-lime and was taken and killed by a man.<\/p>\n<p>Fables on lifeless objects (1271&#8211;1274).<\/p>\n<p>1271.<\/p>\n<p>The water finding that its element was the lordly ocean, was seized<br \/>\nwith a desire to rise above the air, and being encouraged by the<br \/>\nelement of fire and rising as a very subtle vapour, it seemed as<br \/>\nthough it were really as thin as air. But having risen very high, it<br \/>\nreached the air that was still more rare and cold, where the fire<br \/>\nforsook it, and the minute particles, being brought together, united<br \/>\nand became heavy; whence its haughtiness deserting it, it betook<br \/>\nitself to flight and it fell from the sky, and was drunk up by the<br \/>\ndry earth, where, being imprisoned for a long time, it did penance<br \/>\nfor its sin.<\/p>\n<p>C.A. 172b; 516b]<\/p>\n<p>1272.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The razor having one day come forth from the handle which serves as<br \/>\nits sheath and having placed himself in the sun, saw the sun<br \/>\nreflected in his body, which filled him with great pride. And<br \/>\nturning it over in his thoughts he began to say to himself: &#8220;And<br \/>\nshall I return again to that shop from which I have just come?<br \/>\nCertainly not; such splendid beauty shall not, please God, be turned<br \/>\nto such base uses. What folly it would be that could lead me to<br \/>\nshave the lathered beards of rustic peasants and perform such menial<br \/>\nservice! Is this body destined for such work? Certainly not. I will<br \/>\nhide myself in some retired spot and there pass my life in tranquil<br \/>\nrepose.&#8221; And having thus remained hidden for some months, one day he<br \/>\ncame out into the air, and issuing from his sheath, saw himself<br \/>\nturned to the similitude of a rusty saw while his surface no longer<br \/>\nreflected the resplendent sun. With useless repentance he vainly<br \/>\ndeplored the irreparable mischief saying to himself: &#8220;Oh! how far<br \/>\nbetter was it to employ at the barbers my lost edge of such<br \/>\nexquisite keenness! Where is that lustrous surface? It has been<br \/>\nconsumed by this vexatious and unsightly rust.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>The same thing happens to those minds which instead of exercise give<br \/>\nthemselves up to sloth. They are like the razor here spoken of, and<br \/>\nlose the keenness of their edge, while the rust of ignorance spoils<br \/>\ntheir form.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>A stone of some size recently uncovered by the water lay on a<br \/>\ncertain spot somewhat raised, and just where a delightful grove<br \/>\nended by a stony road; here it was surrounded by plants decorated by<br \/>\nvarious flowers of divers colours. And as it saw the great quantity<br \/>\nof stones collected together in the roadway below, it began to wish<br \/>\nit could let itself fall down there, saying to itself: &#8220;What have I<br \/>\nto do here with these plants? I want to live in the company of<br \/>\nthose, my sisters.&#8221; And letting itself fall, its rapid course ended<br \/>\namong these longed for companions. When it had been there sometime<br \/>\nit began to find itself constantly toiling under the wheels of the<br \/>\ncarts the iron-shoed feet of horses and of travellers. This one<br \/>\nrolled it over, that one trod upon it; sometimes it lifted itself a<br \/>\nlittle and then it was covered with mud or the dung of some animal,<br \/>\nand it was in vain that it looked at the spot whence it had come as<br \/>\na place of solitude and tranquil place.<\/p>\n<p>Thus it happens to those who choose to leave a life of solitary<br \/>\ncomtemplation, and come to live in cities among people full of<br \/>\ninfinite evil.<\/p>\n<p>1273.<\/p>\n<p>Some flames had already lasted in the furnace of a glass-blower,<br \/>\nwhen they saw a candle approaching in a beautiful and glittering<br \/>\ncandlestick. With ardent longing they strove to reach it; and one of<br \/>\nthem, quitting its natural course, writhed up to an unburnt brand on<br \/>\nwhich it fed and passed at the opposite end out by a narrow chink to<br \/>\nthe candle which was near. It flung itself upon it, and with fierce<br \/>\njealousy and greediness it devoured it, having reduced it almost to<br \/>\ndeath, and, wishing to procure the prolongation of its life, it<br \/>\ntried to return to the furnace whence it had come. But in vain, for<br \/>\nit was compelled to die, the wood perishing together with the<br \/>\ncandle, being at last converted, with lamentation and repentance,<br \/>\ninto foul smoke, while leaving all its sisters in brilliant and<br \/>\nenduring life and beauty.<\/p>\n<p>1274.<\/p>\n<p>A small patch of snow finding itself clinging to the top of a rock<br \/>\nwhich was lying on the topmost height of a very high mountain and<br \/>\nbeing left to its own imaginings, it began to reflect in this way,<br \/>\nsaying to itself: &#8220;Now, shall not I be thought vain and proud for<br \/>\nhaving placed myself&#8211;such a small patch of snow&#8211;in so lofty a<br \/>\nspot, and for allowing that so large a quantity of snow as I have<br \/>\nseen here around me, should take a place lower than mine? Certainly<br \/>\nmy small dimensions by no means merit this elevation. How easily may<br \/>\nI, in proof of my insignificance, experience the same fate as that<br \/>\nwhich the sun brought about yesterday to my companions, who were<br \/>\nall, in a few hours, destroyed by the sun. And this happened from<br \/>\ntheir having placed themselves higher than became them. I will flee<br \/>\nfrom the wrath of the sun, and humble myself and find a place<br \/>\nbefitting my small importance.&#8221; Thus, flinging itself down, it began<br \/>\nto descend, hurrying from its high home on to the other snow; but<br \/>\nthe more it sought a low place the more its bulk increased, so that<br \/>\nwhen at last its course was ended on a hill, it found itself no less<br \/>\nin size than the hill which supported it; and it was the last of the<br \/>\nsnow which was destroyed that summer by the sun. This is said for<br \/>\nthose who, humbling themselves, become exalted.<\/p>\n<p>Fables on plants (1275-1279).<\/p>\n<p>1275.<\/p>\n<p>The cedar, being desirous of producing a fine and noble fruit at its<br \/>\nsummit, set to work to form it with all the strength of its sap. But<br \/>\nthis fruit, when grown, was the cause of the tall and upright<br \/>\ntree-top being bent over.<\/p>\n<p>The peach, being envious of the vast quantity of fruit which she saw<br \/>\nborne on the nut-tree, her neighbour, determined to do the same, and<br \/>\nloaded herself with her own in such a way that the weight of the<br \/>\nfruit pulled her up by the roots and broke her down to the ground.<\/p>\n<p>The nut-tree stood always by a road side displaying the wealth of<br \/>\nits fruit to the passers by, and every one cast stones at it.<\/p>\n<p>The fig-tree, having no fruit, no one looked at it; then, wishing to<br \/>\nproduce fruits that it might be praised by men, it was bent and<br \/>\nbroken down by them.<\/p>\n<p>The fig-tree, standing by the side of the elm and seeing that its<br \/>\nboughs were bare of fruit, yet that it had the audacity to keep the<br \/>\nSun from its own unripe figs with its branches, said to it: &#8220;Oh elm!<br \/>\nart thou not ashamed to stand in front of me. But wait till my<br \/>\noffspring are fully grown and you will see where you are!&#8221; But when<br \/>\nher offspring were mature, a troop of soldiers coming by fell upon<br \/>\nthe fig-tree and her figs were all torn off her, and her boughs cut<br \/>\naway and broken. Then, when she was thus maimed in all her limbs,<br \/>\nthe elm asked her, saying: &#8220;O fig-tree! which was best, to be<br \/>\nwithout offspring, or to be brought by them into so miserable a<br \/>\nplight!&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>1276.<\/p>\n<p>The plant complains of the old and dry stick which stands by its<br \/>\nside and of the dry stakes that surround it.<\/p>\n<p>One keeps it upright, the other keeps it from low company.<\/p>\n<p>1277.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>A nut, having been carried by a crow to the top of a tall campanile<br \/>\nand released by falling into a chink from the mortal grip of its<br \/>\nbeak, it prayed the wall by the grace bestowed on it by God in<br \/>\nallowing it to be so high and thick, and to own such fine bells and<br \/>\nof so noble a tone, that it would succour it, and that, as it had<br \/>\nnot been able to fall under the verdurous boughs of its venerable<br \/>\nfather and lie in the fat earth covered up by his fallen leaves it<br \/>\nwould not abandon it; because, finding itself in the beak of the<br \/>\ncruel crow, it had there made a vow that if it escaped from her it<br \/>\nwould end its life in a little hole. At these words the wall, moved<br \/>\nto compassion, was content to shelter it in the spot where it had<br \/>\nfallen; and after a short time the nut began to split open and put<br \/>\nforth roots between the rifts of the stones and push them apart, and<br \/>\nto throw out shoots from its hollow shell; and, to be brief, these<br \/>\nrose above the building and the twisted roots, growing thicker,<br \/>\nbegan to thrust the walls apart, and tear out the ancient stones<br \/>\nfrom their old places. Then the wall too late and in vain bewailed<br \/>\nthe cause of its destruction and in a short time, it wrought the<br \/>\nruin of a great part of it.<\/p>\n<p>1278.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The privet feeling its tender boughs loaded with young fruit,<br \/>\npricked by the sharp claws and beak of the insolent blackbird,<br \/>\ncomplained to the blackbird with pitious remonstrance entreating her<br \/>\nthat since she stole its delicious fruits she should not deprive it<br \/>\nof the leaves with which it preserved them from the burning rays of<br \/>\nthe sun, and that she should not divest it of its tender bark by<br \/>\nscratching it with her sharp claws. To which the blackbird replied<br \/>\nwith angry upbraiding: &#8220;O, be silent, uncultured shrub! Do you not<br \/>\nknow that Nature made you produce these fruits for my nourishment;<br \/>\ndo you not see that you are in the world [only] to serve me as food;<br \/>\ndo you not know, base creature, that next winter you will be food<br \/>\nand prey for the Fire?&#8221; To which words the tree listened patiently,<br \/>\nand not without tears. After a short time the blackbird was taken in<br \/>\na net and boughs were cut to make a cage, in which to imprison her.<br \/>\nBranches were cut, among others from the pliant privet, to serve for<br \/>\nthe small rods of the cage; and seeing herself to be the cause of<br \/>\nthe Blackbird&#8217;s loss of liberty it rejoiced and spoke as follows: &#8220;O<br \/>\nBlackbird, I am here, and not yet burnt by fire as you said. I shall<br \/>\nsee you in prison before you see me burnt.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The laurel and the myrtle seeing the pear tree cut down cried out<br \/>\nwith a loud voice: &#8220;O pear-tree! whither are you going? Where is the<br \/>\npride you had when you were covered with ripe fruits? Now you will<br \/>\nno longer shade us with your mass of leaves.&#8221; Then the pear-tree<br \/>\nreplied: &#8220;I am going with the husbandman who has cut me down and who<br \/>\nwill take me to the workshop of a good sculptor who by his art will<br \/>\nmake me take the form of Jove the god; and I shall be dedicated in a<br \/>\ntemple and adored by men in the place of Jove, while you are bound<br \/>\nalways to remain maimed and stripped of your boughs, which will be<br \/>\nplaced round me to do me honour.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The chesnut, seeing a man upon the fig-tree, bending its boughs down<br \/>\nand pulling off the ripe fruits, which he put into his open mouth<br \/>\ndestroying and crushing them with his hard teeth, it tossed its long<br \/>\nboughs and with a noisy rustle exclaimed: &#8220;O fig! how much less are<br \/>\nyou protected by nature than I. See how in me my sweet offspring are<br \/>\nset in close array; first clothed in soft wrappers over which is the<br \/>\nhard but softly lined husk; and not content with taking this care of<br \/>\nme, and having given them so strong a shelter, on this she has<br \/>\nplaced sharp and close-set spines so that the hand of man cannot<br \/>\nhurt me.&#8221; Then the fig-tree and her offspring began to laugh and<br \/>\nhaving laughed she said: &#8220;I know man to be of such ingenuity that<br \/>\nwith rods and stones and stakes flung up among your branches he will<br \/>\nbereave you of your fruits; and when they are fallen, he will<br \/>\ntrample them with his feet or with stones, so that your offspring<br \/>\nwill come out of their armour, crushed and maimed; while I am<br \/>\ntouched carefully by their hands, and not like you with sticks and<br \/>\nstones.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>1279.<\/p>\n<p>The hapless willow, finding that she could not enjoy the pleasure of<br \/>\nseeing her slender branches grow or attain to the height she wished,<br \/>\nor point to the sky, by reason of the vine and whatever other trees<br \/>\nthat grew near, but was always maimed and lopped and spoiled,<br \/>\nbrought all her spirits together and gave and devoted itself<br \/>\nentirely to imagination, standing plunged in long meditation and<br \/>\nseeking, in all the world of plants, with which of them she might<br \/>\nally herself and which could not need the help of her withes. Having<br \/>\nstood for some time in this prolific imagination, with a sudden<br \/>\nflash the gourd presented itself to her thoughts and tossing all her<br \/>\nbranches with extreme delight, it seemed to her that she had found<br \/>\nthe companion suited to her purpose, because the gourd is more apt<br \/>\nto bind others than to need binding; having come to this conclusion<br \/>\nshe awaited eagerly some friendly bird who should be the mediator of<br \/>\nher wishes. Presently seeing near her the magpie she said to him: &#8220;O<br \/>\ngentle bird! by the memory of the refuge which you found this<br \/>\nmorning among my branches, when the hungry cruel, and rapacious<br \/>\nfalcon wanted to devour you, and by that repose which you have<br \/>\nalways found in me when your wings craved rest, and by the pleasure<br \/>\nyou have enjoyed among my boughs, when playing with your companions<br \/>\nor making love&#8211;I entreat you find the gourd and obtain from her<br \/>\nsome of her seeds, and tell her that those that are born of them I<br \/>\nwill treat exactly as though they were my own flesh and blood; and<br \/>\nin this way use all the words you can think of, which are of the<br \/>\nsame persuasive purport; though, indeed, since you are a master of<br \/>\nlanguage, I need not teach you. And if you will do me this service I<br \/>\nshall be happy to have your nest in the fork of my boughs, and all<br \/>\nyour family without payment of any rent.&#8221; Then the magpie, having<br \/>\nmade and confirmed certain new stipulations with the willow,&#8211;and<br \/>\nprincipally that she should never admit upon her any snake or<br \/>\npolecat, cocked his tail, and put down his head, and flung himself<br \/>\nfrom the bough, throwing his weight upon his wings; and these,<br \/>\nbeating the fleeting air, now here, now there, bearing about<br \/>\ninquisitively, while his tail served as a rudder to steer him, he<br \/>\ncame to a gourd; then with a handsome bow and a few polite words, he<br \/>\nobtained the required seeds, and carried them to the willow, who<br \/>\nreceived him with a cheerful face. And when he had scraped away with<br \/>\nhis foot a small quantity of the earth near the willow, describing a<br \/>\ncircle, with his beak he planted the grains, which in a short time<br \/>\nbegan to grow, and by their growth and the branches to take up all<br \/>\nthe boughs of the willow, while their broad leaves deprived it of<br \/>\nthe beauty of the sun and sky. And not content with so much evil,<br \/>\nthe gourds next began, by their rude hold, to drag the ends of the<br \/>\ntender shoots down towards the earth, with strange twisting and<br \/>\ndistortion.<\/p>\n<p>Then, being much annoyed, it shook itself in vain to throw off the<br \/>\ngourd. After raving for some days in such plans vainly, because the<br \/>\nfirm union forbade it, seeing the wind come by it commended itself<br \/>\nto him. The wind flew hard and opened the old and hollow stem of the<br \/>\nwillow in two down to the roots, so that it fell into two parts. In<br \/>\nvain did it bewail itself recognising that it was born to no good<br \/>\nend.<\/p>\n<p>III.<\/p>\n<p>JESTS AND TALES.<\/p>\n<p>C. A. 117a; 361a]<\/p>\n<p>1280.<\/p>\n<p>A JEST.<\/p>\n<p>A priest, making the rounds of his parish on Easter Eve, and<br \/>\nsprinkling holy water in the houses as is customary, came to a<br \/>\npainter&#8217;s room, where he sprinkled the water on some of his<br \/>\npictures. The painter turned round, somewhat angered, and asked him<br \/>\nwhy this sprinkling had been bestowed on his pictures; then said the<br \/>\npriest, that it was the custom and his duty to do so, and that he<br \/>\nwas doing good; and that he who did good might look for good in<br \/>\nreturn, and, indeed, for better, since God had promised that every<br \/>\ngood deed that was done on earth should be rewarded a hundred-fold<br \/>\nfrom above. Then the painter, waiting till he went out, went to an<br \/>\nupper window and flung a large pail of water on the priest&#8217;s back,<br \/>\nsaying: &#8220;Here is the reward a hundred-fold from above, which you<br \/>\nsaid would come from the good you had done me with your holy water,<br \/>\nby which you have damaged my pictures.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>1281.<\/p>\n<p>When wine is drunk by a drunkard, that wine is revenged on the<br \/>\ndrinker.<\/p>\n<p>1282.<\/p>\n<p>Wine, the divine juice of the grape, finding itself in a golden and<br \/>\nrichly wrought cup, on the table of Mahomet, was puffed up with<br \/>\npride at so much honour; when suddenly it was struck by a contrary<br \/>\nreflection, saying to itself: &#8220;What am I about, that I should<br \/>\nrejoice, and not perceive that I am now near to my death and shall<br \/>\nleave my golden abode in this cup to enter into the foul and fetid<br \/>\ncaverns of the human body, and to be transmuted from a fragrant and<br \/>\ndelicious liquor into a foul and base one. Nay, and as though so<br \/>\nmuch evil as this were not enough, I must for a long time lie in<br \/>\nhideous receptacles, together with other fetid and corrupt matter,<br \/>\ncast out from human intestines.&#8221; And it cried to Heaven, imploring<br \/>\nvengeance for so much insult, and that an end might henceforth be<br \/>\nput to such contempt; and that, since that country produced the<br \/>\nfinest and best grapes in the whole world, at least they should not<br \/>\nbe turned into wine. Then Jove made that wine drunk by Mahomet to<br \/>\nrise in spirit to his brain; and that in so deleterious a manner<br \/>\nthat it made him mad, and gave birth to so many follies that when he<br \/>\nhad recovered himself, he made a law that no Asiatic should drink<br \/>\nwine, and henceforth the vine and its fruit were left free.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as wine has entered the stomach it begins to ferment and<br \/>\nswell; then the spirit of that man begins to abandon his body,<br \/>\nrising as it were skywards, and the brain finds itself parting from<br \/>\nthe body. Then it begins to degrade him, and make him rave like a<br \/>\nmadman, and then he does irreparable evil, killing his friends.<\/p>\n<p>1283.<\/p>\n<p>An artizan often going to visit a great gentleman without any<br \/>\ndefinite purpose, the gentleman asked him what he did this for. The<br \/>\nother said that he came there to have a pleasure which his lordship<br \/>\ncould not have; since to him it was a satisfaction to see men<br \/>\ngreater than himself, as is the way with the populace; while the<br \/>\ngentleman could only see men of less consequence than himself; and<br \/>\nso lords and great men were deprived of that pleasure.<\/p>\n<p>1284.<\/p>\n<p>Franciscan begging Friars are wont, at certain times, to keep fasts,<br \/>\nwhen they do not eat meat in their convents. But on journeys, as<br \/>\nthey live on charity, they have license to eat whatever is set<br \/>\nbefore them. Now a couple of these friars on their travels, stopped<br \/>\nat an inn, in company with a certain merchant, and sat down with him<br \/>\nat the same table, where, from the poverty of the inn, nothing was<br \/>\nserved to them but a small roast chicken. The merchant, seeing this<br \/>\nto be but little even for himself, turned to the friars and said:<br \/>\n&#8220;If my memory serves me, you do not eat any kind of flesh in your<br \/>\nconvents at this season.&#8221; At these words the friars were compelled<br \/>\nby their rule to admit, without cavil, that this was the truth; so<br \/>\nthe merchant had his wish, and eat the chicken and the friars did<br \/>\nthe best they could. After dinner the messmates departed, all three<br \/>\ntogether, and after travelling some distance they came to a river of<br \/>\nsome width and depth. All three being on foot&#8211;the friars by reason<br \/>\nof their poverty, and the other from avarice&#8211;it was necessary by<br \/>\nthe custom of company that one of the friars, being barefoot, should<br \/>\ncarry the merchant on his shoulders: so having given his wooden<br \/>\nshoes into his keeping, he took up his man. But it so happened that<br \/>\nwhen the friar had got to the middle of the river, he again<br \/>\nremembered a rule of his order, and stopping short, he looked up,<br \/>\nlike Saint Christopher, to the burden on his back and said: &#8220;Tell<br \/>\nme, have you any money about you?&#8221;&#8211;&#8220;You know I have&#8221;, answered the<br \/>\nother, &#8220;How do you suppose that a Merchant like me should go about<br \/>\notherwise?&#8221; &#8220;Alack!&#8221; cried the friar, &#8220;our rules forbid as to carry<br \/>\nany money on our persons,&#8221; and forthwith he dropped him into the<br \/>\nwater, which the merchant perceived was a facetious way of being<br \/>\nrevenged on the indignity he had done them; so, with a smiling face,<br \/>\nand blushing somewhat with shame, he peaceably endured the revenge.<\/p>\n<p>1285.<\/p>\n<p>A JEST.<\/p>\n<p>A man wishing to prove, by the authority of Pythagoras, that he had<br \/>\nformerly been in the world, while another would not let him finish<br \/>\nhis argument, the first speaker said to the second: &#8220;It is by this<br \/>\ntoken that I was formerly here, I remember that you were a miller.&#8221;<br \/>\nThe other one, feeling himself stung by these words, agreed that it<br \/>\nwas true, and that by the same token he remembered that the speaker<br \/>\nhad been the ass that carried the flour.<\/p>\n<p>A JEST.<\/p>\n<p>It was asked of a painter why, since he made such beautiful figures,<br \/>\nwhich were but dead things, his children were so ugly; to which the<br \/>\npainter replied that he made his pictures by day, and his children<br \/>\nby night.<\/p>\n<p>1286.<\/p>\n<p>A man saw a large sword which another one wore at his side. Said he<br \/>\n&#8220;Poor fellow, for a long time I have seen you tied to that weapon;<br \/>\nwhy do you not release yourself as your hands are untied, and set<br \/>\nyourself free?&#8221; To which the other replied: &#8220;This is none of yours,<br \/>\non the contrary it is an old story.&#8221; The former speaker, feeling<br \/>\nstung, replied: &#8220;I know that you are acquainted with so few things<br \/>\nin this world, that I thought anything I could tell you would be new<br \/>\nto you.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>1287.<\/p>\n<p>A man gave up his intimacy with one of his friends because he often<br \/>\nspoke ill of his other friends. The neglected friend one day<br \/>\nlamenting to this former friend, after much complaining, entreated<br \/>\nhim to say what might be the cause that had made him forget so much<br \/>\nfriendship. To which he answered: &#8220;I will no longer be intimate with<br \/>\nyou because I love you, and I do not choose that you, by speaking<br \/>\nill of me, your friend, to others, should produce in others, as in<br \/>\nme, a bad impression of yourself, by speaking evil to them of me,<br \/>\nyour friend. Therefore, being no longer intimate together, it will<br \/>\nseem as though we had become enemies; and in speaking evil of me, as<br \/>\nis your wont, you will not be blamed so much as if we continued<br \/>\nintimate.<\/p>\n<p>1288.<\/p>\n<p>A man was arguing and boasting that he knew many and various tricks.<br \/>\nAnother among the bystanders said: &#8220;I know how to play a trick which<br \/>\nwill make whomsoever I like pull off his breeches.&#8221; The first man&#8211;<br \/>\nthe boaster&#8211;said: &#8220;You won&#8217;t make me pull off mine, and I bet you a<br \/>\npair of hose on it.&#8221; He who proposed the game, having accepted the<br \/>\noffer, produced breeches and drew them across the face of him who<br \/>\nbet the pair of hose and won the bet [4].<\/p>\n<p>A man said to an acquaintance: &#8220;Your eyes are changed to a strange<br \/>\ncolour.&#8221; The other replied: &#8220;It often happens, but you have not<br \/>\nnoticed it.&#8221; &#8220;When does it happen?&#8221; said the former. &#8220;Every time<br \/>\nthat my eyes see your ugly face, from the shock of so unpleasing a<br \/>\nsight they suddenly turn pale and change to a strange colour.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>A man said to another: &#8220;Your eyes are changed to a strange colour.&#8221;<br \/>\nThe other replied: &#8220;It is because my eyes behold your strange ugly<br \/>\nface.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>A man said that in his country were the strangest things in the<br \/>\nworld. Another answered: &#8220;You, who were born there, confirm this as<br \/>\ntrue, by the strangeness of your ugly face.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The joke turns, it appears, on two meanings of trarre and<br \/>\nis not easily translated.]<\/p>\n<p>1289.<\/p>\n<p>An old man was publicly casting contempt on a young one, and boldly<br \/>\nshowing that he did not fear him; on which the young man replied<br \/>\nthat his advanced age served him better as a shield than either his<br \/>\ntongue or his strength.<\/p>\n<p>1290.<\/p>\n<p>A JEST.<\/p>\n<p>A sick man finding himself in <em>articulo mortis<\/em> heard a knock at the<br \/>\ndoor, and asking one of his servants who was knocking, the servant<br \/>\nwent out, and answered that it was a woman calling herself Madonna<br \/>\nBona. Then the sick man lifting his arms to Heaven thanked God with<br \/>\na loud voice, and told the servants that they were to let her come<br \/>\nin at once, so that he might see one good woman before he died,<br \/>\nsince in all his life he had never yet seen one.<\/p>\n<p>1291.<\/p>\n<p>A JEST.<\/p>\n<p>A man was desired to rise from bed, because the sun was already<br \/>\nrisen. To which he replied: &#8220;If I had as far to go, and as much to<br \/>\ndo as he has, I should be risen by now; but having but a little way<br \/>\nto go, I shall not rise yet.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>1292.<\/p>\n<p>A man, seeing a woman ready to hold up the target for a jousting<br \/>\nmatch, exclaimed, looking at the shield, and considering his spear:<br \/>\n&#8220;Alack! this is too small a workman for so great a business.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>IV.<\/p>\n<p>PROPHECIES.<\/p>\n<p>1293.<\/p>\n<p>THE DIVISION OF THE PROPHECIES.<\/p>\n<p>First, of things relating to animals; secondly, of irrational<br \/>\ncreatures; thirdly of plants; fourthly, of ceremonies; fifthly, of<br \/>\nmanners; sixthly, of cases or edicts or quarrels; seventhly, of<br \/>\ncases that are impossible in nature [paradoxes], as, for instance,<br \/>\nof those things which, the more is taken from them, the more they<br \/>\ngrow. And reserve the great matters till the end, and the small<br \/>\nmatters give at the beginning. And first show the evils and then the<br \/>\npunishment of philosophical things.<\/p>\n<p>Of Ants.<\/p>\n<p>These creatures will form many communities, which will hide<br \/>\nthemselves and their young ones and victuals in dark caverns, and<br \/>\nthey will feed themselves and their families in dark places for many<br \/>\nmonths without any light, artificial or natural.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Lines 1&#8211;51 are in the original written in one column,<br \/>\nbeginning with the text of line 11. At the end of the column is the<br \/>\nprogramme for the arrangement of the prophecies, placed here at the<br \/>\nhead: Lines 56&#8211;79 form a second column, lines 80&#8211;97 a third one<br \/>\n(see the reproduction of the text on the facsimile PI. CXVIII).<\/p>\n<p>Another suggestion for the arrangement of the prophecies is to be<br \/>\nfound among the notes 55&#8211;57 on page 357.]<\/p>\n<p>( Of Bees.)<\/p>\n<p>And many others will be deprived of their store and their food, and<br \/>\nwill be cruelly submerged and drowned by folks devoid of reason. Oh<br \/>\nJustice of God! Why dost thou not wake and behold thy creatures thus<br \/>\nill used?<\/p>\n<p>( Of Sheep, Cows, Goats and the like.)<\/p>\n<p>Endless multitudes of these will have their little children taken<br \/>\nfrom them ripped open and flayed and most barbarously quartered.<\/p>\n<p>( Of Nuts, and Olives, and Acorns, and Chesnuts, and such like. )<\/p>\n<p>Many offspring shall be snatched by cruel thrashing from the very<br \/>\narms of their mothers, and flung on the ground, and crushed.<\/p>\n<p>( Of Children bound in Bundles. )<\/p>\n<p>O cities of the Sea! In you I see your citizens&#8211;both females and<br \/>\nmales&#8211;tightly bound, arms and legs, with strong withes by folks who<br \/>\nwill not understand your language. And you will only be able to<br \/>\nassuage your sorrows and lost liberty by means of tearful complaints<br \/>\nand sighing and lamentation among yourselves; for those who will<br \/>\nbind you will not understand you, nor will you understand them.<\/p>\n<p>( Of Cats that eat Rats.)<\/p>\n<p>In you, O cities of Africa your children will be seen quartered in<br \/>\ntheir own houses by most cruel and rapacious beasts of your own<br \/>\ncountry.<\/p>\n<p>( Of Asses that are beaten.)<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 48: Compare No. 845.] O Nature! Wherefore art thou so<br \/>\npartial; being to some of thy children a tender and benign mother,<br \/>\nand to others a most cruel and pitiless stepmother? I see children<br \/>\nof thine given up to slavery to others, without any sort of<br \/>\nadvantage, and instead of remuneration for the good they do, they<br \/>\nare paid with the severest suffering, and spend their whole life in<br \/>\nbenefitting those who ill treat them.<\/p>\n<p>[Of Men who sleep on boards of Trees.]<\/p>\n<p>Men shall sleep, and eat, and dwell among trees, in the forests and<br \/>\nopen country.<\/p>\n<p>[Of Dreaming.]<\/p>\n<p>Men will seem to see new destructions in the sky. The flames that<br \/>\nfall from it will seem to rise in it and to fly from it with terror.<br \/>\nThey will hear every kind of animals speak in human language. They<br \/>\nwill instantaneously run in person in various parts of the world,<br \/>\nwithout motion. They will see the greatest splendour in the midst of<br \/>\ndarkness. O! marvel of the human race! What madness has led you<br \/>\nthus! You will speak with animals of every species and they with you<br \/>\nin human speech. You will see yourself fall from great heights<br \/>\nwithout any harm and torrents will accompany you, and will mingle<br \/>\nwith their rapid course.<\/p>\n<p>[Of Christians.]<\/p>\n<p>Many who hold the faith of the Son only build temples in the name of<br \/>\nthe Mother.<\/p>\n<p>[Of Food which has been alive.]<\/p>\n<p>[84] A great portion of bodies that have been alive will pass into<br \/>\nthe bodies of other animals; which is as much as to say, that the<br \/>\ndeserted tenements will pass piecemeal into the inhabited ones,<br \/>\nfurnishing them with good things, and carrying with them their<br \/>\nevils. That is to say the life of man is formed from things eaten,<br \/>\nand these carry with them that part of man which dies . . .<\/p>\n<p>1294.<\/p>\n<p>[Of Funeral Rites, and Processions, and Lights, and Bells, and<br \/>\nFollowers.]<\/p>\n<p>The greatest honours will be paid to men, and much pomp, without<br \/>\ntheir knowledge.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A facsimile of this text is on PI. CXVI below on the<br \/>\nright, but the writing is larger than the other notes on the same<br \/>\nsheet and of a somewhat different style. The ink is also of a<br \/>\ndifferent hue, as may be seen on the original sheet at Milan.]<\/p>\n<p>***84 and following; compare No. 846.<\/p>\n<p>1295.<\/p>\n<p>(Of the Avaricious.)<\/p>\n<p>There will be many who will eagerly and with great care and<br \/>\nsolicitude follow up a thing, which, if they only knew its<br \/>\nmalignity, would always terrify them.<\/p>\n<p>(Of those men, who, the older they grow, the more avaricious they<br \/>\nbecome, whereas, having but little time to stay, they should become<br \/>\nmore liberal.)<\/p>\n<p>We see those who are regarded as being most experienced and<br \/>\njudicious, when they least need a thing, seek and cherish it with<br \/>\nmost avidity.<\/p>\n<p><em>Of the Ditch.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many will be busied in taking away from a thing, which will grow in<br \/>\nproportion as it is diminished.<\/p>\n<p><em>Of a Weight placed on a Feather-pillow.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And it will be seen in many bodies that by raising the head they<br \/>\nswell visibly; and by laying the raised head down again, their size<br \/>\nwill immediately be diminished.<\/p>\n<p><em>Of catching Lice.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And many will be hunters of animals, which, the fewer there are the<br \/>\nmore will be taken; and conversely, the more there are, the fewer<br \/>\nwill be taken.<\/p>\n<p><em>Of Drawing Water in two Buckets with a single Rope.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And many will be busily occupied, though the more of the thing they<br \/>\ndraw up, the more will escape at the other end.<\/p>\n<p><em>Of the Tongues of Pigs and Calves in Sausage-skins.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Oh! how foul a thing, that we should see the tongue of one animal in<br \/>\nthe guts of another.<\/p>\n<p><em>Of Sieves made of the Hair of Animals.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>We shall see the food of animals pass through their skin everyway<br \/>\nexcepting through their mouths, and penetrate from the outside<br \/>\ndownwards to the ground.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Lanterns. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 35: Lanterns were in Italy formerly made of horn.] The<br \/>\ncruel horns of powerful bulls will screen the lights of night<br \/>\nagainst the wild fury of the winds.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Feather-beds. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Flying creatures will give their very feathers to support men.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Animals which walk on Trees&#8211;wearing wooden Shoes. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The mire will be so great that men will walk on the trees of their<br \/>\ncountry.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of the Soles of Shoes, which are made from the Ox. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And in many parts of the country men will be seen walking on the<br \/>\nskins of large beasts.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Sailing in Ships. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There will be great winds by reason of which things of the East will<br \/>\nbecome things of the West; and those of the South, being involved in<br \/>\nthe course of the winds, will follow them to distant lands.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Worshipping the Pictures of Saints. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will speak to men who hear not; having their eyes open, they<br \/>\nwill not see; they will speak to these, and they will not be<br \/>\nanswered. They will implore favours of those who have ears and hear<br \/>\nnot; they will make light for the blind.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Sawyers. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There will be many men who will move one against another, holding in<br \/>\ntheir hands a cutting tool. But these will not do each other any<br \/>\ninjury beyond tiring each other; for, when one pushes forward the<br \/>\nother will draw back. But woe to him who comes between them! For he<br \/>\nwill end by being cut in pieces.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Silk-spinning. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Dismal cries will be heard loud, shrieking with anguish, and the<br \/>\nhoarse and smothered tones of those who will be despoiled, and at<br \/>\nlast left naked and motionless; and this by reason of the mover,<br \/>\nwhich makes every thing turn round.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of putting Bread into the Mouth of the Oven and taking it out<br \/>\nagain. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>In every city, land, castle and house, men shall be seen, who for<br \/>\nwant of food will take it out of the mouths of others, who will not<br \/>\nbe able to resist in any way.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of tilled Land. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Earth will be seen turned up side down and facing the opposite<br \/>\nhemispheres, uncovering the lurking holes of the fiercest animals.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Sowing Seed. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Then many of the men who will remain alive, will throw the victuals<br \/>\nthey have preserved out of their houses, a free prey to the birds<br \/>\nand beasts of the earth, without taking any care of them at all.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of the Rains, which, by making the Rivers muddy, wash away the<br \/>\nLand. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 81: Compare No. 945.] Something will fall from the sky<br \/>\nwhich will transport a large part of Africa which lies under that<br \/>\nsky towards Europe, and that of Europe towards Africa, and that of<br \/>\nthe Scythian countries will meet with tremendous revolutions<br \/>\n[Footnote 84: Compare No. 945.].<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Wood that burns. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The trees and shrubs in the great forests will be converted into<br \/>\ncinder.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Kilns for Bricks and Lime. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Finally the earth will turn red from a conflagration of many days<br \/>\nand the stones will be turned to cinders.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of boiled Fish. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The natives of the waters will die in the boiling flood.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of the Olives which fall from the Olive trees, shedding oil which<br \/>\nmakes light. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And things will fall with great force from above, which will give us<br \/>\nnourishment and light.<\/p>\n<p><em>[Of Owls and screech owls and what will happen to certain birds.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many will perish of dashing their heads in pieces, and the eyes of<br \/>\nmany will jump out of their heads by reason of fearful creatures<br \/>\ncome out of the darkness.<\/p>\n<p><em>[Of flax which works the cure of men.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>That which was at first bound, cast out and rent by many and various<br \/>\nbeaters will be respected and honoured, and its precepts will be<br \/>\nlistened to with reverence and love.<\/p>\n<p><em>[Of Books which teach Precepts.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Bodies without souls will, by their contents give us precepts by<br \/>\nwhich to die well.<\/p>\n<p><em>[Of Flagellants.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will hide themselves under the bark of trees, and, screaming,<br \/>\nthey will make themselves martyrs, by striking their own limbs.<\/p>\n<p><em>[Of the Handles of Knives made of the Horns of Sheep.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>We shall see the horns of certain beasts fitted to iron tools, which<br \/>\nwill take the lives of many of their kind.<\/p>\n<p><em>[Of Night when no Colour can be discerned.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There will come a time when no difference can be discerned between<br \/>\ncolours, on the contrary, everything will be black alike.<\/p>\n<p><em>[Of Swords and Spears which by themselves never hurt any one.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>One who by himself is mild enough and void of all offence will<br \/>\nbecome terrible and fierce by being in bad company, and will most<br \/>\ncruelly take the life of many men, and would kill many more if they<br \/>\nwere not hindered by bodies having no soul, that have come out of<br \/>\ncaverns&#8211;that is, breastplates of iron.<\/p>\n<p><em>[Of Snares and Traps.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many dead things will move furiously, and will take and bind the<br \/>\nliving, and will ensnare them for the enemies who seek their death<br \/>\nand destruction.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Metals. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>That shall be brought forth out of dark and obscure caves, which<br \/>\nwill put the whole human race in great anxiety, peril and death. To<br \/>\nmany that seek them, after many sorrows they will give delight, and<br \/>\nto those who are not in their company, death with want and<br \/>\nmisfortune. This will lead to the commission of endless crimes; this<br \/>\nwill increase and persuade bad men to assassinations, robberies and<br \/>\ntreachery, and by reason of it each will be suspicious of his<br \/>\npartner. This will deprive free cities of their happy condition;<br \/>\nthis will take away the lives of many; this will make men torment<br \/>\neach other with many artifices deceptions and treasons. O monstrous<br \/>\ncreature! How much better would it be for men that every thing<br \/>\nshould return to Hell! For this the vast forests will be devastated<br \/>\nof their trees; for this endless animals will lose their lives.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Fire. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>One shall be born from small beginnings which will rapidly become<br \/>\nvast. This will respect no created thing, rather will it, by its<br \/>\npower, transform almost every thing from its own nature into<br \/>\nanother.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Ships which sink. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Huge bodies will be seen, devoid of life, carrying, in fierce haste,<br \/>\na multitude of men to the destruction of their lives.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Oxen, which are eaten. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The masters of estates will eat their own labourers.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of beating Beds to renew them. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will be seen so deeply ungrateful that they will turn upon that<br \/>\nwhich has harboured them, for nothing at all; they will so load it<br \/>\nwith blows that a great part of its inside will come out of its<br \/>\nplace, and will be turned over and over in its body.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Things which are eaten and which first are killed. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Those who nourish them will be killed by them and afflicted by<br \/>\nmerciless deaths.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Reflection of Walls of Cities in the Water of their<br \/>\nDitches.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The high walls of great cities will be seen up side down in their<br \/>\nditches.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Water, which flows turbid and mixed with Soil and Dust; and of<br \/>\nMist, which is mixed with the Air; and of Fire which is mixed with<br \/>\nits own, and each with each.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>All the elements will be seen mixed together in a great whirling<br \/>\nmass, now borne towards the centre of the world, now towards the<br \/>\nsky; and now furiously rushing from the South towards the frozen<br \/>\nNorth, and sometimes from the East towards the West, and then again<br \/>\nfrom this hemisphere to the other.<\/p>\n<p><em>(The World may be divided into two Hemispheres at any Point.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>All men will suddenly be transferred into opposite hemispheres.<\/p>\n<p><em>(The division of the East from the West may be made at any point.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>All living creatures will be moved from the East to the West; and in<br \/>\nthe same way from North to South, and vice versa.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Motion of Water which carries wood, which is dead.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Bodies devoid of life will move by themselves and carry with them<br \/>\nendless generations of the dead, taking the wealth from the<br \/>\nbystanders.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Eggs which being eaten cannot form Chickens.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Oh! how many will they be that never come to the birth!<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Fishes which are eaten unborn.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Endless generations will be lost by the death of the pregnant.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Lamentation on Good Friday.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Throughout Europe there will be a lamentation of great nations over<br \/>\nthe death of one man who died in the East.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Dreaming.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will walk and not stir, they will talk to those who are not<br \/>\npresent, and hear those who do not speak.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of a Man&#8217;s Shadow which moves with him.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Shapes and figures of men and animals will be seen following these<br \/>\nanimals and men wherever they flee. And exactly as the one moves the<br \/>\nother moves; but what seems so wonderful is the variety of height<br \/>\nthey assume.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of our Shadow cast by the Sun, and our Reflection in the Water at<br \/>\none and the same time.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many a time will one man be seen as three and all three move<br \/>\ntogether, and often the most real one quits him.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of wooden Chests which contain great Treasures.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Within walnuts and trees and other plants vast treasures will be<br \/>\nfound, which lie hidden there and well guarded.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of putting out the Light when going to Bed.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many persons puffing out a breath with too much haste, will thereby<br \/>\nlose their sight, and soon after all consciousness.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Bells of Mules, which are close to their Ears.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>In many parts of Europe instruments of various sizes will be heard<br \/>\nmaking divers harmonies, with great labour to those who hear them<br \/>\nmost closely.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Asses.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The severest labour will be repaid with hunger and thirst, and<br \/>\ndiscomfort, and blows, and goadings, and curses, and great abuse.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Soldiers on horseback.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many men will be seen carried by large animals, swift of pace, to<br \/>\nthe loss of their lives and immediate death.<\/p>\n<p>In the air and on earth animals will be seen of divers colours<br \/>\nfuriously carrying men to the destruction of their lives.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Stars of Spurs.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>By the aid of the stars men will be seen who will be as swift as any<br \/>\nswift animal.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of a Stick, which is dead.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The motions of a dead thing will make many living ones flee with<br \/>\npain and lamentation and cries.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Tinder.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>With a stone and with iron things will be made visible which before<br \/>\nwere not seen.<\/p>\n<p>1296.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of going in Ships.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>We shall see the trees of the great forests of Taurus and of Sinai<br \/>\nand of the Appenines and others, rush by means of the air, from East<br \/>\nto West and from North to South; and carry, by means of the air,<br \/>\ngreat multitudes of men. Oh! how many vows! Oh! how many deaths! Oh!<br \/>\nhow many partings of friends and relations! Oh! how many will those<br \/>\nbe who will never again see their own country nor their native land,<br \/>\nand who will die unburied, with their bones strewn in various parts<br \/>\nof the world!<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of moving on All Saints&#8217; Day.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many will forsake their own dwellings and carry with them all their<br \/>\nbelongings and will go to live in other parts.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of All Souls&#8217; Day.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>How many will they be who will bewail their deceased forefathers,<br \/>\ncarrying lights to them.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Friars, who spending nothing but words, receive great gifts and<br \/>\nbestow Paradise.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Invisible money will procure the triumph of many who will spend it.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Bows made of the Horns of Oxen.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many will there be who will die a painful death by means of the<br \/>\nhorns of cattle.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of writing Letters from one Country to another.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will speak with each other from the most remote countries, and<br \/>\nreply.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Hemispheres, which are infinite; and which are divided by an<br \/>\ninfinite number of Lines, so that every Man always has one of these<br \/>\nLines between his Feet.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men standing in opposite hemispheres will converse and deride each<br \/>\nother and embrace each other, and understand each other&#8217;s language.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Priests who say Mass.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There will be many men who, when they go to their labour will put on<br \/>\nthe richest clothes, and these will be made after the fashion of<br \/>\naprons [petticoats].<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Friars who are Confessors.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And unhappy women will, of their own free will, reveal to men all<br \/>\ntheir sins and shameful and most secret deeds.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Churches and the Habitations of Friars.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many will there be who will give up work and labour and poverty of<br \/>\nlife and goods, and will go to live among wealth in splendid<br \/>\nbuildings, declaring that this is the way to make themselves<br \/>\nacceptable to God.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Selling Paradise.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>An infinite number of men will sell publicly and unhindered things<br \/>\nof the very highest price, without leave from the Master of it;<br \/>\nwhile it never was theirs nor in their power; and human justice will<br \/>\nnot prevent it.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Dead which are carried to be buried.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The simple folks will carry vast quantities of lights to light up<br \/>\nthe road for those who have entirely lost the power of sight.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Dowries for Maidens.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And whereas, at first, maidens could not be protected against the<br \/>\nviolence of Men, neither by the watchfulness of parents nor by<br \/>\nstrong walls, the time will come when the fathers and parents of<br \/>\nthose girls will pay a large price to a man who wants to marry them,<br \/>\neven if they are rich, noble and most handsome. Certainly this seems<br \/>\nas though nature wished to eradicate the human race as being useless<br \/>\nto the world, and as spoiling all created things.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Cruelty of Man.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Animals will be seen on the earth who will always be fighting<br \/>\nagainst each other with the greatest loss and frequent deaths on<br \/>\neach side. And there will be no end to their malignity; by their<br \/>\nstrong limbs we shall see a great portion of the trees of the vast<br \/>\nforests laid low throughout the universe; and, when they are filled<br \/>\nwith food the satisfaction of their desires will be to deal death<br \/>\nand grief and labour and wars and fury to every living thing; and<br \/>\nfrom their immoderate pride they will desire to rise towards heaven,<br \/>\nbut the too great weight of their limbs will keep them down. Nothing<br \/>\nwill remain on earth, or under the earth or in the waters which will<br \/>\nnot be persecuted, disturbed and spoiled, and those of one country<br \/>\nremoved into another. And their bodies will become the sepulture and<br \/>\nmeans of transit of all they have killed.<\/p>\n<p>O Earth! why dost thou not open and engulf them in the fissures of<br \/>\nthy vast abyss and caverns, and no longer display in the sight of<br \/>\nheaven such a cruel and horrible monster.<\/p>\n<p>1297.<\/p>\n<p>PROPHECIES.<\/p>\n<p>There will be many which will increase in their destruction.<\/p>\n<p><em>(The Ball of Snow rolling over Snow.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There will be many who, forgetting their existence and their name,<br \/>\nwill lie as dead on the spoils of other dead creatures.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Sleeping on the Feathers of Birds.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The East will be seen to rush to the West and the South to the North<br \/>\nin confusion round and about the universe, with great noise and<br \/>\ntrembling or fury.<\/p>\n<p><em>(In the East wind which rushes to the West.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The solar rays will kindle fire on the earth, by which a thing that<br \/>\nis under the sky will be set on fire, and, being reflected by some<br \/>\nobstacle, it will bend downwards.<\/p>\n<p><em>(The Concave Mirror kindles a Fire, with which we heat the oven,<br \/>\nand this has its foundation beneath its roof.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A great part of the sea will fly towards heaven and for a long time<br \/>\nwill not return. <em>(That is, in Clouds.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There remains the motion which divides the mover from the thing<br \/>\nmoved.<\/p>\n<p>Those who give light for divine service will be destroyed.<em>(The Bees<br \/>\nwhich make the Wax for Candles)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Dead things will come from underground and by their fierce movements<br \/>\nwill send numberless human beings out of the world. <em>(Iron, which<br \/>\ncomes from under ground is dead but the Weapons are made of it which<br \/>\nkill so many Men.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The greatest mountains, even those which are remote from the sea<br \/>\nshore, will drive the sea from its place.<\/p>\n<p><em>(This is by Rivers which carry the Earth they wash away from the<br \/>\nMountains and bear it to the Sea-shore; and where the Earth comes<br \/>\nthe sea must retire.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The water dropped from the clouds still in motion on the flanks of<br \/>\nmountains will lie still for a long period of time without any<br \/>\nmotion whatever; and this will happen in many and divers lands.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Snow, which falls in flakes and is Water.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The great rocks of the mountains will throw out fire; so that they<br \/>\nwill burn the timber of many vast forests, and many beasts both wild<br \/>\nand tame.<\/p>\n<p><em>(The Flint in the Tinder-box which makes a Fire that consumes all<br \/>\nthe loads of Wood of which the Forests are despoiled and with this<br \/>\nthe flesh of Beasts is cooked.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Oh! how many great buildings will be ruined by reason of Fire.<\/p>\n<p><em>(The Fire of great Guns.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Oxen will be to a great extent the cause of the destruction of<br \/>\ncities, and in the same way horses and buffaloes.<\/p>\n<p><em>(By drawing Guns.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>1298.<\/p>\n<p>The Lion tribe will be seen tearing open the earth with their clawed<br \/>\npaws and in the caves thus made, burying themselves together with<br \/>\nthe other animals that are beneath them.<\/p>\n<p>Animals will come forth from the earth in gloomy vesture, which will<br \/>\nattack the human species with astonishing assaults, and which by<br \/>\ntheir ferocious bites will make confusion of blood among those they<br \/>\ndevour.<\/p>\n<p>Again the air will be filled with a mischievous winged race which<br \/>\nwill assail men and beasts and feed upon them with much noise&#8211;<br \/>\nfilling themselves with scarlet blood.<\/p>\n<p>1299.<\/p>\n<p>Blood will be seen issuing from the torn flesh of men, and trickling<br \/>\ndown the surface.<\/p>\n<p>Men will have such cruel maladies that they will tear their flesh<br \/>\nwith their own nails. <em>(The Itch.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Plants will be seen left without leaves, and the rivers standing<br \/>\nstill in their channels.<\/p>\n<p>The waters of the sea will rise above the high peaks of the<br \/>\nmountains towards heaven and fall again on to the dwellings of men.<br \/>\n<em>(That is, in Clouds.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The largest trees of the forest will be seen carried by the fury of<br \/>\nthe winds from East to West. <em>(That is across the Sea.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will cast away their own victuals. <em>(That is, in Sowing.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I.2 26a]<\/p>\n<p>1300.<\/p>\n<p>Human beings will be seen who will not understand each other&#8217;s<br \/>\nspeech; that is, a German with a Turk.<\/p>\n<p>Fathers will be seen giving their daughters into the power of man<br \/>\nand giving up all their former care in guarding them. <em>(When Girls<br \/>\nare married.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will come out their graves turned into flying creatures; and<br \/>\nthey will attack other men, taking their food from their very hand<br \/>\nor table. <em>(As Flies.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many will there be who, flaying their mother, will tear the skin<br \/>\nfrom her back. (Husbandmen tilling the Earth.)<\/p>\n<p>Happy will they be who lend ear to the words of the Dead. (Who read<br \/>\ngood works and obey them.)<\/p>\n<p>1031.<\/p>\n<p>Feathers will raise men, as they do birds, towards heaven (that is,<br \/>\nby the letters which are written with quills.)<\/p>\n<p>The works of men&#8217;s hands will occasion their death. (Swords and<br \/>\nSpears.)<\/p>\n<p>Men out of fear will cling to the thing they most fear. (That is<br \/>\nthey will be miserable lest they should fall into misery.)<\/p>\n<p>Things that are separate shall be united and acquire such virtue<br \/>\nthat they will restore to man his lost memory; that is papyrus<br \/>\n[sheets] which are made of separate strips and have preserved the<br \/>\nmemory of the things and acts of men.<\/p>\n<p>The bones of the Dead will be seen to govern the fortunes of him who<br \/>\nmoves them. (By Dice.)<\/p>\n<p>Cattle with their horns protect the Flame from its death. (In a<br \/>\nLantern [Footnote 13: See note page 357.].)<\/p>\n<p>The Forests will bring forth young which will be the cause of their<br \/>\ndeath. (The handle of the hatchet.)<\/p>\n<p>1302.<\/p>\n<p>Men will deal bitter blows to that which is the cause of their life.<br \/>\n(In thrashing Grain.)<\/p>\n<p>The skins of animals will rouse men from their silence with great<br \/>\noutcries and curses. (Balls for playing Games.)<\/p>\n<p>Very often a thing that is itself broken is the occasion of much<br \/>\nunion. (That is the Comb made of split Cane which unites the threads<br \/>\nof Silk.)<\/p>\n<p>The wind passing through the skins of animals will make men dance.<br \/>\n(That is the Bag-pipe, which makes people dance.)<\/p>\n<p>1303.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Walnut trees, that are beaten. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Those which have done best will be most beaten, and their offspring<br \/>\ntaken and flayed or peeled, and their bones broken or crushed.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Sculpture. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Alas! what do I see? The Saviour cru- cified anew.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of the Mouth of Man, which is a Sepulchre. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Great noise will issue from the sepulchres of those who died evil<br \/>\nand violent deaths.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of the Skins of Animals which have the sense of feeling what is<br \/>\nin the things written. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The more you converse with skins covered with sentiments, the more<br \/>\nwisdom will* you acquire.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Priests who bear the Host in their body. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Then almost all the tabernacles in which dwells the Corpus Domini,<br \/>\nwill be plainly seen walking about of themselves on the various<br \/>\nroads of the world.<\/p>\n<p>1304.<\/p>\n<p>And those who feed on grass will turn night into day <em>( Tallow. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And many creatures of land and water will go up among the stars <em>(<br \/>\nthat is Planets.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The dead will be seen carrying the living <em>( in Carts and Ships in<br \/>\nvarious places. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Food shall be taken out of the mouth of many <em>( the oven&#8217;s mouth. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>And those which will have their food in their mouth will be deprived<br \/>\nof it by the hands of others <em>( the oven. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>1305.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Crucifixes which are sold. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I see Christ sold and crucified afresh, and his Saints suffering<br \/>\nMartyrdom.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Physicians, who live by sickness. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will come into so wretched a plight that they will be glad that<br \/>\nothers will derive profit from their sufferings or from the loss of<br \/>\ntheir real wealth, that is health.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of the Religion of Friars, who live by the Saints who have been<br \/>\ndead a great while. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Those who are dead will, after a thou- sand years be those who will<br \/>\ngive a livelihood to many who are living.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Stones converted into Lime, with which prison walls are made.<br \/>\n)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many things that have been before that time destroyed by fire will<br \/>\ndeprive many men of liberty.<\/p>\n<p>I.2 19a]<\/p>\n<p>1306.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Children who are suckled. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Many Franciscans, Dominicans and Benedictines will eat that which at<br \/>\nother times was eaten by others, who for some months to come will<br \/>\nnot be able to speak.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Cockles and Sea Snails which are thrown up by the sea and<br \/>\nwhich rot inside their shells. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>How many will there be who, after they are dead, will putrefy inside<br \/>\ntheir own houses, filling all the surrounding air with a fetid<br \/>\nsmell.<\/p>\n<p>1307.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Mules which have on them rich burdens of silver and gold. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Much treasure and great riches will be laid upon four-footed beasts,<br \/>\nwhich will convey them to divers places.<\/p>\n<p>1308.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of the Shadow cast by a man at night with a light. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Huge figures will appear in human shape, and the nearer you get to<br \/>\nthem, the more will their immense size diminish.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote page 1307: It seems to me probable that this note, which<br \/>\noccurs in the note book used in 1502, when Leonardo, in the service<br \/>\nof Cesare Borgia, visited Urbino, was suggested by the famous<br \/>\npillage of the riches of the palace of Guidobaldo, whose treasures<br \/>\nCesare Borgia at once had carried to Cesena (see GREGOROVIUS,<br \/>\n<em>Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter<\/em>. XIII, 5, 4). ]<\/p>\n<p>1309.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Snakes, carried by Storks.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Serpents of great length will be seen at a great height in the air,<br \/>\nfighting with birds.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of great guns, which come out of a pit and a mould.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Creatures will come from underground which with their terrific noise<br \/>\nwill stun all who are near; and with their breath will kill men and<br \/>\ndestroy cities and castles.<\/p>\n<p>1310.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Grain and other Seeds.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will fling out of their houses those victuals which were<br \/>\nintended to sustain their life.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Trees, which nourish grafted shoots.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Fathers and mothers will be seen to take much more delight in their<br \/>\nstep-children then in their own children.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Censer.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Some will go about in white garments with arrogant gestures<br \/>\nthreatening others with metal and fire which will do no harm at all<br \/>\nto them.<\/p>\n<p>1311.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of drying Fodder.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Innumerable lives will be destroyed and innumerable vacant spaces<br \/>\nwill be made on the earth.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Life of Men, who every year change their bodily<br \/>\nsubstance.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men, when dead, will pass through their own bowels.<\/p>\n<p>1312.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Shoemakers.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Men will take pleasure in seeing their own work destroyed and<br \/>\ninjured.<\/p>\n<p>1313.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Kids.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The time of Herod will come again, for the little innocent children<br \/>\nwill be taken from their nurses, and will die of terrible wounds<br \/>\ninflicted by cruel men.<\/p>\n<p>V.<\/p>\n<p>DRAUGHTS AND SCHEMES FOR THE HUMOROUS WRITINGS.<\/p>\n<p>Schemes for fables, etc. (1314-1323).<\/p>\n<p>1314.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The crab standing under the rock to catch the fish which crept under<br \/>\nit, it came to pass that the rock fell with a ruinous downfall of<br \/>\nstones, and by their fall the crab was crushed.<\/p>\n<p>THE SAME.<\/p>\n<p>The spider, being among the grapes, caught the flies which were<br \/>\nfeeding on those grapes. Then came the vintage, and the spider was<br \/>\ncut down with the grapes.<\/p>\n<p>The vine that has grown old on an old tree falls with the ruin of<br \/>\nthat tree, and through that bad companionship must perish with it.<\/p>\n<p>The torrent carried so much earth and stones into its bed, that it<br \/>\nwas then constrained to change its course.<\/p>\n<p>The net that was wont to take the fish was seized and carried away<br \/>\nby the rush of fish.<\/p>\n<p>The ball of snow when, as it rolls, it descends from the snowy<br \/>\nmountains, increases in size as it falls.<\/p>\n<p>The willow, which by its long shoots hopes as it grows, to outstrip<br \/>\nevery other plant, from having associated itself with the vine which<br \/>\nis pruned every year was always crippled.<\/p>\n<p>1315.<\/p>\n<p>Fable of the tongue bitten by the teeth.<\/p>\n<p>The cedar puffed up with pride of its beauty, separated itself from<br \/>\nthe trees around it and in so doing it turned away towards the wind,<br \/>\nwhich not being broken in its fury, flung it uprooted on the earth.<\/p>\n<p>The traveller&#8217;s joy, not content in its hedge, began to fling its<br \/>\nbranches out over the high road, and cling to the opposite hedge,<br \/>\nand for this it was broken away by the passers by.<\/p>\n<p>1316.<\/p>\n<p>The goldfinch gives victuals to its caged young. Death rather than<br \/>\nloss of liberty. [Footnote: Above this text is another note, also<br \/>\nreferring to liberty; see No. 694.]<\/p>\n<p>1317.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of Bags.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Goats will convey the wine to the city.<\/p>\n<p>L.1 39b]<\/p>\n<p>1318.<\/p>\n<p>All those things which in winter are hidden under the snow, will be<br \/>\nuncovered and laid bare in summer. <em>(for Falsehood, which cannot<br \/>\nremain hidden)<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>1319.<\/p>\n<p>A FABLE.<\/p>\n<p>The lily set itself down by the shores of the Ticino, and the<br \/>\ncurrent carried away bank and the lily with it.<\/p>\n<p>1320.<\/p>\n<p>A JEST.<\/p>\n<p>Why Hungarian ducats have a double cross on them.<\/p>\n<p>1321.<\/p>\n<p>A SIMILE.<\/p>\n<p>A vase of unbaked clay, when broken, may be remoulded, but not a<br \/>\nbaked one.<\/p>\n<p>1322.<\/p>\n<p>Seeing the paper all stained with the deep blackness of ink, it he<br \/>\ndeeply regrets it; and this proves to the paper that the words,<br \/>\ncomposed upon it were the cause of its being preserved.<\/p>\n<p>1323.<\/p>\n<p>The pen must necessarily have the penknife for a companion, and it<br \/>\nis a useful companionship, for one is not good for much without the<br \/>\nother.<\/p>\n<p>Schemes for prophecies (1324-1329).<\/p>\n<p>1324.<\/p>\n<p>The knife, which is an artificial weapon, deprives man of his nails,<br \/>\nhis natural weapons.<\/p>\n<p>The mirror conducts itself haughtily holding mirrored in itself the<br \/>\nQueen. When she departs the mirror remains there &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>1325.<\/p>\n<p>Flax is dedicated to death, and to the corruption of mortals. To<br \/>\ndeath, by being used for snares and nets for birds, animals and<br \/>\nfish; to corruption, by the flaxen sheets in which the dead are<br \/>\nwrapped when they are buried, and who become corrupt in these<br \/>\nwinding sheets.&#8211; And again, this flax does not separate its fibre<br \/>\ntill it has begun to steep and putrefy, and this is the flower with<br \/>\nwhich garlands and decorations for funerals should be made.<\/p>\n<p>1326.<\/p>\n<p>*(Of Peasants who work in shirts)<\/p>\n<p>Shadows will come from the East which will blacken with great colour<br \/>\ndarkness the sky that covers Italy.<\/p>\n<p><em>(Of the Barbers.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>All men will take refuge in Africa.<\/p>\n<p>1327.<\/p>\n<p>The cloth which is held in the hand in the current of a running<br \/>\nstream, in the waters of which the cloth leaves all its foulness and<br \/>\ndirt, is meant to signify this &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>By the thorn with inoculated good fruit is signified those natures<br \/>\nwhich of themselves were not disposed towards virtue, but by the aid<br \/>\nof their preceptors they have the repudation of it.<\/p>\n<p>1328.<\/p>\n<p>A COMMON THING.<\/p>\n<p>A wretched person will be flattered, and these flatterers are always<br \/>\nthe deceivers, robbers and murderers of the wretched person.<\/p>\n<p>The image of the sun where it falls appears as a thing which covers<br \/>\nthe person who attempts to cover it.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Money and Gold. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Out of cavernous pits a thing shall come forth which will make all<br \/>\nthe nations of the world toil and sweat with the greatest torments,<br \/>\nanxiety and labour, that they may gain its aid.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of the Dread of Poverty. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The malicious and terrible [monster] will cause so much terror of<br \/>\nitself in men that they will rush together, with a rapid motion,<br \/>\nlike madmen, thinking they are escaping her boundless force.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Advice. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The man who may be most necessary to him who needs him, will be<br \/>\nrepaid with ingratitude, that is greatly contemned.<\/p>\n<p>1329.<\/p>\n<p><em>( Of Bees. )<\/em><\/p>\n<p>They live together in communities, they are destroyed that we may<br \/>\ntake the honey from them. Many and very great nations will be<br \/>\ndestroyed in their own dwellings.<\/p>\n<p>1330.<\/p>\n<p>WHY DOGS TAKE PLEASURE IN SMELLING AT EACH OTHER.<\/p>\n<p>This animal has a horror of the poor, because they eat poor food,<br \/>\nand it loves the rich, because they have good living and especially<br \/>\nmeat. And the excrement of animals always retains some virtue of its<br \/>\norigin as is shown by the faeces &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Now dogs have so keen a smell, that they can discern by their nose<br \/>\nthe virtue remaining in these faeces, and if they find them in the<br \/>\nstreets, smell them and if they smell in them the virtue of meat or<br \/>\nof other things, they take them, and if not, they leave them: And to<br \/>\nreturn to the question, I say that if by means of this smell they<br \/>\nknow that dog to be well fed, they respect him, because they judge<br \/>\nthat he has a powerful and rich master; and if they discover no such<br \/>\nsmell with the virtue of meat, they judge that dog to be of small<br \/>\naccount and to have a poor and humble master, and therefore they<br \/>\nbite that dog as they would his master.<\/p>\n<p>1331.<\/p>\n<p>The circular plans of carrying earth are very useful, inasmuch as<br \/>\nmen never stop in their work; and it is done in many ways. By one of<br \/>\nthese ways men carry the earth on their shoulders, by another in<br \/>\nchests and others on wheelbarrows. The man who carries it on his<br \/>\nshoulders first fills the tub on the ground, and he loses time in<br \/>\nhoisting it on to his shoulders. He with the chests loses no time.<br \/>\n[Footnote: The subject of this text has apparently no connection<br \/>\nwith the other texts of this section.]<\/p>\n<p>Irony (1332).<\/p>\n<p>1332.<\/p>\n<p>If Petrarch was so fond of bay, it was because it is of a good taste<br \/>\nin sausages and with tunny; I cannot put any value on their foolery.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Conte Porro has published these lines in the <em>Archivio<br \/>\nStor. Lombarda<\/em> VIII, IV; he reads the concluding line thus: <em>I no<br \/>\nposso di loro gia (sic) co&#8217; far tesauro.<\/em>&#8211;This is known to be by a<br \/>\ncontemporary poet, as Senatore Morelli informs me.]<\/p>\n<p>Tricks (1333-1335).<\/p>\n<p>1333.<\/p>\n<p>We are two brothers, each of us has a brother. Here the way of<br \/>\nsaying it makes it appear that the two brothers have become four.<\/p>\n<p>1334.<\/p>\n<p>TRICKS OF DIVIDING.<\/p>\n<p>Take in each hand an equal number; put 4 from the right hand into<br \/>\nthe left; cast away the remainder; cast away an equal number from<br \/>\nthe left hand; add 5, and now you will find 13 in this [left] hand;<br \/>\nthat is-I made you put 4 from the right hand into the left, and cast<br \/>\naway the remainder; now your right hand has 4 more; then I make you<br \/>\nthrow away as many from the right as you threw away from the left;<br \/>\nso, throwing from each hand a quantity of which the remainder may be<br \/>\nequal, you now have 4 and 4, which make 8, and that the trick may<br \/>\nnot be detec- ted I made you put 5 more, which made 13.<\/p>\n<p>TRICKS OF DIVIDING.<\/p>\n<p>Take any number less than 12 that you please; then take of mine<br \/>\nenough to make up the number 12, and that which remains to me is the<br \/>\nnumber which you at first had; because when I said, take any number<br \/>\nless than 12 as you please, I took 12 into my hand, and of that 12<br \/>\nyou took such a number as made up your number of 12; and what you<br \/>\nadded to your number, you took from mine; that is, if you had 8 to<br \/>\ngo as far as to 12, you took of my 12, 4; hence this 4 transferred<br \/>\nfrom me to you reduced my 12 to a remainder of 8, and your 8 became<br \/>\n12; so that my 8 is equal to your 8, before it was made 12.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: G. Govi <em>says in the<\/em> &#8216;Saggio&#8217; p. 22: <em>Si dilett*<br \/>\nLeonarda, di giuochi di prestigi e molti (?) ne descrisse, che si<br \/>\nleggono poi riportati dal Paciolo nel suo libro:<\/em> de Viribus<br \/>\nQuantitatis, <em>e che, se non tutti, sono certo in gran parte<br \/>\ninvenzioni del Vinci.<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>1335.<\/p>\n<p>If you want to teach someone a subject you do not know yourself, let<br \/>\nhim measure the length of an object unknown to you, and he will<br \/>\nlearn the measure you did not know before;&#8211;Master Giovanni da Lodi.<\/p>\n<p><em>XXI.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Letters. Personal Records. Dated Notes.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>When we consider how superficial and imperfect are the accounts of<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s life written some time after his death by Vasari and<br \/>\nothers, any notes or letters which can throw more light on his<br \/>\npersonal circumstances cannot fail to be in the highest degree<br \/>\ninteresting. The texts here given as Nos.<\/em> 1351&#8211;1353, <em>set his<br \/>\nresidence in Rome in quite a new aspect; nay, the picture which<br \/>\nirresistibly dwells in our minds after reading these details of his<br \/>\nlife in the Vatican, forms a striking contrast to the contemporary<br \/>\nlife of Raphael at Rome.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>_I have placed foremost of these documents the very remarkable<br \/>\nletters to the Defterdar of Syria. In these Leonardo speaks of<br \/>\nhimself as having staid among the mountains of Armenia, and as the<br \/>\nbiographies of the master tell nothing of any such distant journeys,<br \/>\nit would seem most obvious to treat this passage as fiction, and so<br \/>\nspare ourselves the onus of proof and discussion. But on close<br \/>\nexamination no one can doubt that these documents, with the<br \/>\naccompanying sketches, are the work of Leonardo&#8217;s own hand. Not<br \/>\nmerely is the character of the handwriting his, but the spelling and<br \/>\nthe language are his also. In one respect only does the writing<br \/>\nbetray any marked deviation from the rest of the notes, especially<br \/>\nthose treating on scientific questions; namely, in these<br \/>\nobservations he seems to have taken particular pains to give the<br \/>\nmost distinct and best form of expression to all he had to say; we<br \/>\nfind erasures and emendations in almost every line. He proceeded, as<br \/>\nwe shall see, in the same way in the sketches for letters to<br \/>\nGiuliano de&#8217; Medici, and what can be more natural, I may ask, than<br \/>\nto find the draft of a letter thus altered and improved when it is<br \/>\nto contain an account of a definite subject, and when personal<br \/>\ninterests are in the scale? The finished copies as sent off are not<br \/>\nknown to exist; if we had these instead of the rough drafts, we<br \/>\nmight unhesitatingly have declared that some unknown Italian<br \/>\nengineer must have been, at that time, engaged in Armenia in the<br \/>\nservice of the Egyptian Sultan, and that Leonardo had copied his<br \/>\ndocuments. Under this hypothesis however we should have to state<br \/>\nthat this unknown writer must have been so far one in mind with<br \/>\nLeonardo as to use the same style of language and even the same<br \/>\nlines of thought. This explanation might&#8211;as I say&#8211;have been<br \/>\npossible, if only we had the finished letters. But why should these<br \/>\nrough drafts of letters be regarded as anything else than what they<br \/>\nactually and obviously are? If Leonardo had been a man of our own<br \/>\ntime, we might perhaps have attempted to account for the facts by<br \/>\nsaying that Leonardo, without having been in the East himself, might<br \/>\nhave undertaken to write a Romance of which the scene was laid in<br \/>\nArmenia, and at the desire of his publisher had made sketches of<br \/>\nlandscape to illustrate the text.<\/p>\n<p>I feel bound to mention this singular hypothesis as it has actually<br \/>\nbeen put forward (see No. 1336 note 5); and it would certainly seem<br \/>\nas though there were no other possible way of evading the conclusion<br \/>\nto which these letters point, and their bearing on the life of the<br \/>\nmaster,&#8211;absurd as the alternative is. But, if, on a question of<br \/>\nsuch importance, we are justified in suggesting theories that have<br \/>\nno foundation in probability, I could suggest another which, as<br \/>\ncompared with that of a Fiction by Leonardo, would be neither more<br \/>\nnor less plausible; it is, moreover the only other hypothesis,<br \/>\nperhaps, which can be devised to account for these passages, if it<br \/>\nwere possible to prove that the interpretation that the documents<br \/>\nthemselves suggest, must be rejected a priori; viz may not Leonardo<br \/>\nhave written them with the intention of mystifying those who, after<br \/>\nhis death, should try to decipher these manuscripts with a view to<br \/>\npublishing them? But if, in fact, no objection that will stand the<br \/>\ntest of criticism can be brought against the simple and direct<br \/>\ninterpretation of the words as they stand, we are bound to regard<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s travels in the East as an established fact. There is, I<br \/>\nbelieve nothing in what we know of his biography to negative such a<br \/>\nfact, especially as the details of his life for some few years are<br \/>\nwholly unknown; nor need we be at a loss for evidence which may<br \/>\nserve to explain&#8211;at any rate to some extent&#8211;the strangeness of his<br \/>\nundertaking such a journey. We have no information as to Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nhistory between 1482 and 1486; it cannot be proved that he was<br \/>\neither in Milan or in Florence. On the other hand the tenor of this<br \/>\nletter does not require us to assume a longer absence than a year or<br \/>\ntwo. For, even if his appointment_ (offitio) _as Engineer in Syria<br \/>\nhad been a permanent one, it might have become untenable&#8211;by the<br \/>\ndeath perhaps of the Defterdar, his patron, or by his removal from<br \/>\noffice&#8211;, and Leonardo on his return home may have kept silence on<br \/>\nthe subject of an episode which probably had ended in failure and<br \/>\ndisappointment.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the text of No. 1379 we can hardly doubt that Leonardo intended<br \/>\n  to make an excursion secretly from Rome to Naples, although so far<br \/>\n  as has hitherto been known, his biographers never allude to it. In<br \/>\n  another place (No. 1077) he says that he had worked as an Engineer<br \/>\n  in Friuli. Are we to doubt this statement too, merely because no<br \/>\n  biographer has hitherto given us any information on the matter? In<br \/>\n  the geographical notes Leonardo frequently speaks of the East, and<br \/>\n  though such passages afford no direct proof of his having been<br \/>\n  there, they show beyond a doubt that, next to the Nile, the<br \/>\n  Euphrates, the Tigris and the Taurus mountains had a special<br \/>\n  interest in his eyes. As a still further proof of the futility of<br \/>\n  the argument that there is nothing in his drawings to show that he<br \/>\n  had travelled in the East, we find on Pl. CXX a study of oriental<br \/>\n  heads of Armenian type,&#8211;though of course this may have been made in<br \/>\n  Italy.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>If the style of these letters were less sober, and the expressions<br \/>\nless strictly to the point throughout, it miglit be possible to<br \/>\nregard them as a romantic fiction instead of a narrative of fact.<br \/>\nNay, we have only to compare them with such obviously fanciful<br \/>\npassages as No. 1354, Nos. 670-673, and the Fables and Prophecies.<br \/>\nIt is unnecessary to discuss the subject any further here; such<br \/>\nexplanations as the letter needs are given in the foot notes.<\/p>\n<p>The drafts of letters to Lodovico il Moro are very remarkable.<br \/>\nLeonardo and this prince were certainly far less closely connected,<br \/>\nthan has hitherto been supposed. It is impossible that Leonardo can<br \/>\nhave remained so long in the service of this prince, because the<br \/>\nsalary was good, as is commonly stated. On the contrary, it would<br \/>\nseem, that what kept him there, in spite of his sore need of the<br \/>\nmoney owed him by the prince, was the hope of some day being able to<br \/>\ncarry out the project of casting the_ &#8216;gran cavallo&#8217;.<\/p>\n<p>Drafts of Letters and Reports referring to Armenia (1336. 1337).<\/p>\n<p>1336.<\/p>\n<p>TO THE DEVATDAR OF SYRIA, LIEUTENANT OF THE SACRED SULTAN OF<br \/>\nBABYLON.<\/p>\n<p>[*3] The recent disaster in our Northern parts which I am certain<br \/>\nwill terrify not you alone but the whole world, which<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Lines 1-52 are reproduced in facsimile on Pl. CXVI.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><em>Diodario.<\/em> This word is not to be found in any Italian<br \/>\ndictionary, and for a long time I vainly sought an explanation of<br \/>\nit. The youthful reminiscences of my wife afforded the desired clue.<br \/>\nThe chief town of each Turkish Villayet, or province &#8211;such as<br \/>\nBroussa, for instance, in Asia Minor, is the residence of a<br \/>\nDefterdar, who presides over the financial affairs of the province.<br \/>\n<em>Defterdar hane<\/em> was, in former times, the name given to the<br \/>\nMinistry of Finance at Constantinople; the Minister of Finance to<br \/>\nthe Porte is now known as the <em>Mallie-Nazri<\/em> and the <em>Defterdars<\/em><br \/>\nare his subordinates. A <em>Defterdar<\/em>, at the present day is merely<br \/>\nthe head of the finance department in each Provincial district. With<br \/>\nregard to my suggestion that Leonardo&#8217;s <em>Diodario<\/em> might be<br \/>\nidentical with the Defterdar of former times, the late M. C.<br \/>\nDEFREMERIE, Arabic Professor, and Membre de l&#8217;Institut de France<br \/>\nwrote to me as follows: <em>Votre conjecture est parfaitement fondee;<br \/>\ndiodario est Vequivalent de devadar ou plus exactement devatdar,<br \/>\ntitre d&#8217;une importante dignite en Egypt&#8217;e, sous les Mamlouks.<\/em><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>The word however is not of Turkish, but of Perso-Arabie derivation.<br \/>\n[Defter written in arab?]* literally <em>Defter<\/em> (Arabic) meaning<br \/>\n<em>folio<\/em>; for <em>dar<\/em> (Persian) Bookkeeper or holder is the English<br \/>\nequivalent; and the idea is that of a deputy in command. During the<br \/>\nMamelook supremacy over Syria, which corresponded in date with<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s time, the office of Defterdar was the third in importance<br \/>\nin the State.<\/p>\n<p><em>Soltano di Babilonia<\/em>. The name of Babylon was commonly applied to<br \/>\nCairo in the middle ages. For instance BREIDENBACH, <em>Itinerarium<br \/>\nHierosolyma<\/em> p. 218 says: &#8220;At last we reached Babylon. But this is<br \/>\nnot that Babylon which stood on the further shore of the river<br \/>\nChober, but that which is called the Egyptian Babylon. It is close<br \/>\nby Cairo and the twain are but one and not two towns; one half is<br \/>\ncalled Cairo and the other Babylon, whence they are called together<br \/>\nCairo-Babylon; originally the town is said to have been named<br \/>\nMemphis and then Babylon, but now it is called Cairo.&#8221; Compare No.<br \/>\n1085, 6.<\/p>\n<p>Egypt was governed from 1382 till 1517 by the Borgite or<br \/>\nTcherkessian dynasty of the Mamelook Sultans. One of the most famous<br \/>\nof these, Sultan Kait Bey, ruled from 1468-1496 during whose reign<br \/>\nthe Gama (or Mosque) of Kait Bey and tomb of Kait Bey near the<br \/>\nOkella Kait Bey were erected in Cairo, which preserve his name to<br \/>\nthis day. Under the rule of this great and wise prince many<br \/>\nforeigners, particularly Italians, found occupation in Egypt, as may<br \/>\nbe seen in the &#8216;Viaggio di Josaphat Barbaro&#8217;, among other<br \/>\ntravellers. &#8220;Next to Leonardo (so I learn from Prof. Jac. Burckhardt<br \/>\nof Bale) Kait Bey&#8217;s most helpful engineer was a German who in about<br \/>\n1487, superintended the construction of the Mole at Alexandria.<br \/>\nFelix Fabri knew him and mentions him in his <em>Historia Suevorum<\/em>,<br \/>\nwritten in 1488.&#8221;] shall be related to you in due order, showing<br \/>\nfirst the effect and then the cause. [Footnote 4: The text here<br \/>\nbreaks off. The following lines are a fresh beginning of a letter,<br \/>\nevidently addressed to the same person, but, as it would seem,<br \/>\nwritten at a later date than the previous text. The numerous<br \/>\ncorrections and amendments amply prove that it is not a copy from<br \/>\nany account of a journey by some unknown person; but, on the<br \/>\ncontrary, that Leonardo was particularly anxious to choose such<br \/>\nwords and phrases as might best express his own ideas.]<\/p>\n<p>Finding myself in this part of Armenia [Footnote 5: <em>Parti<br \/>\nd&#8217;Erminia<\/em>. See No. 945, note. The extent of Armenia in Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\ntime is only approximately known. In the XVth century the Persians<br \/>\ngoverned the Eastern, and the Arabs the Southern portions. Arabic<br \/>\nauthors&#8211;as, for instance Abulfeda&#8211;include Cilicia and a part of<br \/>\nCappadocia in Armenia, and Greater Armenia was the tract of that<br \/>\ncountry known later as Turcomania, while Armenia Minor was the<br \/>\nterritory between Cappadocia and the Euphrates. It was not till<br \/>\n1522, or even 1574 that the whole country came under the dominion of<br \/>\nthe Ottoman Turks, in the reign of Selim I.<\/p>\n<p>The Mamelook Sultans of Egypt seem to have taken a particular<br \/>\ninterest in this, the most Northern province of their empire, which<br \/>\nwas even then in danger of being conquered by the Turks. In the<br \/>\nautumn of 1477 Sultan Kait Bey made a journey of inspection,<br \/>\nvisiting Antioch and the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates with a<br \/>\nnumerous and brilliant escort. This tour is briefly alluded to by<br \/>\n<em>Moodshireddin<\/em> p. 561; and by WEIL, <em>Geschichte der Abbasiden<\/em> V,<br \/>\np. 358. An anonymous member of the suite wrote a diary of the<br \/>\nexpedition in Arabic, which has been published by R. V. LONZONE<br \/>\n(<em>&#8216;Viaggio in Palestina e Soria di Kaid Ba XVIII sultano della II<br \/>\ndinastia mamelucca, fatto nel 1477. Testo arabo. Torino 1878&#8217;<\/em>,<br \/>\nwithout notes or commentary). Compare the critique on this edition,<br \/>\nby J. GILDEMEISTER in <em>Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palaestina Vereins<\/em><br \/>\n(Vol. Ill p. 246&#8211;249). Lanzone&#8217;s edition seems to be no more than<br \/>\nan abridged copy of the original. I owe to Professor Sche&#8217;fer,<br \/>\nMembre de l&#8217;Institut, the information that he is in possession of a<br \/>\nmanuscript in which the text is fuller, and more correctly given.<br \/>\nThe Mamelook dynasty was, as is well known, of Circassian origin,<br \/>\nand a large proportion of the Egyptian Army was recruited in<br \/>\nCircassia even so late as in the XVth century. That was a period of<br \/>\npolitical storms in Syria and Asia Minor and it is easy to suppose<br \/>\nthat the Sultan&#8217;s minister, to whom Leonardo addresses his report as<br \/>\nhis superior, had a special interest in the welfare of those<br \/>\nfrontier provinces. Only to mention a few historical events of<br \/>\nSultan Kait Bey&#8217;s reign, we find that in 1488 he assisted the<br \/>\nCircassians to resist the encroachments of Alaeddoulet, an Asiatic<br \/>\nprince who had allied himself with the Osmanli to threaten the<br \/>\nprovince; the consequence was a war in Cilicia by sea and land,<br \/>\nwhich broke out in the following year between the contending powers.<br \/>\nOnly a few years earlier the same province had been the scene of the<br \/>\nso-called Caramenian war in which the united Venetian, Neapolitan<br \/>\nand Sclavonic fleets had been engaged. (See CORIALANO CIPPICO,<br \/>\n<em>Della guerra dei Veneziani nell&#8217; Asia dal<\/em> 1469&#8211;1474. Venezia<br \/>\n1796, p. 54) and we learn incidentally that a certain Leonardo<br \/>\nBoldo, Governor of Scutari under Sultan Mahmoud,&#8211;as his name would<br \/>\nindicate, one of the numerous renegades of Italian birth&#8211;played an<br \/>\nimportant part in the negotiations for peace.<\/p>\n<p><em>Tu mi mandasti<\/em>. The address <em>tu<\/em> to a personage so high in office<br \/>\nis singular and suggests personal intimacy; Leonardo seems to have<br \/>\nbeen a favourite with the Diodario. Compare lines 54 and 55.<\/p>\n<p>I have endeavoured to show, and I believe that I am also in a<br \/>\nposition to prove with regard to these texts, that they are draughts<br \/>\nof letters actually written by Leonardo; at the same time I must not<br \/>\nomit to mention that shortly after I had discovered]<\/p>\n<p>to carry into effect with due love and care the task for which you<br \/>\nsent me [Footnote: ][6]; and to make a beginning in a place which<br \/>\nseemed to me to be most to our purpose, I entered into<\/p>\n<p><strong>Is the following from previous page?<\/strong> 3. <em>Il nuovo accidente<br \/>\naccaduto<\/em>, or as Leonardo first wrote and then erased, <em>e accaduto<br \/>\nun nuovo accidente<\/em>. From the sequel this must refer to an<br \/>\nearthquake, and indeed these were frequent at that period,<br \/>\nparticularly in Asia Minor, where they caused immense mischief. See<br \/>\nNo. 1101 note.<\/p>\n<p>the city of Calindrafy[7], near to our frontiers. This city is<br \/>\nsituated at the base of that part of the Taurus mountains which is<br \/>\ndivided from the Euphrates and looks towards the peaks of the great<br \/>\nMount Taurus [8] to the West [9]. These peaks are of such a height<br \/>\nthat they seem to touch the sky, and in all the world there is no<br \/>\npart of the earth, higher than its summit[10], and the rays of<\/p>\n<p>these texts in the Codex Atlanticus and publi- shed a paper on the<br \/>\nsubject in the <em>Zeit- schrift fur bildende Kunst (Vol. XVI)<\/em>, Prof.<br \/>\nGovi put forward this hypothesis to account for their origin:<\/p>\n<p><em>&#8220;Quanto alle notizie sul monte Tauro, sull&#8217;Armenia e sull&#8217; Asia<br \/>\nminore che si contengono negli altri frammenti, esse vennero prese<br \/>\nda qualche geografro o viaggiatore contemporaneo. Dall&#8217;indice<br \/>\nimperfetto che accompagna quei frammenti, si potrebbe dedurre che<br \/>\nLeonardo volesse farne un libro, che poi non venne compiuto. A ogni<br \/>\nmodo, non e possibile di trovare in questi brani nessun indizio di<br \/>\nun viaggio di Leonardo in oriente, ne della sua conversione alla<br \/>\nreligione di Maometto, come qualcuno pretenderebbe. Leonardo amava<br \/>\ncon passione gli studi geografici, e nel suoi scritti s&#8217;incontran<br \/>\nspesso itinerart, indicazioni, o descrizioni di luoghi, schizzi di<br \/>\ncarte e abbozzi topografici di varie regioni, non e quindi strano<br \/>\nche egli, abile narratore com&#8217;era, si fosse proposto di scrivere una<br \/>\nspecie di Romanzo in forma epistolare svolgendone Pintreccio<br \/>\nnell&#8217;Asia Minore, intorno alla quale i libri d&#8217;allora, e forse<br \/>\nqualche viaggiatore amico suo, gli avevano somministrato alcuni<br \/>\nelementi piu o meno<\/em><\/p>\n<p>fantastici. (See Transunti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei Voi. V<br \/>\nSer. 3).<\/p>\n<p>It is hardly necessary to point out that Prof. Govi omits to name<br \/>\nthe sources from which Leonardo could be supposed to have drawn his<br \/>\ninformation, and I may leave it to the reader to pronounce judgment<br \/>\non the anomaly which is involved in the hypothesis that we have here<br \/>\na fragment of a Romance, cast in the form of a correspondence. At<br \/>\nthe same time, I cannot but admit that the solution of the<br \/>\ndifficulties proposed by Prof. Govi is, under the circumstances,<br \/>\ncertainly the easiest way of dealing with the question. But we<br \/>\nshould then be equally justified in supposing some more of<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s letters to be fragments of such romances; particularly<br \/>\nthose of which the addresses can no longer be named. Still, as<br \/>\nregards these drafts of letters to the Diodario, if we accept the<br \/>\nRomance theory, as pro- posed by Prof. Govi, we are also compelled<br \/>\nto assume that Leonardo purposed from the first to illustrate his<br \/>\ntale; for it needs only a glance at the<\/p>\n<p>sketches on PI. CXVI to CXIX to perceive that they are connected<br \/>\nwith the texts; and of course the rest of Leonardo&#8217;s numerous notes<br \/>\non matters pertaining to the East, the greater part of which are<br \/>\nhere published for the first time, may also be some- how connected<br \/>\nwith this strange romance.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><em>Citta de Calindra (Chalindra)<\/em>. The position of this city is so<br \/>\nexactly determined, between the valley of the Euphrates and the<br \/>\nTaurus range that it ought to be possible to identify it. But it can<br \/>\nhardly be the same as the sea port of Cilicia with a somewhat<br \/>\nsimilar name Celenderis, Kelandria, Celendria, Kilindria, now the<br \/>\nTurkish Gulnar. In two Catalonian Portulans in the Bibliotheque<br \/>\nNatio- nale in Paris-one dating from the XV&#8217;h century, by Wilhelm<br \/>\nvon Soler, the other by Olivez de Majorca, in l584-I find this place<br \/>\ncalled Calandra. But Leonardo&#8217;s Calindra must certainly have lain<br \/>\nmore to the North West, probably somewhere in Kurdistan. The fact<br \/>\nthat the geographical position is so care- fully determined by<br \/>\nLeonardo seems to prove that it was a place of no great importance<br \/>\nand little known. It is singular that the words first written in 1.<br \/>\n8 were divisa dal lago (Lake Van?), altered afterwards to<br \/>\ndall&#8217;Eitfrates.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Nostri confini, and in 1. 6 proposito nostro. These refer to the<br \/>\nfrontier and to the affairs of the Mamelook Sultan, Lines 65 and 66<br \/>\nthrow some light on the purpose of Leonardo&#8217;s mission.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><em>I<\/em> corni del gra mote Tauro. Compare the sketches PI.<br \/>\nCXVI-CXVIII. So long as it is im- possible to identify the situation<br \/>\nof Calindra it is most difficult to decide with any certainty which<br \/>\npeak of the Taurus is here meant; and I greatly regret that I had no<br \/>\nforeknowledge of this puzzling topographical question when, in 1876,<br \/>\nI was pursuing archaeological enquiries in the Provinces of Aleppo<br \/>\nand Cilicia, and had to travel for some time in view of the imposing<br \/>\nsnow-peaks of Bulghar Dagh and Ala Tepessi.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>9-10. The opinion here expressed as to the height of the mountain<br \/>\nwould be unmeaning, unless it had been written before Leonardo moved<br \/>\nto Milan, where Monte Rosa is so conspicuous an the sun always fall<br \/>\nupon it on its East side, four hours before day-time, and being of<br \/>\nthe whitest stone [Footnote II:<em>Pietra bianchissima<\/em>. The Taurus<br \/>\nMountains consist in great part of limestone.] it shines<br \/>\nresplendently and fulfils the function to these Armenians which a<br \/>\nbright moon-light would in the midst of the darkness; and by its<br \/>\ngreat height it outreaches the utmost level of the clouds by a space<br \/>\nof four miles in a straight line. This peak is seen in many places<br \/>\ntowards the West, illuminated by the sun after its setting the third<br \/>\npart of the night. This it is, which with you [Footnote 14:<br \/>\n<em>Appresso di voi<\/em>. Leonardo had at first written <em>noi<\/em> as though his<br \/>\nmeaning had,been: This peak appeared to us to be a comet when you<br \/>\nand I observed it in North Syria (at Aleppo? at Aintas?). The<br \/>\ndescription of the curious reflection in the evening, resembling the<br \/>\n&#8220;Alpine-glow&#8221; is certainly not an invented fiction, for in the next<br \/>\nlines an explanation of the phenomenon is offered, or at least<br \/>\nattempted.] we formerly in calm weather had supposed to be a comet,<br \/>\nand appears to us in the darkness of night, to change its form,<br \/>\nbeing sometimes divided in two or three parts, and sometimes long<br \/>\nand sometimes short. And this is caused by the clouds on the horizon<br \/>\nof the sky which interpose between part of this mountain and the<br \/>\nsun, and by cutting off some of the solar rays the light on the<br \/>\nmountain is intercepted by various intervals of clouds, and<br \/>\ntherefore varies in the form of its brightness.<\/p>\n<p>THE DIVISIONS OF THE BOOK [Footnote 19: The next 33 lines are<br \/>\nevidently the contents of a connected Report or Book, but not of one<br \/>\nwhich he had at hand; more probably, indeed, of one he purposed<br \/>\nwriting.].<\/p>\n<p>The praise and confession of the faith [Footnote 20: <em>Persuasione di<br \/>\nfede<\/em>, of the Christian or the Mohammedan faith? We must suppose the<br \/>\nlatter, at the beginning of a document addressed to so high a<br \/>\nMohammedan official. <em>Predica<\/em> probably stands as an abbreviation<br \/>\nfor <em>predicazione<\/em> (lat. <em>praedicatio<\/em>) in the sense of praise or<br \/>\nglorification; very probably it may mean some such initial doxology<br \/>\nas we find in Mohammedan works. (Comp. 1. 40.)].<\/p>\n<p>The sudden inundation, to its end.<\/p>\n<p>[23] The destruction of the city.<\/p>\n<p>[24]The death of the people and their despair.<\/p>\n<p>The preacher&#8217;s search, his release and benevolence [Footnote 28: The<br \/>\nphraseology of this is too general for any conjecture as to its<br \/>\nmeaning to be worth hazarding.]<\/p>\n<p>Description of the cause of this fall of the mountain [Footnote 30:<br \/>\n<em>Ruina del monte<\/em>. Of course by an earthquake. In a catalogue of<br \/>\nearthquakes, entitled <em>kechf aussalssale<em>b an auasf ezzel-zele<\/em>h<\/em>,<br \/>\nand written by Djelal eddin].<\/p>\n<p>The mischief it did.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Is the following from previous page&#8217;s footnotes?<\/strong> object in the<br \/>\nlandscape. 4 <em>ore inanzi<\/em> seems to mean, four hours before the sun&#8217;s<br \/>\nrays penetrate to the bottom of the valleys.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>I did put this footnote as 28 but not 26 because I cannot find<br \/>\nreference to 26 in text<\/em><\/strong> 26. 28. The phraseology of this is too<br \/>\ngeneral for any conjecture as to its meaning to be worth hazarding.<\/p>\n<p>[32] Fall of snow.<\/p>\n<p>The finding of the prophet [33].<\/p>\n<p>His prophesy.<\/p>\n<p>[35] The inundation of the lower portion of Eastern Armenia, the<br \/>\ndraining of which was effected by the cutting through the Taurus<br \/>\nMountains.<\/p>\n<p>How the new prophet showed [Footnote 40:<em>Nova profeta, 1. 33,<br \/>\nprofeta<\/em>. Mohammed. Leonardo here refers to the Koran:<\/p>\n<p>In the name of the most merciful God.&#8211;When the earth shall be<br \/>\nshaken by an earthquake; and the earth shall cast forth her burdens;<br \/>\nand a man shall say, what aileth her? On that day the earth shall<br \/>\ndeclare her tidings, for that thy Lord will inspire her. On that day<br \/>\nmen shall go forward in distinct classes, that they may behold their<br \/>\nworks. And whoever shall have wrought good of the weight of an ant,<br \/>\nshall behold the same. And whoever shall have wrought evil of the<br \/>\nweight of an ant, shall behold the same. (The Koran, translated by<br \/>\nG. Sale, Chapter XCIX, p. 452).] that this destruction would happen<br \/>\nas he had foretold.<\/p>\n<p>Description of the Taurus Mountains [Footnote 43:] and the river<br \/>\nEuphrates.<\/p>\n<p>Why the mountain shines at the top, from half to a third of the<br \/>\nnight, and looks like a comet to the inhabitants of the West after<br \/>\nthe sunset, and before day to those of the East.<\/p>\n<p>Why this comet appears of variable forms, so that it is now round<br \/>\nand now long, and now again divided into two or three parts, and now<br \/>\nin one piece, and when it is to be seen again.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE SHAPE OF THE TAURUS MOUNTAINS [Footnote <em>53&#8211;94<\/em>: The<br \/>\nfacsimile of this passage is given on Pl. CXVII.].<\/p>\n<p>I am not to be accused, Oh Devatdar, of idleness, as your chidings<br \/>\nseem to hint; but your excessive love for me, which gave rise to the<br \/>\nbenefits you have conferred on me [Footnote 55] is that which has<br \/>\nalso compelled me to the utmost painstaking in seeking out and<br \/>\ndiligently investigating the cause of so great and stupendous an<br \/>\neffect. And this could not be done without time; now, in order to<br \/>\nsatisfy you fully as to the cause of so great an effect, it is<br \/>\nrequisite that I should explain to you the form of the place, and<br \/>\nthen I will proceed to the effect, by which I believe you will be<br \/>\namply satisfied.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Is the following footnote from previous page?<\/em><\/strong> Syouthy, the<br \/>\nfollowing statement occurs: &#8220;In the year 889 (1484 A.D.) there were<br \/>\nsix shocks of earthquake at Aleppo. They were excessively violent<br \/>\nand threw the inhabitants into consternation.&#8221; I owe this<br \/>\ncommunication to the kindness of Prof. Ch. Schefer, Membre de<br \/>\nl&#8217;Institut, to whom this unpublished Arabic MS. belongs. The<br \/>\nforegoing entries refer to two earthquakes in Cairo, in 1476 and<br \/>\n1481: the following ones indicate a time at which Leonardo was,<br \/>\ncertainly, living in Milan.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Where does this footnote belong?<\/em><\/strong> 36. <em>Tagliata di Monte<br \/>\nTauro<\/em>. The Euphrates flows through the Taurus range near the influx<br \/>\nof the Kura Shai; it rushes through a rift in the wildest cliffs<br \/>\nfrom 2000 to 3000 feet high and runs on for 90 miles in 300 falls or<br \/>\nrapids till it reaches Telek, near which at a spot called Gleikash,<br \/>\nor the Hart&#8217;s leap, it measures only 35 paces across. Compare the<br \/>\nmap on Pl. CXIX and the explanation fo* it on p. 391.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Where does this footnote belong?<\/em><\/strong> 54. The foregoing sketch of a<br \/>\nletter, lines 5. 18, appears to have remained a fragment when<br \/>\nLeonardo received pressing orders which caused<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 59: This passage was evidently intended as an improvement<br \/>\non that immediately preceding it. The purport of both is essentially<br \/>\nthe same, but the first is pitched in a key of ill-disguised<br \/>\nannoyance which is absent from the second. I do not see how these<br \/>\ntwo versions can be reconciled with the romance-theory held by Prof.<br \/>\nGovi.] Do not be aggrieved, O Devatdar, by my delay in responding to<br \/>\nyour pressing request, for those things which you require of me are<br \/>\nof such a nature that they cannot be well expressed without some<br \/>\nlapse of time; particularly because, in order to explain the cause<br \/>\nof so great an effect, it is necessary to describe with accuracy the<br \/>\nnature of the place; and by this means I can afterwards easily<br \/>\nsatisfy your above-mentioned request. [Footnote 62: This passage was<br \/>\nevidently intended as an improvement on that immediately preceding<br \/>\nit. The purport of both is essentially the same, but the first is<br \/>\npitched in a key of ill-disguised annoyance which is absent from the<br \/>\nsecond. I do not see how these two versions can be reconciled with<br \/>\nthe romance-theory held by Prof. Govi.]<\/p>\n<p>I will pass over any description of the form of Asia Minor, or as to<br \/>\nwhat seas or lands form the limits of its outline and extent,<br \/>\nbecause I know that by your own diligence and carefulness in your<br \/>\nstudies you have not remained in ignorance of these matters [<em>65];<br \/>\nand I will go on to describe the true form of the Taurus Mountain<br \/>\nwhich is the cause of this stupendous and harmful marvel, and which<br \/>\nwill serve to advance us in our purpose [<\/em>66]. This Taurus is that<br \/>\nmountain which, with many others is said to be the ridge of Mount<br \/>\nCaucasus; but wishing to be very clear about it, I desired to speak<br \/>\nto some of the inhabitants of the shores of the Caspian sea, who<br \/>\ngive evidence that this must be the true Caucasus, and that though<br \/>\ntheir mountains bear the same name, yet these are higher; and to<br \/>\nconfirm this in the Scythian tongue Caucasus means a very high<br \/>\n[Footnote 68: Caucasus; Herodot *Kaoxaais; Armen. Kaukaz.] peak, and<br \/>\nin fact we have no information of there being, in the East or in the<br \/>\nWest, any mountain so high. And the proof of this is that the<br \/>\ninhabitants of the countries to the West see the rays of the sun<br \/>\nilluminating a great part of its summit for as much as a quarter of<br \/>\nthe longest night. And in the same way, in those countries which lie<br \/>\nto the East.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE STRUCTURE AND SIZE OF MOUNT TAURUS.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 73: The statements are of course founded on those of the<br \/>\n&#8216;inhabitants&#8217; spoken of in 1. 67.] The shadow of this ridge of the<br \/>\nTaurus is of such a height that when, in the middle of June, the Sun<br \/>\nis at its meridian, its<\/p>\n<p>*him to write immediately and fully on the subject mentioned in line<br \/>\n43.<\/p>\n<p>*73-75. [Footnote 75: The statements are of course founded on those<br \/>\nof the &#8216;inhabitants&#8217; spoken of in 1. 67.]<\/p>\n<p>shadow extends as far as the borders of Sarmatia, twelve days off;<br \/>\nand in the middle of December it extends as far as the Hyperborean<br \/>\nmountains, which are at a month&#8217;s journey to the North [*75]. And<br \/>\nthe side which faces the wind is always free from clouds and mists,<br \/>\nbecause the wind which is parted in beating on the rock, closes<br \/>\nagain on the further side of that rock, and in its motion carries<br \/>\nwith it the clouds from all quarters and leaves them where it<br \/>\nstrikes. And it is always full of thunderbolts from the great<br \/>\nquantity of clouds which accumulate there, whence the rock is all<br \/>\nriven and full of huge debris [Footnote 77: Sudden storms are<br \/>\nequally common on the heights of Ararat. It is hardly necessary to<br \/>\nobserve that Ararat cannot be meant here. Its summit is formed like<br \/>\nthe crater of Vesuvius. The peaks sketched on Pl. CXVI-CXVIII are<br \/>\nprobably views of the same mountain, taken from different sides.<br \/>\nNear the solitary peak, Pl. CXVIII these three names are written<br \/>\n_goba, arnigasar, caruda_, names most likely of different peaks. Pl.<br \/>\nCXVI and CXVII are in the original on a single sheet folded down the<br \/>\nmiddle, 30 centimetres high and 43 1\/2 wide. On the reverse of one<br \/>\nhalf of the sheet are notes on _peso_ and _bilancia_ (weight and<br \/>\nbalance), on the other are the &#8216;prophecies&#8217; printed under Nos. 1293<br \/>\nand 1294. It is evident from the arrangement that these were written<br \/>\nsubsequently, on the space which had been left blank. These pages<br \/>\nare facsimiled on Pl. CXVIII. In Pl. CXVI-CXVIII the size is smaller<br \/>\nthan in the original; the map of Armenia, Pl. CXVIII, is on Pl. CXIX<br \/>\nslightly enlarged. On this map we find the following names,<br \/>\nbeginning from the right hand at the top: _pariardes mo_ (for<br \/>\nParyadres Mons, Arm. Parchar, now Barchal or Kolai Dagh; Trebizond<br \/>\nis on its slope).<\/p>\n<p><em>Aquilone<\/em> &#8211;North, <em>Antitaurus Antitaurus &#92;&#92;* psis mo<\/em> (probably<br \/>\nmeant for Thospitis = Lake Van, Arm. Dgov Vanai, Tospoi, and the<br \/>\nMountain range to the South); <em>Gordis mo<\/em> (Mountains of Gordyaea),<br \/>\nthe birth place of the Tigris; <em>Oriente<\/em> &#8211;East; <em>Tigris<\/em>, and then,<br \/>\nto the left, <em>Eufrates<\/em>. Then, above to the left <em>Argeo mo<\/em> (now<br \/>\nErdshigas, an extinct volcano, 12000 feet high); <em>Celeno mo<\/em> (no<br \/>\ndoubt Sultan Dagh in Pisidia). Celeno is the Greek town of<br \/>\n*KeAouvat&#8211; see Arian I, 29, I&#8211;now the ruins of Dineir); _oriente_<br \/>\n&#8211;East; _africo libezco_ (for libeccio&#8211;South West). In the middle<br \/>\nof the Euphrates river on this small map we see a shaded portion<br \/>\nsurrounded by mountains, perhaps to indicate the inundation<br \/>\nmentioned in l. 35. The affluent to the Euphrates shown as coming<br \/>\nwith many windings from the high land of &#8216;Argeo&#8217; on the West, is the<br \/>\nTochma Su, which joins the main river at Malatie. I have not been<br \/>\nable to discover any map of Armenia of the XVth or XVIth century in<br \/>\nwhich the course of the Euphrates is laid down with any thing like<br \/>\nthe correctness displayed in this sketch. The best I have seen is<br \/>\nthe Catalonian Portulan of Olivez de Majorca, executed in 1584, and<br \/>\nit is far behind Leonardo&#8217;s.]. This mountain, at its base, is<br \/>\ninhabited by a very rich population and is full of most beautiful<br \/>\nsprings and rivers, and is fertile and abounding in all good<br \/>\nproduce, particularly in those parts which face to the South. But<br \/>\nafter mounting about three miles we begin to find forests of great<br \/>\nfir trees, and beech and other similar trees; after this, for a<br \/>\nspace of three more miles, there are meadows and vast pastures; and<br \/>\nall the rest, as far as the beginning of the Taurus, is eternal<br \/>\nsnows which never disappear at any time, and extend to a height of<br \/>\nabout fourteen miles in all. From this beginning of the Taurus up to<br \/>\nthe height of a mile the clouds never pass away; thus we have<br \/>\nfifteen miles, that is, a height of about five miles in a straight<br \/>\nline; and the summit of the peaks of the Taurus are as much, or<br \/>\nabout that. There, half way up, we begin to find a scorching air and<br \/>\nnever feel a breath of wind; but nothing can live long there; there<br \/>\nnothing is brought forth save a few birds of prey which breed in the<br \/>\nhigh fissures of Taurus and descend below the clouds to seek their<br \/>\nprey. Above the wooded hills all is bare rock, that is, from the<br \/>\nclouds upwards; and the rock is the purest white. And it is<br \/>\nimpossible to walk to the high summit on account of the rough and<br \/>\nperilous ascent.<\/p>\n<p>1337.<\/p>\n<p>Having often made you, by my letters, acquainted with the things<br \/>\nwhich have happened, I think I ought not to be silent as to the<br \/>\nevents of the last few days, which&#8211;[2]&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Having several times&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Having many times rejoiced with you by letters over your prosperous<br \/>\nfortunes, I know now that, as a friend you will be sad with me over<br \/>\nthe miserable state in which I find myself; and this is, that during<br \/>\nthe last few days I have been in so much trouble, fear, peril and<br \/>\nloss, besides the miseries of the people here, that we have been<br \/>\nenvious of the dead; and certainly I do not believe that since the<br \/>\nelements by their separation reduced the vast chaos to order, they<br \/>\nhave ever combined their force and fury to do so much mischief to<br \/>\nman. As far as regards us here, what we have seen and gone through<br \/>\nis such that I could not imagine that things could ever rise to such<br \/>\nan amount of mischief, as we experienced in the space of ten hours.<br \/>\nIn the first place we were assailed and attacked by the violence and<br \/>\nfury of the winds [<em>10]; to this was added the falling of great<br \/>\nmountains of snow which filled up all this valley, thus destroying a<br \/>\ngreat part of our city [Footnote 11: <em>Della nostra citta<\/em> (Leonardo<br \/>\nfirst wrote <em>di questa citta<\/em>). From this we may infer that he had<br \/>\nat some time lived in the place in question wherever it might be.].<br \/>\nAnd not content with this the tempest sent a sudden flood of water<br \/>\nto submerge all the low part of this city [<\/em>12]; added to which<br \/>\nthere came a sudden rain, or rather a ruinous torrent and flood of<br \/>\nwater, sand, mud, and stones, entangled with roots, and stems and<br \/>\nfragments of various trees; and every kind of thing flying through<br \/>\nthe air fell upon us; finally a great fire broke out, not brought by<br \/>\nthe wind, but carried as it would seem, by ten thousand devils,<br \/>\nwhich completely burnt up all this neighbourhood and it has not yet<br \/>\nceased. And those few who remain unhurt are in such dejection and<br \/>\nsuch terror that they hardly have courage to speak to each other, as<br \/>\nif they were stunned. Having abandoned all our business, we stay<br \/>\nhere together in the ruins of some churches, men and women mingled<br \/>\ntogether, small and great [Footnote 17: <em>Certe ruine di chiese<\/em>.<br \/>\nEither of Armenian churches or of Mosques, which it was not unusual<br \/>\nto speak of as churches.<\/p>\n<p><em>Maschi e femmini insieme unite<\/em>, implies an infringement of the<br \/>\nusually strict rule of the separation of the sexes.], just like<br \/>\nherds of goats. The neighbours out of pity succoured us with<br \/>\nvictuals, and they had previously been our enemies. And if<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 18: <em>I vicini, nostri nimici<\/em>. The town must then have<br \/>\nstood quite close to the frontier of the country. Compare 1336. L.<br \/>\n7. <em>vicini ai nostri confini<\/em>. Dr. M. JORDAN has already published<br \/>\nlines 4-13 (see <em>Das Malerbuch, Leipzig<\/em>, 1873, p. 90:&#8211;his reading<br \/>\ndiffers from mine) under the title of &#8220;Description of a landscape<br \/>\nnear Lake Como&#8221;. We do in fact find, among other loose sheets in the<br \/>\nCodex Atlanticus, certain texts referring to valleys of the Alps<br \/>\n(see Nos. 1030, 1031 and note p. 237) and in the arrangement of the<br \/>\nloose sheets, of which the Codex Atlanticus has been formed, these<br \/>\nhappen to be placed close to this text. The compiler stuck both on<br \/>\nthe same folio sheet; and if this is not the reason for Dr. JORDAN&#8217;S<br \/>\nchoosing such a title (Description &amp;c.) I cannot imagine what it can<br \/>\nhave been. It is, at any rate, a merely hypothetical statement. The<br \/>\ndesignation of the population of the country round a city as &#8220;the<br \/>\nenemy&#8221; (<em>nemici<\/em>) is hardly appropriate to Italy in the time of<br \/>\nLeonardo.] it had not been for certain people who succoured us with<br \/>\nvictuals, all would have died of hunger. Now you see the state we<br \/>\nare in. And all these evils are as nothing compared with those which<br \/>\nare promised to us shortly.<\/p>\n<p>I know that as a friend you will grieve for my misfortunes, as I, in<br \/>\nformer letters have shown my joy at your prosperity &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 1337. On comparing this commencement of a letter l. 1-2<br \/>\nwith that in l. 3 and 4 of No. 1336 it is quite evident that both<br \/>\nrefer to the same event. (Compare also No. 1337 l. 10-l2 and 17 with<br \/>\nNo. 1336 l. 23, 24 and 32.) But the text No. 1336, including the<br \/>\nfragment l. 3-4, was obviously written later than the draft here<br \/>\nreproduced. The <em>Diodario<\/em> is not directly addressed&#8211;the person<br \/>\naddressed indeed is not known&#8211;and it seems to me highly probable<br \/>\nthat it was written to some other patron and friend whose name and<br \/>\nposition are not mentioned.]<\/p>\n<p>Notes about events observed abroad (1338-1339).<\/p>\n<p>1338.<\/p>\n<p>BOOK 43. OF THE MOVEMENT OF AIR ENCLOSED IN WATER.<\/p>\n<p>I have seen motions of the air so furious that they have carried,<br \/>\nmixed up in their course, the largest trees of the forest and whole<br \/>\nroofs of great palaces, and I have seen the same fury bore a hole<br \/>\nwith a whirling movement digging out a gravel pit, and carrying<br \/>\ngravel, sand and water more than half a mile through the air.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The first sixteen lines of this passage which treat of<br \/>\nthe subject as indicated on the title line have no place in this<br \/>\nconnexion and have been omitted.]<\/p>\n<p>*[Footnote 2: _Ho veduto movimenti_ &amp;c. Nothing of the kind happened<br \/>\nin Italy during Leonardo&#8217;s lifetime, and it is therefore extremely<br \/>\nprobable that this refers to the natural phenomena which are so<br \/>\nfully described in the foregoing passage. (Compare too, No. 1021.)<br \/>\nThere can be no doubt that the descriptions of the Deluge in the<br \/>\nLibro di Pittura (Vol. I, No. 607-611), and that of the fall of a<br \/>\nmountain No. 610, l. 17-30 were written from the vivid impressions<br \/>\nderived from personal experience. Compare also Pl. XXXIV-XL.]<\/p>\n<p>1339.<\/p>\n<p>Like a whirling wind which rushes down a sandy and hollow valley,<br \/>\nand which, in its hasty course, drives to its centre every thing<br \/>\nthat opposes its furious course &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>No otherwise does the Northern blast whirl round in its tempestuous<br \/>\nprogress &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>**[Footnote: It may be inferred from the character of the writing,<br \/>\nwhich is in the style of the note in facsimile Vol. I, p. 297, that<br \/>\nthis passage was written between 1470 and 1480. As the figure 6 at<br \/>\nthe end of the text indicates, it was continued on another page, but<br \/>\nI have searched in vain for it. The reverse of this leaf is coloured<br \/>\nred for drawing in silver point, but has not been used for that<br \/>\npurpose but for writing on, and at about the same date. The passages<br \/>\nare given as Nos. 1217, 1218, 1219, 1162 and No. 994 (see note page<br \/>\n218). The text given above is obviously not a fragment of a letter,<br \/>\nbut a record of some personal experience. No. 1379 also seems to<br \/>\nrefer to Leonardo&#8217;s journeys in Southern Italy.]<\/p>\n<p>Nor does the tempestuous sea bellow so loud, when the Northern blast<br \/>\ndashes it, with its foaming waves between Scylla and Charybdis; nor<br \/>\nStromboli, nor Mount Etna, when their sulphurous flames, having been<br \/>\nforcibly confined, rend, and burst open the mountain, fulminating<br \/>\nstones and earth through the air together with the flames they<br \/>\nvomit.<\/p>\n<p>Nor when the inflamed caverns of Mount Etna **[Footnote 13:<br \/>\nMongibello is a name commonly given in Sicily to Mount Etna (from<br \/>\nDjebel, Arab.=mountain). Fr. FERRARA, <em>Descrizione dell&#8217; Etna con la<br \/>\nstoria delle *eruzioni<\/em> (Palermo, 1818, p. 88) tells us, on the<br \/>\nauthority of the <em>Cronaca del Monastero Benedettino di Licordia<\/em> of<br \/>\nan eruption of the Volcano with a great flow of lava on Sept. 21,<br \/>\n1447. The next records of the mountain are from the years 1533 and<br \/>\n1536. A. Percy neither does mention any eruptions of Etna during the<br \/>\nyears to which this note must probably refer <em>Memoire des<br \/>\ntremblements de terre de la peninsule italique, Vol. XXII des<br \/>\nMemoires couronnees et Memoires des savants etrangers. Academie<br \/>\nRoyal de Belgique<\/em>).<\/p>\n<p>A literal interpretation of the passage would not, however, indicate<br \/>\nan allusion to any great eruption; particularly in the connection<br \/>\nwith Stromboli, where the periodical outbreaks in very short<br \/>\nintervals are very striking to any observer, especially at night<br \/>\ntime, when passing the island on the way from Naples to Messina.],<br \/>\nrejecting the ill-restained element vomit it forth, back to its own<br \/>\nregion, driving furiously before it every obstacle that comes in the<br \/>\nway of its impetuous rage &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Unable to resist my eager desire and wanting to see the great &#8230; of<br \/>\nthe various and strange shapes made by formative nature, and having<br \/>\nwandered some distance among gloomy rocks, I came to the entrance of<br \/>\na great cavern, in front of which I stood some time, astonished and<br \/>\nunaware of such a thing. Bending my back into an arch I rested my<br \/>\nleft hand on my knee and held my right hand over my down-cast and<br \/>\ncontracted eye brows: often bending first one way and then the<br \/>\nother, to see whether I could discover anything inside, and this<br \/>\nbeing forbidden by the deep darkness within, and after having<br \/>\nremained there some time, two contrary emotions arose in me, fear<br \/>\nand desire&#8211;fear of the threatening dark cavern, desire to see<br \/>\nwhether there were any marvellous thing within it &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Drafts of Letters to Lodovico il Moro (1340-1345).<\/p>\n<p>1340.<\/p>\n<p>Most illustrious Lord, Having now sufficiently considered the<br \/>\nspecimens of all those who proclaim themselves skilled contrivers of<br \/>\ninstruments of war, and that the invention and operation of the said<br \/>\ninstruments are nothing different to those in common use: I shall<br \/>\nendeavour, without prejudice to any one else, to explain myself to<br \/>\nyour Excellency showing your Lordship my secrets, and then offering<br \/>\nthem to your best pleasure and approbation to work with effect at<br \/>\nopportune moments as well as all those things which, in part, shall<br \/>\nbe briefly noted below.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The numerous corrections, the alterations in the figures<br \/>\n(l. 18) and the absence of any signature prove that this is merely<br \/>\nthe rough draft of a letter to Lodovico il Moro. It is one of the<br \/>\nvery few manuscripts which are written from left to right&#8211;see the<br \/>\nfacsimile of the beginning as here reproduced. This is probably the<br \/>\nfinal sketch of a document the clean of which copy was written in<br \/>\nthe usual manner. Leonardo no doubt very rarely wrote so, and this<br \/>\nis probably the reason of the conspicuous dissimilarity in the<br \/>\nhandwriting, when he did. (Compare Pl. XXXVIII.) It is noteworthy<br \/>\ntoo that here the orthography and abbreviations are also<br \/>\nexceptional. But such superficial peculiarities are not enough to<br \/>\nstamp the document as altogether spurious. It is neither a forgery<br \/>\nnor the production of any artist but Leonardo himself. As to this<br \/>\npoint the contents leave us no doubt as to its authenticity,<br \/>\nparticularly l. 32 (see No. 719, where this passage is repeated).<br \/>\nBut whether the fragment, as we here see it, was written from<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s dictation&#8211;a theory favoured by the orthography, the<br \/>\nerasures and corrections&#8211;or whether it may be a copy made for or by<br \/>\nMelzi or Mazenta is comparatively unimportant. There are in the<br \/>\nCodex Atlanticus a few other documents not written by Leonardo<br \/>\nhimself, but the notes in his own hand found on the reverse pages of<br \/>\nthese leaves amply prove that they were certainly in Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\npossession. This mark of ownership is wanting to the text in<br \/>\nquestion, but the compilers of the Codex Atlanticus, at any rate,<br \/>\naccepted it as a genuine document.<\/p>\n<p>With regard to the probable date of this projected letter see Vol.<br \/>\nII, p. 3.]<\/p>\n<p>1) I have a sort of extremely light and strong bridges, adapted to<br \/>\nbe most easily carried, and with them you may pursue, and at any<br \/>\ntime flee from the enemy; and others, secure and indestructible by<br \/>\nfire and battle, easy and convenient to lift and place. Also methods<br \/>\nof burning and destroying those of the enemy.<\/p>\n<p>2) I know how, when a place is besieged, to take the water out of<br \/>\nthe trenches, and make endless variety of bridges, and covered ways<br \/>\nand ladders, and other machines pertaining to such expeditions.<\/p>\n<p>3) Item. If, by reason of the height of the banks, or the strength<br \/>\nof the place and its position, it is impossible, when besieging a<br \/>\nplace, to avail oneself of the plan of bombardment, I have methods<br \/>\nfor destroying every rock or other fortress, even if it were founded<br \/>\non a rock, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>4) Again I have kinds of mortars; most convenient and easy to carry;<br \/>\nand with these can fling small stones almost resembling a storm; and<br \/>\nwith the smoke of these causing great terror to the enemy, to his<br \/>\ngreat detriment and confusion.<\/p>\n<p>9) [8]* And when the fight should be at sea I have kinds of many<br \/>\nmachines most efficient for offence and defence; and vessels which<br \/>\nwill resist the attack of the largest guns and powder and fumes.<\/p>\n<p>5) Item.* I have means by secret and tortuous mines and ways, made<br \/>\nwithout noise to reach a designated [spot], even if it were needed<br \/>\nto pass under a trench or a river.<\/p>\n<p>6) Item. I will make covered chariots, safe and unattackable which,<br \/>\nentering among the enemy with their artillery, there is no body of<br \/>\nmen so great but they would break them. And behind these, infantry<br \/>\ncould follow quite unhurt and without any hindrance.<\/p>\n<p>7) Item. In case of need I will make big guns, mortars and light<br \/>\nordnance of fine and useful forms, out of the common type.<\/p>\n<p>8) Where the operation of bombardment should fail, I would contrive<br \/>\ncatapults, mangonels, <em>trabocchi<\/em> and other machines of marvellous<br \/>\nefficacy and not in common use. And in short, according to the<br \/>\nvariety of cases, I can contrive various and endless means of<br \/>\noffence and defence.<\/p>\n<p>10) In time of peace I believe I can give perfect satisfaction and<br \/>\nto the equal of any other in architecture and the composition of<br \/>\nbuildings public and private; and in guiding water from one place to<br \/>\nanother.<\/p>\n<p>Item: I can carry out sculpture in marble, bronze or clay, and also<br \/>\nin painting whatever may be done, and as well as any other, be he<br \/>\nwhom he may.<\/p>\n<p>[32] Again, the bronze horse may be taken in hand, which is to be to<br \/>\nthe immortal glory and eternal honour of the prince your father of<br \/>\nhappy memory, and of the illustrious house of Sforza.<\/p>\n<p>And if any one of the above-named things seem to any one to be<br \/>\nimpossible or not feasible, I am most ready to make the experiment<br \/>\nin your park, or in whatever place may please your Excellency&#8211;to<br \/>\nwhom I commend myself with the utmost humility &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>1341.<\/p>\n<p>To my illustrious Lord, Lodovico, Duke of Bari, Leonardo da Vinci of<br \/>\nFlorence&#8211; Leonardo.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Evidently a note of the superscription of a letter to the<br \/>\nDuke, and written, like the foregoing from left to right. The<br \/>\nmanuscript containing it is of the year 1493. Lodovico was not<br \/>\nproclaimed and styled Duke of Milan till September 1494. The Dukedom<br \/>\nof Bari belonged to the Sforza family till 1499.]<\/p>\n<p>1342.<\/p>\n<p>You would like to see a model which will prove useful to you and to<br \/>\nme, also it will be of use to those who will be the cause of our<br \/>\nusefulness.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 1342. 1343. These two notes occur in the same not very<br \/>\nvoluminous MS. as the former one and it is possible that they are<br \/>\nfragments of the same letter. By the <em>Modello<\/em>, the equestrian<br \/>\nstatue is probably meant, particularly as the model of this statue<br \/>\nwas publicly exhibited in this very year, 1493, on tne occasion of<br \/>\nthe marriage of the Emperor Maximilian with Bianca Maria Sforza.]<\/p>\n<p>1343.<\/p>\n<p>There are here, my Lord, many gentlemen who will undertake this<br \/>\nexpense among them, if they are allowed to enjoy the use of<br \/>\nadmission to the waters, the mills, and the passage of vessels and<br \/>\nwhen it is sold to them the price will be repaid to them by the<br \/>\ncanal of Martesana.<\/p>\n<p>1344.<\/p>\n<p>I am greatly vexed to be in necessity, but I still more regret that<br \/>\nthis should be the cause of the hindrance of my wish which is always<br \/>\ndisposed to obey your Excellency.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps your Excellency did not give further orders to Messer<br \/>\nGualtieri, believing that I had money enough.<\/p>\n<p>I am greatly annoyed that you should have found me in necessity, and<br \/>\nthat my having to earn my living should have hindered me &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[12] It vexes me greatly that having to earn my living has forced me<br \/>\nto interrupt the work and to attend to small matters, instead of<br \/>\nfollowing up the work which your Lordship entrusted to me. But I<br \/>\nhope in a short time to have earned so much that I may carry it out<br \/>\nquietly to the satisfaction of your Excellency, to whom I commend<br \/>\nmyself; and if your Lordship thought that I had money, your Lordship<br \/>\nwas deceived. I had to feed 6 men for 56 months, and have had 50<br \/>\nducats.<\/p>\n<p>1345.<\/p>\n<p>And if any other comission is given me by any &#8230; of the reward of<br \/>\nmy service. Because I am not [able] to be &#8230; things assigned<br \/>\nbecause meanwhile they have &#8230; to them &#8230; &#8230; which they well may<br \/>\nsettle rather than I &#8230; not my art which I wish to change and &#8230;<br \/>\ngiven some clothing if I dare a sum &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The paper on which this is written is torn down the<br \/>\nmiddle; about half of each line remains.]<\/p>\n<p>My Lord, I knowing your Excellency&#8217;s mind to be occupied &#8230; to<br \/>\nremind your Lordship of my small matters and the arts put to silence<br \/>\nthat my silence might be the cause of making your Lordship scorn &#8230;<br \/>\nmy life in your service. I hold myself ever in readiness to obey &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 11: See No. 723, where this passage is repeated.] Of the<br \/>\nhorse I will say nothing because I know the times [are bad] to your<br \/>\nLordship how I had still to receive two years&#8217; salary of the &#8230;<br \/>\nwith the two skilled workmen who are constantly in my pay and at my<br \/>\ncost that at last I found myself advanced the said sum about 15 lire<br \/>\n&#8230; works of fame by which I could show to those who shall see it<br \/>\nthat I have been everywhere, but I do not know where I could bestow<br \/>\nmy work [more] &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 17: See No. 1344 l. 12.] I, having been working to gain my<br \/>\nliving &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>I not having been informed what it is, I find myself &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 19: In April, 1498, Leonardo was engaged in painting the<br \/>\nSaletta Nigra of the Castello at Milan. (See G. MONGERI, <em>l&#8217;Arte in<br \/>\nMilano<\/em>, 1872, p. 417.)] remember the commission to paint the rooms<br \/>\n&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>I conveyed to your Lordship only requesting you &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Draft of letter to be sent to Piacenza (1346. 1347).<\/p>\n<p>1346.<\/p>\n<p>Magnificent Commissioners of Buildings I, understanding that your<br \/>\nMagnificencies have made up your minds to make certain great works<br \/>\nin bronze, will remind you of certain things: first that you should<br \/>\nnot be so hasty or so quick to give the commission, lest by this<br \/>\nhaste it should become impossible to select a good model and a good<br \/>\nmaster; and some man of small merit may be chosen, who by his<br \/>\ninsufficiency may cause you to<\/p>\n<p>**[Footnote: **1346. 1347. Piacenza belonged to Milan. The Lord<br \/>\nspoken of in this letter, is no doubt Lodovico il Moro. One may<br \/>\ninfer from the concluding sentence (No. 1346, l. 33. 34 and No.<br \/>\n1347), that Leonardo, who no doubt compiled this letter, did not<br \/>\nforward it to Piacenza himself, but gave it to some influential<br \/>\npatron, under whose name and signature a copy of it was sent to the<br \/>\nCommission.] be abused by your descendants, judging that this age<br \/>\nwas but ill supplied with men of good counsel and with good masters;<br \/>\nseeing that other cities, and chiefly the city of the Florentines,<br \/>\nhas been as it were in these very days, endowed with beautiful and<br \/>\ngrand works in bronze; among which are the doors of their<br \/>\nBaptistery. And this town of Florence, like Piacenza, is a place of<br \/>\nintercourse, through which many foreigners pass; who, seeing that<br \/>\nthe works are fine and of good quality, carry away a good<br \/>\nimpression, and will say that that city is well filled with worthy<br \/>\ninhabitants, seeing the works which bear witness to their opinion;<br \/>\nand on the other hand, I say seeing so much metal expended and so<br \/>\nbadly wrought, it were less shame to the city if the doors had been<br \/>\nof plain wood; because, the material, costing so little, would not<br \/>\nseem to merit any great outlay of skill&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Now the principal parts which are sought for in cities are their<br \/>\ncathedrals, and of these the first things which strike the eye are<br \/>\nthe doors, by which one passes into these churches.<\/p>\n<p>Beware, gentlemen of the Commission, lest too great speed in your<br \/>\ndetermination, and so much haste to expedite the entrusting of so<br \/>\ngreat a work as that which I hear you have ordered, be the cause<br \/>\nthat that which was intended for the honour of God and of men should<br \/>\nbe turned to great dishonour of your judgments, and of your city,<br \/>\nwhich, being a place of mark, is the resort and gathering-place of<br \/>\ninnumerable foreigners. And this dishonour would result if by your<br \/>\nlack of diligence you were to put your trust in some vaunter, who by<br \/>\nhis tricks or by favour shown to him here should obtain such work<br \/>\nfrom you, by which lasting and very great shame would result to him<br \/>\nand to you. Thus I cannot help being angry when I consider what men<br \/>\nthose are who have conferred with you as wishing to undertake this<br \/>\ngreat work without thinking of their sufficiency for it, not to say<br \/>\nmore. This one is a potter, that one a maker of cuirasses, this one<br \/>\nis a bell-founder, another a bell ringer, and one is even a<br \/>\nbombardier; and among them one in his Lordship&#8217;s service, who<br \/>\nboasted that he was the gossip of Messer Ambrosio Ferrere [Footnote<br \/>\n26: Messer Ambrogio Ferrere was Farmer of the Customs under the<br \/>\nDuke. Piacenza at that time belonged to Milan.], who has some power<br \/>\nand who has made him some promises; and if this were not enough he<br \/>\nwould mount on horseback, and go to his Lord and obtain such letters<br \/>\nthat you could never refuse [to give] him the work. But consider<br \/>\nwhere masters of real talent and fit for such work are brought when<br \/>\nthey have to compete with such men as these. Open your eyes and look<br \/>\ncarefully lest your money should be spent in buying your own<br \/>\ndisgrace. I can declare to you that from that place you will procure<br \/>\nnone but average works of inferior and coarse masters. There is no<br \/>\ncapable man,&#8211;[33] and you may believe me,&#8211;except Leonardo the<br \/>\nFlorentine, who is making the equestrian statue in bronze of the<br \/>\nDuke Francesco and who has no need to bring himself into notice,<br \/>\nbecause he has work for all his life time; and I doubt, whether<br \/>\nbeing so great a work, he will ever finish it [34].<\/p>\n<p>The miserable painstakers &#8230; with what hope may they expect a<br \/>\nreward of their merit?<\/p>\n<p>1347.<\/p>\n<p>There is one whom his Lordship invited from Florence to do this work<br \/>\nand who is a worthy master, but with so very much business he will<br \/>\nnever finish it; and you may imagine that a difference there is to<br \/>\nbe seen between a beautiful object and an ugly one. Quote Pliny.<\/p>\n<p>Letter to the Cardinal Ippolito d&#8217; Este.<\/p>\n<p>1348.<\/p>\n<p>Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord. The Lord Ippolito, Cardinal<br \/>\nof Este at Ferrare.<\/p>\n<p>Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord.<\/p>\n<p>I arrived from Milan but a few days since and finding that my elder<br \/>\nbrother refuses to<\/p>\n<p>**[Footnote: This letter addressed to the Cardinal Ippolito d&#8217;Este<br \/>\nis here given from Marchese G. CAMPORI&#8217;S publication: <em>Nuovi<br \/>\ndocumenti per la Vita di Leonardo da Vinci. Atti e Memorie delle R.<br \/>\nR. Deputazioni di Storia patria per la provincie modenesi e par-<br \/>\n_menesi, Vol. III.<\/em> It is the only text throughout this work which I<br \/>\nhave not myself examined and copied from the original. The learned<br \/>\ndiscoverer of this letter&#8211;the only letter from Leonardo hitherto<br \/>\nknown as having been sent&#8211;adds these interesting remarks: <em>Codesto<br \/>\nCardinale nato ad Ercole I. nel 1470, arcivescovo di Strigonia a<br \/>\nsette anni, poi d&#8217;Agra, aveva conseguito nel 1497 la pingue ed<br \/>\nambita cattedra di Milano, la dove avra conosciuto il Vinci, sebbene<br \/>\nil poco amore ch&#8217;ei professava alle arti lasci credere che le<br \/>\nproteste di servitu di Leonardo piu che a gratitudine per favori<br \/>\nricevuti e per opere a lui allogate, accennino a speranza per un<br \/>\nfavore che si aspetta. Notabile e ancora in questo prezioso<br \/>\ndocumento la ripetuta signatura del grande artista &#8216;che si scrive<br \/>\nVincio e Vincius, non da Vinci come si tiene comunemente, sebbene<br \/>\nl&#8217;una e l&#8217;altra possano valere a significare cosi il casato come il<br \/>\npaese; restando a sapere se il nome del paese di Vinci fosse assunto<br \/>\na cognome della famiglia di Leonardo nel qual supposto piu<br \/>\npropriamento avrebbe a chiamarsi Leonardo Vinci, o Vincio<br \/>\n(latinamente Vincius) com&#8217;egli stesso amo segnarsi in questa<br \/>\nlettera, e come scrissero parecchi contenporanei di lui, il Casio,<br \/>\nil Cesariano, Geoffrey Tory, il Gaurico, il Bandello, Raffaelle<br \/>\nMaffei, il Paciolo. Per ultimo non lascero d&#8217;avvertire come la<br \/>\nlettera del Vinci e assai ben conservata, di nitida e larga<br \/>\nscrittura in forma pienemente corrispondente a quella dei suoi<br \/>\nmanoscritti, vergata all&#8217;uso comune da sinistra a destra, anziche<br \/>\ncontrariamente come fu suo costume; ma indubbiamente autentica e<br \/>\nfornita della menzione e del suggello che fresca ancora conserva<br \/>\nl&#8217;impronta di una testa di profilo da un picciolo antico cammeo.<\/em><br \/>\n(Compare No. 1368, note.)]<\/p>\n<p>carry into effect a will, made three years ago when my father<br \/>\ndied&#8211;as also, and no less, because I would not fail in a matter I<br \/>\nesteem most important&#8211;I cannot forbear to crave of your most<br \/>\nReverend Highness a letter of recommendation and favour to Ser<br \/>\nRaphaello Hieronymo, at present one of the illustrious members of<br \/>\nthe Signoria before whom my cause is being argued; and more<br \/>\nparticularly it has been laid by his Excellency the Gonfaloniere<br \/>\ninto the hands of the said Ser Raphaello, that his Worship may have<br \/>\nto decide and end it before the festival of All Saints. And<br \/>\ntherefore, my Lord, I entreat you, as urgently as I know how and am<br \/>\nable, that your Highness will write a letter to the said Ser<br \/>\nRaphaello in that admirable and pressing manner which your Highness<br \/>\ncan use, recommending to him Leonardo Vincio, your most humble<br \/>\nservant as I am, and shall always be; requesting him and pressing<br \/>\nhim not only to do me justice but to do so with despatch; and I have<br \/>\nnot the least doubt, from many things that I hear, that Ser<br \/>\nRaphaello, being most affectionately devoted to your Highness, the<br \/>\nmatter will issue <em>ad votum<\/em>. And this I shall attribute to your<br \/>\nmost Reverend Highness&#8217; letter, to whom I once more humbly commend<br \/>\nmyself. <em>Et bene valeat<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Florence XVIIIa 7bris 1507. E. V. R. D.<\/p>\n<p>your humble servant Leonardus Vincius, pictor.<\/p>\n<p>Draft of Letter to the Governor of Milan.<\/p>\n<p>1349.<\/p>\n<p>I am afraid lest the small return I have made for the great<br \/>\nbenefits, I have received from your Excellency, have not made you<br \/>\nsomewhat angry with me, and that this is why to so many letters<br \/>\nwhich I have written to your Lordship I have never had an answer. I<br \/>\nnow send Salai to explain to your Lordship that I am almost at an<br \/>\nend of the litigation I had with my brother; that I hope to find<br \/>\nmyself with you this Easter, and to carry with me two pictures of<br \/>\ntwo Madonnas of different sizes. These were done for our most<br \/>\nChristian King, or for whomsoever your Lordship may please. I should<br \/>\nbe very glad to know on my return thence where I may have to reside,<br \/>\nfor I would not give any more trouble to your Lordship. Also, as I<br \/>\nhave worked for the most Christian King, whether my salary is to<br \/>\ncontinue or not. I wrote to the President as to that water which the<br \/>\nking granted me, and which I was not put in possession of because at<br \/>\nthat time there was a dearth in the canal by reason of the great<br \/>\ndroughts and because [Footnote:Compare Nos. 1009 and 1010. Leonardo<br \/>\nhas noted the payment of the pension from the king in 1505.] its<br \/>\noutlets were not regulated; but he certainly promised me that when<br \/>\nthis was done I should be put in possession. Thus I pray your<br \/>\nLordship that you will take so much trouble, now that these outlets<br \/>\nare regulated, as to remind the President of my matter; that is, to<br \/>\ngive me possession of this water, because on my return I hope to<br \/>\nmake there instruments and other things which will greatly please<br \/>\nour most Christian King. Nothing else occurs to me. I am always<br \/>\nyours to command. [Footnote:1349. Charles d&#8217;Amboise, Marechal de<br \/>\nChaumont, was Governor of Milan under Louis XII. Leonardo was in<br \/>\npersonal communication with him so early as in 1503. He was absent<br \/>\nfrom Milan in the autumn of 1506 and from October l5l0&#8211;when he<br \/>\nbesieged Pope Julius II. in Bologna&#8211;till his death, which took<br \/>\nplace at Correggio, February 11, 1511. Francesco Vinci, Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nuncle, died&#8211;as Amoretti tells us&#8211;in the winter of l5l0-11 (or<br \/>\naccording to Uzielli in 1506?), and Leonardo remained in Florence<br \/>\nfor business connected with his estate. The letter written with<br \/>\nreference to this affair, No. 1348, is undoubtedly earlier than the<br \/>\nletters Nos. 1349 and 1350. Amoretti tells us, <em>Memorie Storiche<\/em>,<br \/>\nch. II, that the following note existed on the same leaf in MS. C.<br \/>\nA. I have not however succeeded in finding it. The passage runs<br \/>\nthus: <em>Jo sono quasi al fine del mio letizio che io o con mie<br \/>\nfratetgli &#8230; Ancora ricordo a V. Excia la facenda che o cum Ser<br \/>\nJuliana mio Fratello capo delli altri fratelli ricordandoli come se<br \/>\nofferse di conciar le cose nostre fra noi fratelli del comune della<br \/>\neredita de mio Zio, e quelli costringa alla expeditione, quale<br \/>\nconteneva la lettera che lui me mando.<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>C. A. 364b; 1138b]<\/p>\n<p>Drafts of Letters to the Superintendent of Canals and to Fr. Melzi.<\/p>\n<p>1350.<\/p>\n<p>Magnificent President, I am sending thither Salai, my pupil, who is<br \/>\nthe bearer of this, and from him you will hear by word of mouth the<br \/>\ncause of my&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Magnificent President, I&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Magnificent President:&#8211;Having ofttimes remembered the proposals<br \/>\nmade many times to me by your Excellency, I take the liberty of<br \/>\nwriting to remind your Lordship of the promise made to me at my last<br \/>\ndeparture, that is the possession of the twelve inches of water<br \/>\ngranted to me by the most Christian King. Your Lordship knows that I<br \/>\ndid not enter into possession, because at that time when it was<br \/>\ngiven to me there was a dearth of water in the canal, as well by<br \/>\nreason of the great drought as also because the outlets were not<br \/>\nregulated; but your Excellency promised me that as soon as this was<br \/>\ndone, I should have my rights. Afterwards hearing that the canal was<br \/>\ncomplete I wrote several times to your Lordship and to Messer<br \/>\nGirolamo da Cusano,who has in his keeping the deed of this gift; and<br \/>\nso also I wrote to Corigero and never had a reply. I now send<br \/>\nthither Salai, my pupil, the bearer of this, to whom your Lordship<br \/>\nmay tell by word of mouth all that happened in the matter about<br \/>\nwhich I petition your Excellency. I expect to go thither this Easter<br \/>\nsince I am nearly at the end of my lawsuit, and I will take with me<br \/>\ntwo pictures of our Lady which I have begun, and at the present time<br \/>\nhave brought them on to a very good end; nothing else occurs to me.<\/p>\n<p>My Lord the love which your Excellency has always shown me and the<br \/>\nbenefits that I have constantly received from you I have hitherto&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>I am fearful lest the small return I have made for the great<br \/>\nbenefits I have received from your Excellency may not have made you<br \/>\nsomewhat annoyed with me. And this is why, to many letters which I<br \/>\nhave written to your Excellency I have never had an answer. I now<br \/>\nsend to you Salai to explain to your Excellency that I am almost at<br \/>\nthe end of my litigation with my brothers, and that I hope to be<br \/>\nwith you this Easter and carry with me two pictures on which are two<br \/>\nMadonnas of different sizes which I began for the most Christian<br \/>\nKing, or for whomsoever you please. I should be very glad to know<br \/>\nwhere, on my return from this place, I shall have to reside, because<br \/>\nI do not wish to give more trouble to your Lordship; and then,<br \/>\nhaving worked for the most Christian King, whether my salary is to<br \/>\nbe continued or not. I write to the President as to the water that<br \/>\nthe king granted me of which I had not been put in possession by<br \/>\nreason of the dearth in the canal, caused by the great drought and<br \/>\nbecause its outlets were not regulated; but he promised me certainly<br \/>\nthat as soon as the regulation was made, I should be put in<br \/>\npossession of it; I therefore pray you that, if you should meet the<br \/>\nsaid President, you would be good enough, now that the outlets are<br \/>\nregulated, to remind the said President to cause me to be put in<br \/>\npossession of that water, since I understand it is in great measure<br \/>\nin his power. Nothing else occurs to me; always yours to command.<\/p>\n<p>Good day to you Messer Francesco. Why, in God&#8217;s name, of all the<br \/>\nletters I have written to you, have you never answered one. Now wait<br \/>\ntill I come, by God, and I shall make you write so much that perhaps<br \/>\nyou will become sick of it.<\/p>\n<p>Dear Messer Francesco. I am sending thither Salai to learn from His<br \/>\nMagnificence the President to what end the regulation of the water<br \/>\nhas come since, at my departure this regulation of the outlets of<br \/>\nthe canal had been ordered, because His Magnificence the President<br \/>\npromised me that as soon as this was done I should be satisfied. It<br \/>\nis now some time since I heard that the canal was in order, as also<br \/>\nits outlets, and I immediately wrote to the President and to you,<br \/>\nand then I repeated it, and never had an answer. So you will have<br \/>\nthe goodness to answer me as to that which happened, and as I am not<br \/>\nto hurry the matter, would you take the trouble, for the love of me,<br \/>\nto urge the President a little, and also Messer Girolamo Cusano, to<br \/>\nwhom you will commend me and offer my duty to his Magnificence.<\/p>\n<p>*1350. 28-36. Draft of a letter to Francesco Melzi, born l493&#8211;a<br \/>\nyouth therefore of about 17 in 1510. Leonardo addresses his young<br \/>\nfriend as &#8220;Messer&#8221;, as being the son of a noble house. Melzi<br \/>\npractised art under Leonardo as a dilettante and not as a pupil,<br \/>\nlike Cesare da Sesto and others (See LERMOLIEFF, _Die Galerien_ &amp;c.,<br \/>\np. 476).<\/p>\n<p>*Drafts of a letter to Giuliano de&#8217; Medici (1351-1352).<\/p>\n<p>1351.<\/p>\n<p>[Most illustrious Lord. I greatly rejoice most Illustrious Lord at<br \/>\nyour&#8230;]<\/p>\n<p>I was so greatly rejoiced, most illustrious Lord, by the desired<br \/>\nrestoration of your health, that it almost had the effect that [my<br \/>\nown health recovered]&#8211;[I have got through my illness]&#8211;my own<br \/>\nillness left me&#8211; &#8211;of your Excellency&#8217;s almost restored health. But<br \/>\nI am extremely vexed that I have not been able completely to satisfy<br \/>\nthe wishes of your Excellency, by reason of the wickedness of that<br \/>\ndeceiver, for whom I left nothing undone which could be done for him<br \/>\nby me and by which I might be of use to him; and in the first place<br \/>\nhis allowances were paid to him before the time, which I believe he<br \/>\nwould willingly deny, if I had not the writing signed by myself and<br \/>\nthe interpreter. And I, seeing that he did not work for me unless he<br \/>\nhad no work to do for others, which he was very careful in<br \/>\nsolliciting, invited him to dine with me, and to work afterwards<br \/>\nnear me, because, besides the saving of expense, he<\/p>\n<p>*1351. 1353.[Footnote: It is clear from the contents of this notes<br \/>\nthat they refer to Leonardo&#8217;s residence in Rome in 1513-1515. Nor<br \/>\ncan there be any doubt that they were addressed to Leonardo&#8217;s patron<br \/>\nat the time: Giuliano de&#8217; Medici, third son of Lorenzo the<br \/>\nMagnificent and brother of Pope Leo X (born 1478). In 1512 he became<br \/>\nthe head of the Florentine Republic. The Pope invited him to Rome,<br \/>\nwhere he settled; in 1513 he was named patrician with much splendid<br \/>\nceremonial. The medal struck in honour of the event bears the words<br \/>\nMAG. IVLIAN. MEDICES. Leonardo too uses the style &#8220;Magnifico&#8221;, in<br \/>\nhis letter. Compare also No. 1377.<\/p>\n<p>GlNO CAPPONI (<em>Storia della Repubblica di Firenze<\/em>, Vol. III, p.<br \/>\n139) thus describes the character of Giuliano de&#8217; Medici, who died<br \/>\nin 1516: <em>Era il migliore della famiglia, di vita placida, grande<br \/>\nspenditore, tenendo intorno a s*e uomini ingegnosi, ed ogni nuova<br \/>\ncosa voleva provare.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>See too GREGOROVIUS, <em>Geschichte der Stadi Rom<\/em>, VIII (book XIV.<br \/>\nIII, 2): <em>Die Luftschl<em>osser f<\/em>urstlicher Gr<em>osse, wozu ihn der<br \/>\nPapst hatte erheben wollen zerfielen. Julian war der edelste aller<br \/>\ndamaligen Medici, ein Mensch von innerlicher Richtung, unbefriedigt<br \/>\ndurch das Leben, mitten im Sonnenglanz der Herrlichkeit Leo&#8217;s X.<br \/>\neine dunkle Gestalt die wie ein Schatten vor<\/em>uberzog.<\/em> Giuliano<br \/>\nlived in the Vatican, and it may be safely inferred from No. 1352 l.<br \/>\n2, and No. 1353 l. 4, that Leonardo did the same.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From the following unpublished notice in the Vatican archives, which<br \/>\n  M. Eug. M*untz, librarian of the Ecole des Beaux arts, Paris, has<br \/>\n  done me the favour to communicate to me, we get a more accurate view<br \/>\n  of Leonardo&#8217;s relation to the often named GIORGIO TEDESCO:\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><em>Nota delle provisione<\/em> (sic) _a da pagare per me in nome del nostro<br \/>\nill. S. Bernardo Bini e chomp*a di Roma, e prima della ill*ma sua<br \/>\nchonsorte ogni mese d. 800.<\/p>\n<p>A L<em>do da Vinci per sua provisione d. XXXIII, e pi<\/em>u d. VII al detto<br \/>\nper la provisione di Giorgio tedescho, che sono in tutto d. 40.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\n  From this we learn, that seven ducats formed the German&#8217;s monthly<br \/>\n  wages, but according to No. 1353 l. 7 he pretended that eight ducats<br \/>\n  had been agreed upon.]\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>would acquire the Italian language. He always promised, but would<br \/>\nnever do so. And this I did also, because that Giovanni, the German<br \/>\nwho makes the mirrors, was there always in the workshop, and wanted<br \/>\nto see and to know all that was being done there and made it known<br \/>\noutside &#8230; strongly criticising it; and because he dined with those<br \/>\nof the Pope&#8217;s guard, and then they went out with guns killing birds<br \/>\namong the ruins; and this went on from after dinner till the<br \/>\nevening; and when I sent Lorenzo to urge him to work he said that he<br \/>\nwould not have so many masters over him, and that his work was for<br \/>\nyour Excellency&#8217;s Wardrobe; and thus two months passed and so it<br \/>\nwent on; and one day finding Gian Niccolo of the Wardrobe and asking<br \/>\nwhether the German had finished the work for your Magnificence, he<br \/>\ntold me this was not true, but only that he had given him two guns<br \/>\nto clean. Afterwards, when I had urged him farther, be left the<br \/>\nworkshop and began to work in his room, and lost much time in making<br \/>\nanother pair of pincers and files and other tools with screws; and<br \/>\nthere he worked at mills for twisting silk which he hid when any one<br \/>\nof my people went in, and with a thousand oaths and mutterings, so<br \/>\nthat none of them would go there any more.<\/p>\n<p>I was so greatly rejoiced, most Illustrious Lord, by the desired<br \/>\nrestoration of your health, that my own illness almost left me. But<br \/>\nI am greatly vexed at not having been able to completely satisfy<br \/>\nyour Excellency&#8217;s wishes by reason of the wickedness of that German<br \/>\ndeceiver, for whom I left nothing undone by which I could have hope<br \/>\nto please him; and secondly I invited him to lodge and board with<br \/>\nme, by which means I should constantly see the work he was doing and<br \/>\nwith greater ease correct his errors while, besides this, he would<br \/>\nlearn the Italian tongue, by means of which be could with more ease<br \/>\ntalk without an interpreter; his moneys were always given him in<br \/>\nadvance of the time when due. Afterwards he wanted to have the<br \/>\nmodels finished in wood, just as they were to be in iron, and wished<br \/>\nto carry them away to his own country. But this I refused him,<br \/>\ntelling him that I would give him, in drawing, the breadth, length,<br \/>\nheight and form of what he had to do; and so we remained in<br \/>\nill-will.<\/p>\n<p>The next thing was that he made himself another workshop and pincers<br \/>\nand tools in his room where he slept, and there he worked for<br \/>\nothers; afterwards he went to dine with the Swiss of the guard,<br \/>\nwhere there are idle fellows, in which he beat them all; and most<br \/>\ntimes they went two or three together with guns, to shoot birds<br \/>\namong the ruins, and this went on till evening.<\/p>\n<p>At last I found how this master Giovanni the mirror-maker was he who<br \/>\nhad done it all, for two reasons; the first because he had said that<br \/>\nmy coming here had deprived him of the countenance and favour of<br \/>\nyour Lordship which always&#8230; The other is that he said that his<br \/>\niron-workers&#8217; rooms suited him for working at his mirrors, and of<br \/>\nthis he gave proof; for besides making him my enemy, he made him<br \/>\nsell all he had and leave his workshop to him, where he works with a<br \/>\nnumber of workmen making numerous mirrors to send to the fairs.<\/p>\n<p>1352.<\/p>\n<p>I was so greatly rejoiced, most Illustrious Lord, by the wished for<br \/>\nrecovery of your health, that my own ills have almost left me; and I<br \/>\nsay God be praised for it. But it vexes me greatly that I have not<br \/>\nbeen able completely to satisfy your Excellency&#8217;s wishes by reason<br \/>\nof the wickedness of that German deceiver, for whom I left nothing<br \/>\nundone by which I could hope to please him; and secondly I invited<br \/>\nhim to lodge and board with me, by which means I should see<br \/>\nconstantly the work he was doing, for which purpose I would have a<br \/>\ntable fixed at the foot of one of these windows, where he could work<br \/>\nwith the file and finish the things made below; and so I should<br \/>\nconstantly see the work he might do, and it could be corrected with<br \/>\ngreater ease.<\/p>\n<p>Draft of letter written at Rome.<\/p>\n<p>1353.<\/p>\n<p>This other hindered me in anatomy, blaming it before the Pope; and<br \/>\nlikewise at the hospital; and he has filled [<em>4] this whole<br \/>\nBelvedere with workshops for mirrors; and he did the same thing in<br \/>\nMaestro Giorgio&#8217;s room. He said that he had been promised [<\/em>7] eight<br \/>\nducats every month, beginning with the first day, when he set out,<br \/>\nor at latest when he spoke with you; and that you agreed.<\/p>\n<p>Seeing that he seldom stayed in the workshop, and that he ate a<br \/>\ngreat deal, I sent him word that, if he liked I could deal with him<br \/>\nseparately for each thing that he might make, and would give him<br \/>\nwhat we might agree to be a fair valuation. He took counsel with his<br \/>\nneighbour and gave up his room, selling every thing, and went to<br \/>\nfind&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Miscellaneous Records (1354. 1355)-<\/p>\n<p>1354.<\/p>\n<p>Dear Benedetto de&#8217; Pertarti. When the proud giant fell because of<br \/>\nthe bloody and miry state of the ground it was as though a mountain<br \/>\nhad fallen so that the country shook as with an earthquake, and<br \/>\nterror fell on Pluto in hell. From the violence of the shock he lay<br \/>\nas stunned on the level ground. Suddenly the people, seeing him as<br \/>\none killed by a thunderbolt, turned back; like ants running wildly<br \/>\nover the body of the fallen oak, so these rushing over his ample<br \/>\nlimbs&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;. them with<\/p>\n<p>*1354.[Footnote: A puzzling passage, meant, as it would seem, for a<br \/>\njest. Compare the description of Giants in Dante, _Inf_. XXI and<br \/>\nXXII. Perhaps Leonardo had the Giant Antaeus in his mind. Of him the<br \/>\nmyth relates that he was a son of Ge, that he fed on lions; that he<br \/>\nhunted in Libya and killed the inhabitants. He enjoyed the<br \/>\npeculiarity of renewing his strength whenever he fell and came in<br \/>\ncontact with his mother earth; but that Hercules lifted him up and<br \/>\nso conquered and strangled him. Lucan gives a full account of the<br \/>\nstruggle. Pharsalia IV, 617. The reading of this passage, which is<br \/>\nvery indistinctly written, is in many places doubtful.]<\/p>\n<p>frequent wounds; by which, the giant being roused and feeling<br \/>\nhimself almost covered by the multitude, he suddenly perceives the<br \/>\nsmarting of the stabs, and sent forth a roar which sounded like a<br \/>\nterrific clap of thunder; and placing his hands on the ground he<br \/>\nraised his terrible face: and having lifted one hand to his head he<br \/>\nfound it full of men and rabble sticking to it like the minute<br \/>\ncreatures which not unfrequently are found there; wherefore with a<br \/>\nshake of his head he sends the men flying through the air just as<br \/>\nhail does when driven by the fury of the winds. Many of these men<br \/>\nwere found to be dead; stamping with his feet.<\/p>\n<p>And clinging to his hair, and striving to hide in it, they behaved<br \/>\nlike sailors in a storm, who run up the ropes to lessen the force of<br \/>\nthe wind [by taking in sail].<\/p>\n<p>News of things from the East.<\/p>\n<p>Be it known to you that in the month of June there appeared a Giant,<br \/>\nwho came from the Lybian desert&#8230; mad with rage like ants&#8230;.<br \/>\nstruck down by the rude.<\/p>\n<p>This great Giant was born in Mount Atlas and was a hero &#8230; and had<br \/>\nto fight against the Egyptians and Arabs, Medes and Persians. He<br \/>\nlived in the sea on whales, grampuses and ships.<\/p>\n<p>Mars fearing for his life took refuge under the&#8230; of Jove.<\/p>\n<p>And at the great fall it seemed as though the whole province quaked.<\/p>\n<p>1355.<\/p>\n<p>This spirit returns to the brain whence it had departed, with a loud<br \/>\nvoice and with these words, it moved&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>And if any man though he may have wisdom or goodness &#8230;&#8230;&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This passage, very difficult to decipher, is on the<br \/>\nreverse of a drawing at Windsor, Pl. CXXII, which possibly has some<br \/>\nconnection with it. The drawing is slightly reduced in this<br \/>\nreproduction; the original being 25 cm. high by 19 cm. wide.]<\/p>\n<p>O blessed and happy spirit whence comest thou? Well have I known<br \/>\nthis man, much against my will. This one is a receptacle of<br \/>\nvillainy; he is a perfect heap of the utmost ingratitude combined<br \/>\nwith every vice. But of what use is it to fatigue myself with vain<br \/>\nwords? Nothing is to be found in them but every form of sin &#8230; And<br \/>\nif there should be found among them any that possesses any good,<br \/>\nthey will not be treated differently to myself by other men; and in<br \/>\nfine, I come to the conclusion that it is bad if they are hostile,<br \/>\nand worse if they are friendly.<\/p>\n<p>Miscellaneous drafts of letters and personal records (1356&#8211;1368).<\/p>\n<p>1356.<\/p>\n<p>All the ills that are or ever were, if they could be set to work by<br \/>\nhim, would not satisfy the desires of his iniquitous soul; and I<br \/>\ncould not in any length of time describe his nature to you, but I<br \/>\nconclude&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>1357.<\/p>\n<p>I know one who, having promised me much, less than my due, being<br \/>\ndisappointed of his presumptuous desires, has tried to deprive me of<br \/>\nall my friends; and as he has found them wise and not pliable to his<br \/>\nwill, he has menaced me that, having found means of denouncing me,<br \/>\nhe would deprive me of my benefactors. Hence I have informed your<br \/>\nLordship of this, to the end [that this man who wishes to sow the<br \/>\nusual scandals, may find no soil fit for sowing the thoughts and<br \/>\ndeeds of his evil nature] so that he, trying to make your Lordship,<br \/>\nthe instrument of his iniquitous and maliceous nature may be<br \/>\ndisappointed of his desire.<\/p>\n<p>1358.<\/p>\n<p>And in this case I know that I shall make few enemies seeing that no<br \/>\none will believe what I can say of him; for they are but<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Below this text we read gusstino&#8211;Giustino and in another<br \/>\npassage on the same page Justin is quoted (No. 1210, 1. 48). The two<br \/>\nhave however no real connection.]<\/p>\n<p>few whom his vices have disgusted, and he only dislikes those men<br \/>\nwhose natures are contrary to those vices. And many hate their<br \/>\nfathers, and break off friendship with those who reprove their<br \/>\nvices; and he will not permit any examples against them, nor any<br \/>\nadvice.<\/p>\n<p>If you meet with any one who is virtuous do not drive him from you;<br \/>\ndo him honour, so that he may not have to flee from you and be<br \/>\nreduced to hiding in hermitages, or caves or other solitary places<br \/>\nto escape from your treachery; if there is such an one among you do<br \/>\nhim honour, for these are our Saints upon earth; these are they who<br \/>\ndeserve statues from us, and images; but remember that their images<br \/>\nare not to be eaten by you, as is still done in some parts of India<br \/>\n[Footnote 15: In explanation of this passage I have received the<br \/>\nfollowing communication from Dr. G. W. LEITNER of Lahore: &#8220;So far as<br \/>\nIndian customs are known to us, this practice spoken of by Leonardo<br \/>\nas &#8216;still existing in some parts of India&#8217; is perfectly unknown; and<br \/>\nit is equally opposed to the spirit of Hinduism, Mohammedanism and<br \/>\nSikhism. In central Thibet the ashes of the dead, when burnt, are<br \/>\nmixed with dough, and small figures&#8211;usually of Buddha&#8211;are stamped<br \/>\nout of them and some are laid in the grave while others are<br \/>\ndistributed among the relations. The custom spoken of by Leonardo<br \/>\nmay have prevailed there but I never heard of it.&#8221; Possibly Leonardo<br \/>\nrefers here to customs of nations of America.] where, when the<br \/>\nimages have according to them, performed some miracle, the priests<br \/>\ncut them in pieces, being of wood, and give them to all the people<br \/>\nof the country, not without payment; and each one grates his portion<br \/>\nvery fine, and puts it upon the first food he eats; and thus<br \/>\nbelieves that by faith he has eaten his saint who then preserves him<br \/>\nfrom all perils. What do you think here, Man, of your own species?<br \/>\nAre you so wise as you believe yourselves to be? Are these things to<br \/>\nbe done by men?<\/p>\n<p>1359.<\/p>\n<p>As I told you in past days, you know that I am without any&#8230;.<br \/>\nFrancesco d&#8217;Antonio. Bernardo di Maestro Jacopo.<\/p>\n<p>1360.<\/p>\n<p>Tell me how the things happened.<\/p>\n<p>1361.<\/p>\n<p>j lorezo&#92;\\ 2 inbiadali&#92;\\ 3 inferri de&#92;\\ 4in lorezo&#92;\\ 5[inno<br \/>\nabuil]&#92; 6 in acocatu&#92;\\ 7 per la sella&#92;\\ 8colte di lor&#92;\\ 9v<br \/>\ncavallott&#92;\\ I0el uiagg&#92;\\ IIal&#92;\\ I2a lurez&#92;\\ 13in biada&#92;\\<br \/>\n14inferri&#92;\\ 15abuss&#92;\\ 16in viagg&#92;\\ 17alorz&#92;\\ [Footnote: This<br \/>\nseems to be the beginning of a letter, but only the first words of<br \/>\nthe lines have been preserved, the leaf being torn down the middle.<br \/>\nNo translation is possible.]<\/p>\n<p>1362.<\/p>\n<p>And so may it please our great Author that I may demonstrate the<br \/>\nnature of man and his customs, in the way I describe his figure.<br \/>\n[Footnote: A preparatory note for the passage given as No. 798, *11.<br \/>\n41&#8211;42.]<\/p>\n<p>1363.<\/p>\n<p>This writing distinctly about the kite seems to be my destiny,<br \/>\nbecause among the first recollections of my infancy, it seemed to me<br \/>\nthat, as I was in my cradle, a kite came to me and opened my mouth<br \/>\nwith its tail, and struck me several times with its tail inside my<br \/>\nlips. [Footnote: This note probably refers to the text No. 1221.]<\/p>\n<p>C. A. 248a; 737a]<\/p>\n<p>1364.<\/p>\n<p>[When I did well, as a boy you used to put me in prison. Now if I do<br \/>\nit being grown up, you will do worse to me.]<\/p>\n<p>1365.<\/p>\n<p>Tell me if anything was ever done.<\/p>\n<p>1366.<\/p>\n<p>Tell me if ever I did a thing which me &#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>1367.<\/p>\n<p>Do not reveal, if liberty is precious to you; my face is the prison<br \/>\nof love. [Footnote:This note seems to be a quotation.]<\/p>\n<p>1368.<\/p>\n<p>Maestro Leonardo of Florence. [Footnote: So Leonardo writes his name<br \/>\non a sheet with sundry short notes, evidently to try a pen. Compare<br \/>\nthe signature with those in Nos. 1341, 1348 and 1374 (see also No.<br \/>\n1346, l. 33). The form &#8220;Lionardo&#8221; does not occur in the autographs.<br \/>\nThe Portrait of the Master in the Royal Library at Turin, which is<br \/>\nreproduced&#8211;slightly diminished&#8211;on Pl. I, has in the original two<br \/>\nlines of writing underneath; one in red chalk of two or three words<br \/>\nis partly effaced: <em>lionardo it&#8230; lm<\/em> (or <em>lai<\/em>?); the second<br \/>\nwritten in pencil is as follows: <em>fatto da lui stesso assai<br \/>\nvecchio<\/em>. In both of these the writing is very like the Master&#8217;s,<br \/>\nbut is certainly only an imitation.]<\/p>\n<p>Notes bearing Dates (1369&#8211;1378).<\/p>\n<p>1369.<\/p>\n<p>The day of Santa Maria <em>della Neve<\/em> [of the Snows] August the 2nd<br \/>\n1473. [Footnote: *W. An. I. 1368. 1369. This date is on a drawing of<br \/>\na rocky landscape. See _Chronique des Arts_ 1881 no. 23: _Leonard de<br \/>\nVinci a-t-il ete au Righi le 5 aout 1473_? letter by H. de<br \/>\nGeymuller. The next following date in the MSS. is 1478 (see No.<br \/>\n663).<\/p>\n<p>1370.<\/p>\n<p>On the 2nd of April 1489, book entitled &#8216;Of the human figure&#8217;.<br \/>\n[Footnote: While the letters in the MS. notes of 1473 and 1478 are<br \/>\nvery ornate, this note and the texts on anatomy on the same sheet<br \/>\n(for instance No. 805) are in the same simple hand as we see on Pl.<br \/>\nCXVI and CXIX. No 1370 is the only dated note of the years between<br \/>\n1480 and 1489, and the characters are in all essential points<br \/>\nidentical with those that we see in the latest manuscripts written<br \/>\nin France (compare the facsimiles on Pl. CXV and p. 254), so that it<br \/>\nis hardly possible to determine exactly the date of a manuscript<br \/>\nfrom the style of the handwriting, if it does not betray the<br \/>\npeculiarities of style as displayed in the few notes dated previous<br \/>\nto l480.&#8211;Compare the facsimile of the manuscripts 1479 on Pl.LXII,<br \/>\nNo. 2; No. 664, note, Vol. I p. 346. This shows already a marked<br \/>\nsimplicity as compared with the calligraphy of I478.<\/p>\n<p>The text No. 720 belongs to the year 1490; No. 1510 to the year<br \/>\n1492; No. 1459, No. 1384 and No. 1460 to the year 1493; No. 1463,<br \/>\nNo. 1517, No. 1024, 1025 and 1461 to the year 1494; Nos. 1523 and<br \/>\n1524 to the year 1497.<\/p>\n<p>C. A. 103a; 325a]<\/p>\n<p>1371.<\/p>\n<p>On the ist of August 1499, I wrote here of motion and of weight.<br \/>\n[Footnote:1371. <em>Scrissi qui<\/em>. Leonardo does not say where; still we<br \/>\nmay assume that it was not in Milan. Amoretti writes, <em>Memorie<br \/>\nStoriche<\/em>, chap. XIX: <em>Sembra pertanto che non nel 1499 ma nel 1500,<br \/>\ndopo il ritorno e la prigionia del duca, sia da qui partito Lionardo<br \/>\nper andare a Firenze; ed e quindi probabile, che i mesi di governo<br \/>\nnuovo e incerto abbia passati coll&#8217; amico suo Francesco Melzi a<br \/>\nVaprio, ove meglio che altrove studiar potea la natura, e<br \/>\nsoprattutta le acque, e l&#8217;Adda specialmente, che gia era stato<br \/>\nl&#8217;ogetto delle sue idrostatiche ricerche<\/em>. At that time Melzi was<br \/>\nonly six years of age. The next date is 1502; to this year belong<br \/>\nNo. 1034, 1040, 1042, 1048 and 1053. The note No. 1525 belongs to<br \/>\nthe year 1503.]<\/p>\n<p>1372.<\/p>\n<p>On the 9th of July 1504, Wednesday, at seven o&#8217;clock, died Ser Piero<br \/>\nda Vinci, notary at the Palazzo del Podest*a, my father, &#8211;at seven<br \/>\no&#8217;clock, being eighty years old, leaving behind ten sons and two<br \/>\ndaughters.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This statement of Ser Piero&#8217;s age contradicts that of the<br \/>\n<em>Riassunto della portata di Antonio da Vinci<\/em> (Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\ngrandfather), who speaks of Ser Piero as being thirty years old in<br \/>\n1457; and that of the <em>Riassunto della portata di Ser Piero e<br \/>\nFrancesco<\/em>, sons of Antonia da Vinci, where Ser Piero is mentioned<br \/>\nas being forty in 1469. These documents were published by G.<br \/>\nUZIELLI, <em>Ricerche intorno a L. da Vinci, Firenze<\/em>, 1872, pp. 144<br \/>\nand 146. Leonardo was, as is well known, a natural son. His mother<br \/>\n&#8216;La Catarina&#8217; was married in 1457 to Acchattabriga di Piero del<br \/>\nVaccha da Vinci. She died in 1519. Leonardo never mentions her in<br \/>\nthe Manuscripts. In the year of Leonardo&#8217;s birth Ser Piero married<br \/>\nAlbiera di Giovanni Amadoci, and after her death at the age of<br \/>\nthirty eight he again married, Francesca, daughter of Ser Giovanni<br \/>\nLanfredi, then only fifteen. Their children were Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nhalfbrothers, Antonio (b. 1476), Ser Giuliano (b. 1479), Lorenzo (b.<br \/>\n1484), a girl, Violante (b. 1485), and another boy Domenico (b.<br \/>\n1486); Domenico&#8217;s descendants still exist as a family. Ser Piero<br \/>\nmarried for the third time Lucrezia di Guglielmo Cortigiani by whom<br \/>\nhe had six children: Margherita (b. 1491), Benedetto (b. 1492),<br \/>\nPandolfo (b. 1494), Guglielmo (b. 1496), Bartolommeo (b. 1497), and<br \/>\nGiovanni) date of birth unknown). Pierino da Vinci the sculptor<br \/>\n(about 1520-1554) was the son of Bartolommeo, the fifth of these<br \/>\nchildren. The dates of their deaths are not known, but we may infer<br \/>\nfrom the above passage that they were all still living in 1505.]<\/p>\n<p>1373.<\/p>\n<p>On Wednesday at seven o&#8217;clock died Ser Piero da Vinci on the 9th of<br \/>\nJuly 1504.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This and the previous text it may be remarked are the<br \/>\nonly mention made by Leonardo of his father; Nos. 1526, 1527 and No.<br \/>\n1463 are of the year 1504.]<\/p>\n<p>1374.<\/p>\n<p>Begun by me, Leonardo da Vinci, on the l2th of July 1505.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Thus he writes on the first page of the MS. The title is<br \/>\non the foregoing coversheet as follows: <em>Libro titolato<br \/>\ndisstrafformatione coe<\/em> (cio*e) _d&#8217;un corpo nvn_ (in un) _altro<br \/>\nsanza diminuitione e acresscemento di materia._]<\/p>\n<p>1375.<\/p>\n<p>Begun at Milan on the l2th of September 1508.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: No. 1528 and No. 1529 belong to the same year. The text<br \/>\nVol. I, No. 4 belongs to the following year 1509 (1508 old style);<br \/>\nso also does No. 1009.&#8211; Nos. 1022, 1057 and 1464 belong to 1511.]<\/p>\n<p>1376.<\/p>\n<p>On the 9th of January 1513.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: No. 1465 belongs to the same year. No. 1065 has the next<br \/>\ndate 1514.]<\/p>\n<p>1377.<\/p>\n<p>The Magnifico Giuliano de&#8217; Medici left Rome on the 9th of January<br \/>\n1515, just at daybreak, to take a wife in Savoy; and on the same day<br \/>\nfell the death of the king of France.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Giuliano de Medici, brother to Pope Leo X.; see note to<br \/>\nNos. 1351-1353. In February, 1515, he was married to Filiberta,<br \/>\ndaughter of Filippo, Duke of Savoy, and aunt to Francis I, Louis<br \/>\nXII&#8217;s successor on the throne of France. Louis XII died on Jan. 1st,<br \/>\nand not on Jan. 9th as is here stated.&#8211; This addition is written in<br \/>\npaler ink and evidently at a later date.]<\/p>\n<p>1378.<\/p>\n<p>On the 24th of June, St John&#8217;s day, 1518 at Amboise, in the palace<br \/>\nof&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Castello del clli<\/em>. The meaning of this word is obscure;<br \/>\nit is perhaps not written at full length.]<\/p>\n<p><em>XXII.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Miscellaneous Notes.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The incidental memoranda scattered here and there throughout the<br \/>\nMSS. can have been for the most part intelligible to the writer<br \/>\nonly; in many cases their meaning and connection are all the more<br \/>\nobscure because we are in ignorance about the persons with whom<br \/>\nLeonardo used to converse nor can we say what part he may have<br \/>\nplayed in the various events of his time. Vasari and other early<br \/>\nbiographers give us a very superficial and far from accurate picture<br \/>\nof Leonardo&#8217;s private life. Though his own memoranda, referring for<br \/>\nthe most part to incidents of no permanent interest, do not go far<br \/>\ntowards supplying this deficiency, they are nevertheless of some<br \/>\nimportance and interest as helping us to solve the numerous<br \/>\nmysteries in which the history of Leonardo&#8217;s long life remains<br \/>\ninvolved. We may at any rate assume, from Leonardo&#8217;s having<br \/>\ncommitted to paper notes on more or less trivial matters on his<br \/>\npupils, on his house-keeping, on various known and unknown<br \/>\npersonages, and a hundred other trifies&#8211;that at the time they must<br \/>\nhave been in some way important to him.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>I have endeavoured to make these &#8216;Miscellaneous Notes&#8217; as complete<br \/>\nas possible, for in many cases an incidental memorandum will help to<br \/>\nexplain the meaning of some other note of a similar kind. The first<br \/>\nportion of these notes (Nos. l379&#8211;l457), as well as those referring<br \/>\nto his pupils and to other artists and artificers who lived in his<br \/>\nhouse (1458&#8211;1468,) are arranged in chronological order. A<br \/>\nconsiderable proportion of these notes belong to the period between<br \/>\n1490 and 1500, when Leonardo was living at Milan under the patronage<br \/>\nof Lodovico il Moro, a time concerning which we have otherwise only<br \/>\nvery scanty information. If Leonardo did really&#8211;as has always been<br \/>\nsupposed,&#8211;spend also the greater part of the preceding decade in<br \/>\nMilan, it seems hardly likely that we should not find a single note<br \/>\nindicative of the fact, or referring to any event of that period, on<br \/>\nthe numerous loose leaves in his writing that exist. Leonardo&#8217;s life<br \/>\nin Milan between 1489 and 1500 must have been comparatively<br \/>\nuneventful. The MSS. and memoranda of those years seem to prove that<br \/>\nit was a tranquil period of intellectual and artistic labour rather<br \/>\nthan of bustling court life. Whatever may have been the fate of the<br \/>\nMSS. and note books of the foregoing years&#8211;whether they were<br \/>\ndestroyed by Leonardo himself or have been lost&#8211;it is certainly<br \/>\nstrange that nothing whatever exists to inform us as to his life and<br \/>\ndoings in Milan earlier than the consecutive series of manuscripts<br \/>\nwhich begin in the year 1489.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>There is nothing surprising in the fact that the notes regarding<br \/>\nhis pupils are few and meagre. Excepting for the record of money<br \/>\ntransactions only very exceptional circumstances would have prompted<br \/>\nhim to make any written observations on the persons with whom he was<br \/>\nin daily intercourse, among whom, of course, were his pupils. Of<br \/>\nthem all none is so frequently mentioned as Salai, but the character<br \/>\nof the notes does not&#8211;as it seems to me&#8211;justify us in supposing<br \/>\nthat he was any thing more than a sort of factotum of Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\n(see 1519, note).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Leonardo&#8217;s quotations from books and his lists of titles supply<br \/>\nnothing more than a hint as to his occasional literary studies or<br \/>\nrecreations. It was evidently no part of his ambition to be deeply<br \/>\nread (see Nrs. 10, 11, 1159) and he more than once expressly states<br \/>\n(in various passages which will be found in the foregoing sections)<br \/>\nthat he did not recognise the authority of the Ancients, on<br \/>\nscientific questions, which in his day was held paramount.<br \/>\nArchimedes is the sole exception, and Leonardo frankly owns his<br \/>\nadmiration for the illustrious Greek to whose genius his own was so<br \/>\nmuch akin (see No. 1476). All his notes on various authors,<br \/>\nexcepting those which have already been inserted in the previous<br \/>\nsection, have been arranged alphabetically for the sake of<br \/>\nconvenience (1469&#8211;1508).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The passages next in order contain accounts and inventories<br \/>\nprincipally of household property. The publication of these&#8211;often<br \/>\nvery trivial entries&#8211;is only justifiable as proving that the<br \/>\nwealth, the splendid mode of life and lavish expenditure which have<br \/>\nbeen attributed to Leonardo are altogether mythical; unless we put<br \/>\nforward the very improbable hypothesis that these notes as to money<br \/>\nin hand, outlay and receipts, refer throughout to an exceptional<br \/>\nstate of his affairs, viz. when he was short of money.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The memoranda collected at the end (No. 1505&#8211;1565) are, in the<br \/>\noriginal, in the usual writing, from left to right. Besides, the<br \/>\nstyle of the handwriting is at variance with what we should expect<br \/>\nit to be, if really Leonardo himself had written these notes. Most<br \/>\nof them are to be found in juxtaposition with undoubtedly authentic<br \/>\nwriting of his. But this may be easily explained, if we take into<br \/>\naccount the fact, that Leonardo frequently wrote on loose sheets. He<br \/>\nmay therefore have occasionally used paper on which others had made<br \/>\nshort memoranda, for the most part as it would seem, for his use. At<br \/>\nthe end of all I have given Leonardo&#8217;s will from the copy of it<br \/>\npreserved in the Melzi Library. It has already been printed by<br \/>\nAmoretti and by Uzielli. It is not known what has become of the<br \/>\noriginal document.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Memoranda before 1500 (1379-l413).<\/p>\n<p>1379.<\/p>\n<p>Find Longhi and tell him that you wait for him at Rome and will go<br \/>\nwith him to Naples; make you pay the donation [Footnote 2: <em>Libro di<br \/>\nVitolone<\/em> see No. 1506 note.] and take the book by Vitolone, and the<br \/>\nmeasurements of the public buildings. [3] Have two covered boxes<br \/>\nmade to be carried on mules, but bed-covers will be best; this makes<br \/>\nthree, of which you will leave one at Vinci. [4] Obtain<br \/>\nthe&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;.. from Giovanni Lombardo the linen draper of Verona.<br \/>\nBuy handkerchiefs and towels,&#8230;. and shoes, 4 pairs of hose, a<br \/>\njerkin of&#8230; and skins, to make new ones; the lake of Alessandro.<br \/>\n[Footnote: 7 and fol. It would seem from the text that Leonardo<br \/>\nintended to have instructions in painting on paper. It is hardly<br \/>\nnecessary to point out that the Art of illuminating was quite<br \/>\nseparate from that of painting.]<\/p>\n<p>Sell what you cannot take with you. Get from Jean de Paris the<br \/>\nmethod of painting in tempera and the way of making white [Footnote:<br \/>\nThe mysterious looking words, quite distinctly written, in line 1:<br \/>\n<em>ingol, amor a, ilopan a<\/em> and on line 2: <em>enoiganod al<\/em> are<br \/>\nobviously in cipher and the solution is a simple one; by reading<br \/>\nthem backwards we find for <em>ingol<\/em>: logni-probably <em>longi<\/em>,<br \/>\nevidently the name of a person; for <em>amor a<\/em>: <em>a Roma<\/em>, for <em>ilopan<br \/>\na<\/em>: <em>a Napoli<\/em>. Leonardo has done the same in two passages treating<br \/>\non some secrets of his art Nos. 641 and 729, the only other places<br \/>\nin which we find this cipher employed; we may therefore conclude<br \/>\nthat it was for the sake of secrecy that he used it.<\/p>\n<p>There can be no doubt, from the tenor of this passage, that Leonardo<br \/>\nprojected a secret excursion to Naples. Nothing has hitherto been<br \/>\nknown of this journey, but the significance of the passage will be<br \/>\neasily understood by a reference to the following notes, from which<br \/>\nwe may infer that Leonardo really had at the time plans for<br \/>\ntravelling further than Naples. From lines 3, 4 and 7 it is evident<br \/>\nthat he purposed, after selling every thing that was not easily<br \/>\nportable, to leave a chest in the care of his relations at Vinci.<br \/>\nHis luggage was to be packed into two trunks especially adapted for<br \/>\ntransport by mules. The exact meaning of many sentences in the<br \/>\nfollowing notes must necessarily remain obscure. These brief remarks<br \/>\non small and irrelevant affairs and so forth are however of no<br \/>\nhistorical value. The notes referring to the preparations for his<br \/>\njourney are more intelligible.]<br \/>\nsalt, and how to make tinted paper; sheets<br \/>\nof paper folded up; and his box of colours;<br \/>\nlearn to work flesh colours in tempera,<br \/>\nlearn to dissolve gum lac, linseed<br \/>\n&#8230; white, of the garlic of Piacenza; take &#8216;de Ponderibus&#8217;; take the works of<br \/>\nLeonardo of Cremona. Remove the small<br \/>\nfurnace &#8230; seed of lilies and of&#8230; Sell the<br \/>\nboards of the support. Make him who stole it,<br \/>\ngive you the &#8230; learn levelling and how<br \/>\nmuch soil a man can dig out in a day.<\/p>\n<p>C.19b]<\/p>\n<p>1380.<\/p>\n<p>This was done by Leone in the<br \/>\npiazza of the castle with a chain<br \/>\nand an arrow.<br \/>\n[Footnote: This note must have been made in Milan;<br \/>\nas we know from the date of the MS.]<\/p>\n<p>B. 50b]<\/p>\n<p>1381.<\/p>\n<p>NAMES OF ENGINEERS.<\/p>\n<p>Callias of Rhodes, Epimachus the Athenian,<br \/>\nDiogenes, a philosopher, of Rhodes,<br \/>\nCalcedonius of Thrace, Febar of Tyre,<br \/>\nCallimachus the architect, a master of fires.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Callias, Architect of Aradus, mentioned<br \/>\nby Vitruvius (X, 16, 5).&#8211;Epimachus, of Athens,<br \/>\ninvented a battering-enginee for Demetrius Poliorketes<br \/>\n(Vitruvius X, 16, 4).&#8211;Callimachus, the inventor of<br \/>\nthe Corinthian capital (Vitr. IV, I, 9), and of the<\/p>\n<p>method of boring marble (Paus. I, 26, 7), was also<br \/>\nfamous for his casts in bronze (Plin. XXXIV,<br \/>\n8, 19). He invented a lamp for the temple of<br \/>\nAthene Polias, on the Acropolis of Athens (Paus.<br \/>\nI, 26, 7)&#8211;The other names, here mentioned, cannot<br \/>\nbe identified.]<\/p>\n<p>Ash. II. 13b]<\/p>\n<p>1382.<\/p>\n<p>Ask maestro Lodovico for &#8216;the conduits<br \/>\nof water&#8217;.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Condotti d&#8217;acqua. Possibly a book, a MS. or<br \/>\na map.]<\/p>\n<p>F1. Uff.]<\/p>\n<p>1383.<\/p>\n<p>&#8230; at Pistoja, Fioravante di Domenico at<br \/>\nFlorence is my most beloved friend, as though<br \/>\nhe were my [brother].<br \/>\n[Footnote: On the same sheet is the text No. 663.]<\/p>\n<p>*** from previous page?***<br \/>\nII. &#8216;De Ponderibus&#8217;. A large number of Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nnotes bear this superscription. Compare No. 1436, 3.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. III. 1b]<\/p>\n<p>1384.<\/p>\n<p>On the 16th day of July.<\/p>\n<p>Caterina came on 16th day of July, 1493.<\/p>\n<p>Messer Mariolo&#8217;s Morel the Florentin, has a<br \/>\nbig horse with a fine neck and a beautiful head.<\/p>\n<p>The white stallion belonging to the falconer<br \/>\nhas fine hind quarters; it is behind the<br \/>\nComasina Gate.<\/p>\n<p>The big horse of Cermonino, of Signor<br \/>\nGiulio.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Compare Nos. 1522 and 1517. Caterina<br \/>\nseems to have been his housekeeper.]<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. III. 30a]<\/p>\n<p>1385.<\/p>\n<p>OF THE INSTRUMENT.<\/p>\n<p>Any one who spends one ducat may take<br \/>\nthe instrument; and he will not pay more than<br \/>\nhalf a ducat as a premium to the inventor of<br \/>\nthe instrument and one grosso to the workman<br \/>\nevery year. I do not want sub-officials.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Refers perhaps to the regulation of the<br \/>\nwater in the canals.]<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. III. 55a]<\/p>\n<p>1386.<\/p>\n<p>Maestro Giuliano da Marliano has a fine<br \/>\nherbal. He lives opposite to Strami the<br \/>\nCarpenters.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Compare No. 616, note. 4. legnamiere<br \/>\n(milanese dialect) = legnajuolo.]<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. III. 94a]<\/p>\n<p>1387.<\/p>\n<p>Christofano da Castiglione who lives at<br \/>\nthe Pieta has a fine head.<\/p>\n<p>C.A. 328a 980a]<\/p>\n<p>1388.<\/p>\n<p>Work of &#8230; of the stable of Galeazzo;<br \/>\nby the road of Brera [Footnote 4: Brera, see No. 1448, II, 13]; benefice of Stanghe [Footnote 5:Stanghe,<br \/>\nsee No. 1509.]; benefice of Porta Nuova; benefice<br \/>\nof Monza; Indaco&#8217;s mistake; give first the<br \/>\nbenefices; then the works; then ingratitude,<br \/>\nindignity and lamentations.<\/p>\n<p>H.3 47b]<\/p>\n<p>1389.<\/p>\n<p>Chiliarch&#8211;captain of 1000.<\/p>\n<p>Prefects&#8211;captains.<\/p>\n<p>A legion, six thousand and sixty three men.<\/p>\n<p>H.2 14b]<\/p>\n<p>1390.<\/p>\n<p>A nun lives at La Colomba at Cremona;<br \/>\nshe works good straw plait, and a friar of<br \/>\nSaint Francis.[Footnote: La Colomba is to this day the name of a small house at Cremona, decorated with frescoes.]<\/p>\n<p>H.2 46a]<\/p>\n<p>1391.<\/p>\n<p>Needle,&#8211;Niccolao,&#8211;thread,&#8211;Ferrando,<br \/>\n-lacopo Andrea,&#8211;canvas,&#8211;stone,&#8211;colours,<br \/>\n-brushes,-pallet,-sponge,-the panel<br \/>\nof the Duke.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 7a]<\/p>\n<p>1392.<\/p>\n<p>Messer Gian Domenico Mezzabarba and<br \/>\nMesser Giovanni Franceso Mezzabarba. By<br \/>\nthe side of Messer Piero d&#8217;Anghiera.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. II.2 7b]<\/p>\n<p>1393.<\/p>\n<p>Conte Francesco Torello.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. II.2 12a]<\/p>\n<p>1394.<\/p>\n<p>Giuliano Trombetta,&#8211;Antonio di Ferrara,<br \/>\n&#8211;Oil of &#8230;.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Near this text is the sketch of a head drawn in red chalk.]<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. II.2 20a]<\/p>\n<p>1395.<\/p>\n<p>Paul was snatched up to heaven.<br \/>\n[Footnote: See the facsimile of this note on<br \/>\nPl.XXIII No. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. II.2 22a]<\/p>\n<p>1396.<\/p>\n<p>Giuliano da Maria, physician, has a steward<br \/>\nwithout hands.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. II.2 27a]<\/p>\n<p>1397.<\/p>\n<p>Have some ears of corn of large size sent<br \/>\nfrom Florence.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 52a]<\/p>\n<p>1398.<\/p>\n<p>See the bedstead at Santa Maria.<br \/>\nSecret.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 53a]<\/p>\n<p>1399.<\/p>\n<p>Arrigo is to have 11 gold Ducats.<br \/>\nArrigo is to have 4 gold ducats in the<br \/>\nmiddle of August.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 63a]<\/p>\n<p>1400.<\/p>\n<p>Give your master the instance of a<br \/>\ncaptain who does not himself win the<br \/>\nvictory, but the soldiers do by his counsels;<br \/>\nand so he still deserves the reward.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 68a]<\/p>\n<p>1401.<\/p>\n<p>Messer Pier Antonio.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 69a]<\/p>\n<p>1402.<\/p>\n<p>Oil,&#8211;yellow,&#8211;Ambrosio,&#8211;the mouth,<br \/>\n&#8211;the farmhouse.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 78b]<\/p>\n<p>1403.<\/p>\n<p>My dear Alessandro from Parma, by the<br \/>\nhand of &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 78b]<\/p>\n<p>1404.<\/p>\n<p>Giovannina, has a fantastic face,&#8211;is at<br \/>\nSanta Caterina, at the Hospital.[Footnote: Compare the text on the same page: No. 667.]<\/p>\n<p>I.2 IIa]<\/p>\n<p>1405.<\/p>\n<p>24 tavole make 1 perch.<br \/>\n4 trabochi make 1 tavola.<br \/>\n4 braccia and a half make a trabocco.<br \/>\nA perch contains 1936 square braccia,<br \/>\nor 1944.<\/p>\n<p>I.2 70b]<\/p>\n<p>1406.<\/p>\n<p>The road of Messer Mariolo is 13 1\/4 braccia<br \/>\nwide; the House of Evangelista is 75.<\/p>\n<p>It enters 7&#8217;\/2 braccia in the house of Mariolo.<br \/>\n[Footnote: On this page and that which faces it,<br \/>\nMS.I2 7la, are two diagrams with numerous reference<br \/>\nnumbers, evidently relating to the measurements of<br \/>\na street.]<\/p>\n<p>I.2 72b]<\/p>\n<p>1407.<\/p>\n<p>I ask at what part of its curved motion<br \/>\nthe moving cause will leave the thing<br \/>\nmoved and moveable.<\/p>\n<p>Speak to Pietro Monti of these methods<br \/>\nof throwing spears.<\/p>\n<p>I.2 87a]<\/p>\n<p>1408.<\/p>\n<p>Antonio de&#8217; Risi is at the council of<br \/>\nJustice.<\/p>\n<p>I.1 28a]<\/p>\n<p>1409.<\/p>\n<p>Paolo said that no machine that moves<br \/>\nanother &#8230;[Footnote: The passage, of which, the beginning<br \/>\nis here given, deals with questions in mechanics.<br \/>\nThe instances in which Leonardo quotes the<br \/>\nopinions of his contemporaries on scientific matters<br \/>\nare so rare as to be worth noticing. Compare<br \/>\nNo. 901. ]<\/p>\n<p>W.P.7.]<\/p>\n<p>1410.<\/p>\n<p>Caravaggio.[Footnote:Caravaggio, a village not far from the Adda between Milan and Brescia, where Polidoro and<br \/>\nMichelangelo da Caravaggio were born. This note is given<br \/>\nin facsimile on Pl. XIII, No. I (above, to the left).<br \/>\nOn Pl. XIII, No. 2 above to the right we read<br \/>\ncerovazo.]<\/p>\n<p>W.A.II.5b]<\/p>\n<p>1411.<\/p>\n<p>Pulleys,&#8211;nails,&#8211;rope,&#8211;mercury,&#8211;cloth,<br \/>\nMonday.<\/p>\n<p>W.A.II.202b]<\/p>\n<p>1412.<\/p>\n<p>MEMORANDUM.<\/p>\n<p>Maghino, Speculus of Master Giovanni<br \/>\nthe Frenchman; Galenus on utility.<\/p>\n<p>W.X.]<\/p>\n<p>1413.<\/p>\n<p>Near to Cordusio is Pier Antonio da<br \/>\nTossano and his brother Serafino.<br \/>\n[Footnote: This note is written between lines 23 and<br \/>\n24 of the text No. 710. Corduso, Cordusio (curia<br \/>\nducis) = Cordus in the Milanese dialect, is the name<br \/>\nof a Piazza between the Via del Broletto and the<br \/>\nPiazza de&#8217; Mercanti at Milan.. In the time of il<br \/>\nMoro it was the centre of the town. The persons<br \/>\nhere named were members of the noble Milanese<br \/>\nfamily de&#8217;Fossani; Ambrogio da Possano, the con-<br \/>\ntemporary painter, had no connection with them.]<\/p>\n<p>1414.<br \/>\nL. o&#8217;]<\/p>\n<p>Memoranda<br \/>\nafter 1500<br \/>\n(1414&#8211;1434)<\/p>\n<p>1414.<\/p>\n<p>Paul of Vannochio at Siena &#8230;<br \/>\nThe upper chamber for the apostles.<\/p>\n<p>[4] Buildings by Bramante.<br \/>\nThe governor of the castle made a<br \/>\nprisoner.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 6: Visconti. Chi fosse quel Visconte non sapremmo indovinare fra tanti di questo nome. Arluno narra che allora atterrate furono le case de&#8217; Viconti, de&#8217; Castiglioni, de&#8217; Sanseverini, e de&#8217; Botta e non e improbabile che ne fossero insultati e morti i padroni. Molti Visconti annovera lo<br \/>\nstesso Cronista che per essersi rallegrati del ritorno del duca in Milano furono da Francesi arrestati, e strascinati in&#8211;Francia come prigionieri di stato; e fra questi Messer Francesco Visconti, e suo figliuolo Battista. (AMORETTI, Mem. Stor. XIX.). Visconti carried away and his son killed.<\/p>\n<p>Giovanni della Rosa deprived of his money.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 8: Borgonzio o Brugonzio Botta fu regolatore delle ducali entrate sotto il Moro, alla cui fuga la casa sua fu pur messa a sacco da&#8217; partitanti francesi. (AMORETTI, 1. c.)] Borgonzio began &#8230;; and moreover<br \/>\nhis fortunes fled.<\/p>\n<p>The Duke has lost the state, property<br \/>\nand liberty and none of his entreprises was<br \/>\ncarried out by him.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 1: 4&#8211;10 This passage evidently refers to<br \/>\nevents in Milan at the time of the overthrow of<br \/>\nLudovico il Moro. Amoretti published it in the<br \/>\n&#8216;Memorie Storiche&#8217; and added copious notes.]<\/p>\n<p>L. Ia]<\/p>\n<p>1415.<\/p>\n<p>Ambrosio Petri, St. Mark, 4 boards for<br \/>\nthe window, 2 &#8230;, 3 the saints of<br \/>\nchapels, 5 the Genoese at home.<\/p>\n<p>L. Ib]<\/p>\n<p>1416.<\/p>\n<p>Piece of tapestry,-pair of compasses,&#8211;<br \/>\nTommaso&#8217;s book,&#8211;the book of Giovanni<br \/>\nBenci,&#8211;the box in the custom-house,&#8211;to cut<br \/>\nthe cloth,&#8211;the sword-belt,&#8211;to sole the boots,<br \/>\n&#8211;a light hat,&#8211;the cane from the ruined<br \/>\nhouses,&#8211;the debt for the table linen,<br \/>\n&#8211;swimming-belt,&#8211;a book of white paper for<br \/>\ndrawing,&#8211;charcoal.&#8211;How much is a florin &#8230;.<br \/>\na leather bodice.<\/p>\n<p>L.2a]<\/p>\n<p>1417.<\/p>\n<p>Borges [Footnote: Borges. A Spanish name.] shall get for you the Archimedes from the bishop of Padua, and Vitellozzo the one from Borgo a San Sepolcro [Footnote: Borgo a San Sepolcro, where Luca Paciolo, Leonardo&#8217;s friend, was born.]<br \/>\nL. 30b]<\/p>\n<p>1418.<\/p>\n<p>Marzocco&#8217;s tablet.<\/p>\n<p>L. o&#8221;]<\/p>\n<p>1419.<\/p>\n<p>Marcello lives in the house of Giacomo<br \/>\nda Mengardino.<\/p>\n<p>Br. M. 202b]<\/p>\n<p>1420.<\/p>\n<p>Where is Valentino? [Footnote: Valentino. Cesare Borgia is probably meant. After being made Archbishop of Valence by Alexander VI he was commonly called Valentinus<br \/>\nor Valentino. With reference to Leonardo&#8217;s engagements by him see pp. 224 and 243, note.]&#8211;boots,&#8211;boxes in<br \/>\nthe custom-house &#8230;,&#8211; [Footnote: Carmine. A church and monastery at Florence.] the monk at the<br \/>\nCarmine,&#8211;squares,&#8211;[Footnotes 7 an 8: Martelli, Borgherini; names of Florentine families. See No. 4.] Piero Martelli,&#8211;[8] Salvi Borgherini,&#8211;send back the bags,&#8211;a support for the spectacles,&#8211;[Footnote 11: San Gallo; possibly Giuliano da San Gallo, the Florentine architect.] the nude study of San Gallo,&#8211;the cloak.<br \/>\nPorphyry,&#8211;groups,&#8211;square,&#8211;[Footnote 16: Pandolfini, see No. 1544 note.] Pandolfino.<\/p>\n<p>1421.<\/p>\n<p>Concave mirrors; philosophy of Aristotle;[Footnote:Filosofia d&#8217;Aristotele see No. 1481 note.][Footnote 2: Avicenna (Leonardo here writes it Avinega) the Arab philosopher, 980-1037, for centuries the unimpeachable authority on all medical questions.<br \/>\nLeonardo possibly points here to a printed edition:<br \/>\nAvicennae canonum libri V, latine 1476 Patavis.<br \/>\nOther editions are, Padua 1479, and Venice 1490.] the books of Avicenna Italian and Latin vocabulary; Messer Ottaviano Palavicino or his Vitruvius [Footnote 3: Vitruvius. See Vol. I, No. 343 note.].<br \/>\nbohemian knives; Vitruvius[Footnote 6: Vitruvius. See Vol. I, No. 343 note.]; go every Saturday to the<br \/>\nhot bath where you will see naked men;<\/p>\n<p>Meteora&#8217; [Footnote 7: See No. 1448, 25.],<\/p>\n<p>Archimedes, on the centre of gravity [Footnote 9: The works of Archimedes were not printed during Leonardo&#8217;s life-time.]; anatomy [Footnote 10: Compare No. 1494.] Alessandro Benedetto; The Dante of Niccolo della Croce; Inflate the lungs of a pig and observe whether they increase in width and in length, or in width<br \/>\ndiminishing in length.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 14: Johannes Marliani sua etate philosophorum et medicorum principis et ducala phisic. primi de proportione motuum velocitate questio subtilissima incipit ex ejusdem Marliani originali feliciter extracta, M(ilano) 1482.<\/p>\n<p>Another work by him has the title: Marlianus<br \/>\nmediolanensis. Questio de caliditate corporum humanorum<br \/>\ntempore hiemis ed estatis et de antiparistasi ad celebrem<br \/>\nphilosophorum et medicorum universitatem ticinensem. 1474.] Marliano, on Calculation, to Bertuccio. Albertus, on heaven and earth [Footnote 15: See No. 1469, 1. 7.], [from the monk Bernardino]. Horace has written on the movements of the heavens.<\/p>\n<p>F. 27b]<\/p>\n<p>1422.<\/p>\n<p>Of the three regular bodies as opposed to<br \/>\nsome commentators who disparage the Ancients,<br \/>\nwho were the originators of grammar<br \/>\nand the sciences and &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>W. An. III 217a (G)]<\/p>\n<p>1423.<\/p>\n<p>The room in the tower of Vaneri.<br \/>\n[Footnote:  This note is written inside the sketch of a<br \/>\nplan of a house. On the same page is the date<br \/>\n1513 (see No. 1376).]<\/p>\n<p>1424.<\/p>\n<p>The figures you will have to reserve for<br \/>\nthe last book on shadows that they may appear<br \/>\nin the study of Gerardo the illuminator at San<br \/>\nMarco at Florence.<\/p>\n<p>[Go to see Melzo, and the Ambassador,<br \/>\nand Maestro Bernardo].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: L. 1-3 are in the original written between<br \/>\nlines 3 and 4 of No. 292. But the sense is not clear<br \/>\nin this connection. It is scarcely possible to devine<br \/>\nthe meaning of the following sentence.<\/p>\n<p>*2. 3. _Gherardo_ Miniatore, a famous illuminator,<br \/>\n1445-1497, to whom Vasari dedicated a section of<br \/>\nhis Lives (Vol. II pp. 237-243, ed. Sansoni 1879).<\/p>\n<p>*5. _Bernardo_, possibly the painter Bernardo Zenale.]<\/p>\n<p>1425.<\/p>\n<p>Hermes the philosopher.<\/p>\n<p>1426.<\/p>\n<p>Suisset, viz. calculator,&#8211;Tisber,<br \/>\n&#8211;Angelo Fossobron,&#8211;Alberto.<\/p>\n<p>1427.<\/p>\n<p>The structure of the drawbridge shown me<br \/>\nby Donnino, and why <em>c<\/em> and <em>d<\/em> thrust downwards.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The sketch on the same page as this text<br \/>\nrepresents two poles one across the other. At the<br \/>\nends of the longest are the letter <em>c<\/em> and <em>d<\/em>. The<br \/>\nsense of the passage is not rendered any clearer.]<\/p>\n<p>1428.<\/p>\n<p>The great bird will take its first flight;&#8211;<br \/>\non the back of his great swan,&#8211;filling<br \/>\nthe universe with wonders; filling all writings<br \/>\nwith his fame and bringing eternal glory to<br \/>\nhis birthplace.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This seems to be a speculation about the<br \/>\nflying machine (compare p. 271).]<\/p>\n<p>1429.<\/p>\n<p>This stratagem was used by the Gauls<br \/>\nagainst the Romans, and so great a mortality<br \/>\nensued that all Rome was dressed in mourning.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Leonardo perhaps alludes to the Gauls under<br \/>\nBrennus, who laid his sword in the scale when the<br \/>\ntribute was weighed.]<br \/>\n 1430.<\/p>\n<p>Alberto da Imola;&#8211;Algebra, that is,<br \/>\nthe demonstration of the equality of one thing<br \/>\nto another.<\/p>\n<p>1431.<\/p>\n<p>Johannes Rubicissa e Robbia.<\/p>\n<p>1432.<\/p>\n<p>Ask the wife of Biagio Crivelli how the<br \/>\ncapon nurtures and hatches the eggs of<br \/>\nthe hen,&#8211;he being drunk.<\/p>\n<p>1433.<\/p>\n<p>The book on Water to Messer Marco<br \/>\nAntonio.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Possibly Marc-Antonio della Torre, see<br \/>\np. 97.]<\/p>\n<p>1434.<\/p>\n<p>Have Avicenna&#8217;s work on useful inventions<br \/>\ntranslated; spectacles with the case, steel<br \/>\nand fork and&#8230;., charcoal, boards, and<br \/>\npaper, and chalk and white, and wax;&#8230;.<br \/>\n&#8230;. for glass, a saw for bones with fine<br \/>\nteeth, a chisel, inkstand &#8230;&#8230;.. three<br \/>\nherbs, and Agnolo Benedetto. Get a skull,<br \/>\nnut,&#8211;mustard.<\/p>\n<p>Boots,&#8211;gloves, socks, combs, papers,<br \/>\ntowels, shirts,&#8230;. shoe-tapes,&#8211;&#8230;..<br \/>\nshoes, penknife, pens. A skin for the<br \/>\nchest.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 4. Lapis. Compare Condivi, <em>Vita di Michelagnolo<br \/>\nBuonarotti<\/em>, Chap. XVIII.: <em>Ma egli<\/em> (Michelangelo)<br \/>\n<em>non avendo che mostrare, prese una penna (percioche<br \/>\nin quel tempo il lapis non era in uso) e con tal<br \/>\nleggiadria gli dipinse una mano ecc.<\/em> The incident is<br \/>\nof the year l496.&#8211;Lapis means pencil, and chalk<br \/>\n(<em>matita<\/em>). Between lines 7 and 8 are the texts given<br \/>\nas Nos. 819 and No. 7.]<\/p>\n<p>Undated memoranda<br \/>\n(1435-1457).<\/p>\n<p>1435.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Piero Crescenze,&#8211;studies<br \/>\nfrom the nude by Giovanni Ambrosio,&#8211;compasses,<br \/>\n&#8211;the book of Giovanni Giacomo.<br \/>\n 1436.<\/p>\n<p>MEMORARDUM.<\/p>\n<p>To make some provisions for my garden,<br \/>\n&#8211;Giordano, <em>De Ponderibus<\/em>[Footnote 3: <em>Giordano<\/em>.<br \/>\nJordanus Nemorarius, a mathematician<br \/>\nof the beginning of the XIIIth century.<br \/>\nNo particulars of his life are known. The title<br \/>\nof his principal work is: <em>Arithmetica decem libris demonstrata<\/em>,<br \/>\nfirst published at Paris 1496. In 1523 appeared<br \/>\nat Nuremberg: <em>Liber *Jordani Nemorarii de<br \/>\nponderibus, propositiones XIII et earundem demonstrationes,<br \/>\nmultarumque rerum rationes sane pulcherrimas<br \/>\ncomplectens, nunc in lucem editus.<\/em>],&#8211;the peacemaker,<br \/>\nthe flow and ebb of the sea,&#8211;have two<br \/>\nbaggage trunks made, look to Beltraffio&#8217;s [Footnote 6:<br \/>\n<em>Beltraffio<\/em>, see No. 465, note 2.<\/p>\n<p>There are sketches by the side of lines 8<br \/>\nand 10.] lathe<br \/>\nand have taken the stone,&#8211;out leave the books<br \/>\nbelonging to Messer Andrea the German,&#8211;<br \/>\nmake scales of a long reed and weigh the<br \/>\nsubstance when hot and again when cold.<br \/>\nThe mirror of Master Luigi; <em>A b<\/em> the flow<br \/>\nand ebb of the water is shown at the mill<br \/>\nof Vaprio,&#8211;a cap.<\/p>\n<p>1437.<\/p>\n<p>Giovanni Fabre,&#8211;Lazaro del Volpe,&#8211;<br \/>\nthe common,&#8211;Ser Piero.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: These names are inserted on a plan of<br \/>\nplots of land adjoining the Arno.]<\/p>\n<p>1438.<\/p>\n<p>[Lactantius], [the book of Benozzo],<br \/>\ngroups, to bind the book,&#8211;a lantern,&#8211;Ser<br \/>\nPecantino,&#8211;Pandolfino.&#8211;[Rosso]&#8211;a square,<br \/>\n&#8211;small knives,&#8211;carriages,&#8211;curry combs&#8211;<br \/>\ncup.<\/p>\n<p>1439.<\/p>\n<p>Quadrant of Carlo Marmocchi,&#8211;Messer<br \/>\nFrancesco Araldo,&#8211;Ser Benedetto d&#8217;Accie<br \/>\nperello,&#8211;Benedetto on arithmetic,&#8211;Maestro<br \/>\nPaulo, physician,&#8211;Domenico di Michelino,&#8211;<br \/>\n&#8230;&#8230; of the Alberti,&#8211;Messer Giovanni<br \/>\nArgimboldi.<br \/>\n 1440.<\/p>\n<p>Colours, formula,&#8211;Archimedes,&#8211;Marcantonio.<\/p>\n<p>Tinned iron,&#8211;pierced iron.<\/p>\n<p>1441.<\/p>\n<p>See the shop that was formerly Bartolommeo&#8217;s,<br \/>\nthe stationer.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: 6. <em>Marc Antonio<\/em>, see No. 1433.]<\/p>\n<p>1442.<\/p>\n<p>The first book is by Michele di Francesco<br \/>\nNabini; it treats on science.<\/p>\n<p>1443.<\/p>\n<p>Messer Francesco, physician of Lucca,<br \/>\nwith the Cardinal Farnese.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Alessandro Farnese<\/em>, afterwards Pope Paul III<br \/>\nwas created in 1493 Cardinal di San Cosimo e San<br \/>\nDamiano, by Alexander VI.]<\/p>\n<p>1444.<\/p>\n<p>Pandolfino&#8217;s book [Footnote 1: <em>Pandolfino, Agnolo<\/em>, of Florence. It is to<br \/>\nthis day doubtful whether he or L. B. Alberti was<br \/>\nthe author of the famous work &#8216;<em>Del Governo della<br \/>\nFamiglia<\/em>&#8216;. It is the more probable that Leonardo<br \/>\nshould have meant this work by the words <em>il libro<\/em>,<br \/>\nbecause no other book is known to have been<br \/>\nwritten by Pandolfino. This being the case this allusion<br \/>\nof Leonardo&#8217;s is an important evidence in<br \/>\nfavour of Pandolfino&#8217;s authorship (compare No. 1454,<br \/>\nline 3).],&#8211;knives,&#8211;a pen<br \/>\nfor ruling,&#8211;to have the vest dyed,&#8211;The<br \/>\nlibrary at St.-Mark&#8217;s,&#8211;The library at Santo<br \/>\nSpirito,&#8211;Lactantius of the Daldi [Footnote 7: The works of Lactantius were published<br \/>\nvery often in Italy during Leonardo&#8217;s lifetime. The<br \/>\nfirst edition published in 1465 &#8220;<em>in monastero<br \/>\nsublacensi<\/em>&#8221; was also the first book printed in<br \/>\nItaly.],&#8211;Antonio<br \/>\nCovoni,&#8211;A book by Maestro Paolo Infermieri,<br \/>\n&#8211;Boots, shoes and hose,&#8211;(Shell)lac,<br \/>\n&#8211;An apprentice to do the models for me.<br \/>\nGrammar, by Lorenzo de Medici,&#8211;Giovanni<br \/>\ndel Sodo,&#8211;Sansovino, [Footnote 15: <em>Sansovino<\/em>, Andrea&#8211;the <em>sculptor<\/em>; 1460-1529.]&#8211;a ruler,&#8211;a very<br \/>\nsharp knife,&#8211;Spectacles,&#8211;fractions&#8230;.,<br \/>\n&#8211;repair&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;,&#8211;Tomaso&#8217;s book,&#8211;<br \/>\nMichelagnolo&#8217;s little chain; Learn the multiplication<br \/>\nof roots from Maestro Luca;&#8211;my<br \/>\nmap of the world which Giovanni Benci<br \/>\nhas [Footnote 25: Leonardo here probably alludes to the map,<br \/>\nnot executed by him (See p. 224), which is with the<br \/>\ncollection of his MSS. at Windsor, and was published<br \/>\nin the <em>Archaeologia<\/em> Vol. XI (see p. 224).];-Socks,&#8211;clothes from the customhouse<br \/>\n&#8211;officier,&#8211;Red Cordova leather,&#8211;The<br \/>\nmap of the world, of Giovanni Benci,&#8211;a<br \/>\nprint, the districts about Milan&#8211;Market book.<br \/>\n 1445.<\/p>\n<p>In that at Pavia the movement is more<br \/>\nto be admired than any thing else.<\/p>\n<p>The imitation of antique work is better<br \/>\nthan that of the modern things.<\/p>\n<p>Beauty and utility cannot exist together,<br \/>\nas seen in fortresses and in men.<\/p>\n<p>The trot is almost the nature of the free<br \/>\nhorse.<\/p>\n<p>Where natural vivacity is lacking it must<br \/>\nbe supplied by art.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Quel di Pavia_. <em>Pavia<\/em> is possibly a clerical<br \/>\nerror for <em>Padua<\/em>, and if so the meaning of the passage<br \/>\nis easily arrived at: <em>Quel di Padua<\/em> would be<br \/>\nthe bronze equestrian statue of Gattamelata, on the<br \/>\nPiazza del Santo at Padua executed by Donatelle in<br \/>\n1443 (see pp. 2 and 3).]<\/p>\n<p>1446.<\/p>\n<p>Salvadore, the matress maker, lives on the<br \/>\nPiazza di Sant&#8217; Andrea, you enter by the furrier&#8217;s.<\/p>\n<p>1447.<\/p>\n<p>Monsignore de&#8217; Pazzi,&#8211;Ser Antonio Pacini.<\/p>\n<p>1448.<\/p>\n<p>An algebra, which the Marliani have,<br \/>\nwritten by their father, [Footnote 1:<br \/>\n<em>Marliani<\/em>, an old Milanese family, now<br \/>\nextinct.]&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>On the bone, by the Marliani,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>On the bone which penetrates, Gian Giacomo<br \/>\nof Bellinzona, to draw out the nail with<br \/>\nfacility,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The measurement of Boccalino,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The measurement of Milan and the suburbs,<br \/>\n[Footnote 5: *21. See Pl. CIX and No. 1016.]&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>A book, treating of Milan and its churches<br \/>\nwhich is to be had at the last stationer&#8217;s<br \/>\non the way to Corduso [Footnote 6: <em>Corduso<\/em>, see No. 1413, note.],&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The measurement of the Corte Vecchia,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The measurement of the Castle,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Get the master of arithmetic to show you<br \/>\nhow to square a&#8230;.,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Get Messer Fazio to show you [the book]<br \/>\non proportion,&#8211;<br \/>\n Get the Friar di Brera to show you [the<br \/>\nbook] &#8216;<em>de Ponderibus<\/em>&#8216; [*11],&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Of the measurement of San Lorenzo,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>I lent certain groups to Fra Filippo de<br \/>\nBrera, [*13]&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Memorandum: to ask Maestro Giovannino<br \/>\nas to the mode in which the tower of<br \/>\nFerrara is walled without loopholes,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Ask Maestro Antonio how mortars are<br \/>\nplaced on bastions by day or by night,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Ask Benedetto Portinari how the people<br \/>\ngo on the ice in Flanders,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>On proportions by Alchino, with notes<br \/>\nby Marliano, from Messer Fazio,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The measurement of the sun, promised me<br \/>\nby Maestro Giovanni, the Frenchman,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The cross bow of Maestro Gianetto,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The book by Giovanni Taverna that<br \/>\nMesser Fazio,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>You will draw Milan [21],&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The measurement of the canal, locks and<br \/>\nsupports, and large boats; and the expense,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Plan of Milan [Footnote 23: <em>Fondamento<\/em> is commonly used by Leonardo to<br \/>\nmean ground-plan. See for instance p. 53.],&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Groups by Bramante [Footnote 24: <em>Gruppi<\/em>. See Vol. I p. 355, No. 600, note 9.],&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The book on celestial phenomena by<br \/>\nAristoteles, in Italian [Footnote 25: <em>Meteora<\/em>. By this Leonardo means no doubt<br \/>\nthe four books *. He must refer<br \/>\nhere to a MS. translation, as no Italian translation<br \/>\nis known to have been published (see No. 1477<br \/>\nnote).],&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Try to get Vitolone, which is in the<br \/>\nlibrary at Pavia [Footnote 26: <em>Vitolone<\/em> see No. 1506, note.<\/p>\n<p><em>Libreria di Pavia<\/em>. One of the most famous of<br \/>\nItalian libraries. After the victory of Novara in<br \/>\nApril 1500, Louis XII had it conveyed to France,<br \/>\n&#8216;<em>come trofeo di vittoria<\/em>&#8216;!] and which treats of<br \/>\nMathematics,&#8211;He had a master [learned] in<br \/>\nwaterworks and get him to explain the repairs<br \/>\nand the costs, and a lock and a canal and<br \/>\na mill in the Lombard fashion.<\/p>\n<p>A grandson of Gian Angelo&#8217;s, the painter<br \/>\nhas a book on water which was his fathers.<\/p>\n<p>Paolino Scarpellino, called Assiolo has<br \/>\ngreat knowledge of water works.<\/p>\n<p>1449.<\/p>\n<p>Francesco d&#8217;Antonio at Florence.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>\n<ol>\n<li>[Footnote: <em>Brera<\/em>, now _Palazzo delle Scienze ed Arti.<br \/>\nUntil 1571 it was the monastery of the order of the<br \/>\nUmiliati and afterwards of the Jesuits.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p><em>De ponderibus<\/em>, compare No. 1436, 3.]<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>[Footnote: <em>Sco Lorenzo<\/em>. A church at Milan, see pp. 39,<br \/>\n40 and 50.]<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>*13. 24. [Footnote: _Gruppi_. See Vol. I p. 355, No. 600, note 9.]<\/p>\n<p>*16. [Footnote: The _Portinari_ were one of the great merchant-<br \/>\nfamilies of Florence.]<br \/>\n 1450.<\/p>\n<p>Giuliano Condi[*1],&#8211;Tomaso Ridolf1,&#8211;<br \/>\nTomaso Paganelli,&#8211;Nicolo delNero,&#8211;Simone<br \/>\nZasti,&#8211;Nasi,&#8211;the heir of Lionardo Manelli,<br \/>\n&#8211;Guglielmo di Ser Martino,&#8211;Bartolomeo<br \/>\ndel Tovaglia,&#8211;Andrea Arrigucci,&#8211;<br \/>\nNicolo Capponi,&#8211;Giovanni Portinari.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: I. <em>Guiliano Gondi<\/em>. Ser Piero da Vinci,<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s father, lived till 1480, in a house belonging<br \/>\nto Giuliano Gondi. In 1498 this was pulled<br \/>\ndown to make room for the fine Palazzo built on<br \/>\nthe Piazza San Firenze by Giuliano di San Gallo,<br \/>\nwhich still exists. In the <em>Riassunto del Catasto di Ser<br \/>\nPiero da Vinci<\/em>, 1480, Leonardo is not mentioned; it<br \/>\nis evident therefore that he was living elsewhere. It<br \/>\nmay be noticed incidentally that in the <em>Catasto di<br \/>\nGiuliano Gondi<\/em> of the same year the following mention<br \/>\nis made of his four eldest sons:<\/p>\n<p>_Lionardo mio figliuolo d&#8217;eta d&#8217;anni 29, non fa nulla,<br \/>\nGiovambatista d&#8217;eta d&#8217;anni 28 in Ghostantinopoli,<br \/>\nBillichozo d&#8217;eta d&#8217;anni 24 a Napoli,<br \/>\nSimone d&#8217;eta d&#8217;anni 23 in Ungheria.<\/p>\n<p>He himself was a merchant of gold filigree (<em>facciamo<br \/>\nlavorare una bottegha d&#8217;arte di seta &#8230; facciamo<br \/>\nun pocho di trafico a Napoli<\/em>}, As he was 59 years<br \/>\nold in 1480, he certainly would not have been alive<br \/>\nat the time of Leonardo&#8217;s death. But Leonardo must<br \/>\nhave been on intimate terms with the family till the<br \/>\nend of his life, for in a letter dated June 1. 1519,<br \/>\nin which Fr. Melzi, writing from Amboise, announces<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s death to Giuliano da Vinci at Florence<br \/>\n(see p. 284), he says at the end &#8220;<em>Datemene risposta per<br \/>\ni Gondi<\/em>&#8221; (see UZIELLI, <em>Ricerche<\/em>, passim).<\/p>\n<p>Most of the other names on the list are those<br \/>\nof well-known Florentine families.]<\/p>\n<p>1451.<\/p>\n<p>Pandolfino.<\/p>\n<p>1452.<\/p>\n<p>Vespuccio will give me a book of Geometry.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See No. 844, note, p. 130.]<\/p>\n<p>1453.<\/p>\n<p>Marcantonio Colonna at Santi Apostoli.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In July 1506 Pope Julius II gave Donna<br \/>\nLucrezia della Rovere, the daughter of his sister<br \/>\nLucchina, in marriage to the youthful Marcantonio<br \/>\nColonna, who, like his brothers Prospero and<br \/>\nFabrizio, became one of the most famous Captains<br \/>\nof his family. He gave to him Frascati<br \/>\nand made him a present of the palazzo he had<br \/>\nbuilt, when Cardinal, near the church of Santi Apostoli<br \/>\nwhich is now known as the Palazzo Colonna<br \/>\n(see GREGOROVIUS, <em>Gesch. der Stadt Rom.<\/em><br \/>\nVol. VIII, book XIV I, 3. And COPPI, _Mem. Colonnesi<br \/>\np. 251).]<\/p>\n<p>1454.<\/p>\n<p>A box, a cage,&#8211;<br \/>\nA square, to make the bird [Footnote 2:<br \/>\nVasari states that Leonardo invented mechanical<br \/>\nbirds which moved through the air. Compare<br \/>\nNo. 703.],&#8211;<br \/>\nPandolfino&#8217;s book, mortar [?],&#8211;<br \/>\nSmall knives, Venieri for the<\/p>\n<p>*1454. [Footnote: Much of No. 1444 is repeated in this memorandum.]<br \/>\n *Pen for ruling, stone,&#8211;star,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>To have the vest dyed, Alfieri&#8217;s tazza,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>The Libraries, the book on celestial<br \/>\nphenomena,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Lactantius of the go to the house of<br \/>\nDaldi,&#8211; the Pazzi,<\/p>\n<p>Book from Maestro small box,&#8211;<br \/>\nPaolo Infermieri,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Boots, shoes and small gimlet,&#8211;<br \/>\nhose,<\/p>\n<p>Lac, &#8230;&#8230;.,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>An apprentice for &#8230;..,&#8211;<br \/>\nmodels,<\/p>\n<p>Grammar of Lo-the amount of the<br \/>\nrenzo de&#8217; Medici,&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Giovanni del Sodo &#8230;..<br \/>\nfor&#8230;,&#8211;the broken<\/p>\n<p>Sansovino, the&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>Piero di Cosino [Footnote 16: <em>Pier di Cosimo<\/em> the well known Florentine<br \/>\npainter 1462-1521. See VASARI, <em>Vite<\/em> (Vol. IV, p. 134<br \/>\ned. Sansoni 1880) about Leonardo&#8217;s influence on<br \/>\nPiero di Cosimo&#8217;s style of painting.], the wings,&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>Filippo and Lorenzo [Footnote 17: <em>Filippo e Lorenzo<\/em>;<br \/>\nprobably the painters Filippino<br \/>\nLippi and Lorenzo di Credi. L. di Credi&#8217;s pictures<br \/>\nand Vasari&#8217;s history of that painter bear ample evidence<br \/>\nto his intimate relations with Leonardo.],&#8211;A ruler-,&#8211;<br \/>\nSpectacles,&#8211;to do the&#8230;.. again,&#8211;To-<br \/>\nmaso&#8217;s book,&#8211;Michelagnolo&#8217;s chain,&#8211;The<br \/>\nmultiplication of roots,&#8211;Of the bow and<br \/>\nstrinch,&#8211;The map of the world from Benci,&#8211;<br \/>\nSocks,&#8211;The clothes from the custom-house<br \/>\nofficier,&#8211;Cordova leather,&#8211;Market books,<\/p>\n<p>&#8211;waters of Cronaca,&#8211;waters of Tanaglino&#8230;,<\/p>\n<p>&#8211;the caps,&#8211;Rosso&#8217;s mirror; to see him make<br \/>\nit,&#8211;1\/3 of which I have 5\/6,&#8211;on the celestial<br \/>\nphenomena, by Aristotle [Footnote 36: <em>Meteora<\/em>. See No. 1448, 25.],&#8211;boxes<br \/>\nof Lorenzo di Pier Francesco [Footnote 37: <em>Lorenzo di Pier Francesco<\/em> and his brother <em>Giovanni<\/em><br \/>\nwere a lateral branch of the <em>Medici<\/em> family and<br \/>\nchanged their name for that of Popolani.],&#8211;Maestro<br \/>\nPiero of the Borgo,&#8211;To have my book<br \/>\nbound,&#8211;Show the book to Serigatto,&#8211;<br \/>\nand get the rule of the clock [Footnote 41:<br \/>\nPossibly this refers to the clock on the tower<br \/>\nof the Palazzo Vecchio at Florence. In February<br \/>\n1512 it had been repaired, and so arranged as to<br \/>\nindicate the hours after the French manner (twelve<br \/>\nhours a. m. and as many p. m.).],&#8211;<br \/>\nring,&#8211;nutmeg,&#8211;gum,&#8211;the square,&#8211;Giovan&#8217;<br \/>\nBatista at the piazza, de&#8217; Mozzi,&#8211;Giovanni<br \/>\nBenci has my book and jaspers,&#8211;brass for<br \/>\nthe spectacles.<\/p>\n<p>1455.<\/p>\n<p>Search in Florence for&#8230;&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>*7. 36. _Meteora_. See No. 1448, 25.<br \/>\n 1456.<\/p>\n<p>Bernardo da Ponte &#8230; Val di Lugano<br \/>\n&#8230; many veins for anatomical demonstration.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This fragmentary note is written on the<br \/>\nmargin of a drawing of two legs.]<\/p>\n<p>1457.<\/p>\n<p>Paolo of Tavechia, to see the marks in<br \/>\nthe German stones.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This note occurs on a pen and ink drawing<br \/>\nmade by Leonardo as a sketch for the celebrated<br \/>\nlarge cartoon in the possession of the Royal Academy<br \/>\nof Arts, in London. This cartoon is commonly<br \/>\nsupposed to be identical with that described<br \/>\nand lauded by Vasari, which was exhibited in Florence<br \/>\nat the time and which now seems to be lost.<br \/>\nMr. Alfred Marks, of Long Ditton, in his valuable<br \/>\npaper (read before the Royal Soc. of Literature,<br \/>\nJune 28, 1882) &#8220;On the St. Anne of Leonardo da<br \/>\nVinci&#8221;, has adduced proof that the cartoon now in the<br \/>\nRoyal Academy was executed earlier at Milan. The note<br \/>\nhere given, which is written on the sheet containing<br \/>\nthe study for the said cartoon, has evidently no<br \/>\nreference to the drawing on which it is written<br \/>\nbut is obviously of the same date. Though I have<br \/>\nnot any opening here for discussing this question of<br \/>\nthe cartoon, it seemed to me important to point out<br \/>\nthat the character of the writing in this note does<br \/>\nnot confirm the opinion hitherto held that the Royal<br \/>\nAcademy cartoon was the one described by Vasari,<br \/>\nbut, on the contrary, supports the hypothesis put<br \/>\nforward by Mr. Marks.]<\/p>\n<p>Notes on<br \/>\npupils<br \/>\n(1458-1468.)<\/p>\n<p>1458.<\/p>\n<p>Giacomo came to live with me on St.-Mary<br \/>\nMagdalen&#8217;s[*1] day, 1490, aged 10 years. The<br \/>\nsecond day I had two shirts cut out for him,<br \/>\na pair of hose, and a jerkin, and when I put<br \/>\naside some money to pay for these things<br \/>\nhe stole 4 _lire_<br \/>\nthe money out of the purse; and I could never<br \/>\nmake him confess, though I was quite certain<br \/>\nof the fact.&#8211;Thief, liar, obstinate, glutton.<\/p>\n<p>The day after, I went to sup with Giacomo<br \/>\nAndrea, and the said Giacomo supped<br \/>\nfor two and did mischief for four; for he<br \/>\nbrake 3 cruets, spilled the wine, and after<br \/>\nthis came to sup where I&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>Item: on the 7th day of September he<br \/>\nstole a silver point of the value of 22 soldi<br \/>\nfrom Marco [Footnote 6: <em>Marco<\/em>, probably Leonardo&#8217;s pupil Marco d&#8217;Oggionno;<br \/>\n1470 is supposed to be the date of his<br \/>\nbirth and 1540 of his death.<\/p>\n<p><em>Che stava con meco.<\/em> We may infer from this that<br \/>\nhe left the master shortly after this, his term of<br \/>\nstudy having perhaps expired.] who was living with me, 4 <em>lire<\/em><br \/>\nthis being of silver; and he took it from his<br \/>\nstudio, and when the said Marco had searched<br \/>\nfor it a long while he found it hidden<br \/>\nin the said Giacomo&#8217;s box 4 <em>lire<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: <em>Il di della Maddalena.<\/em> July 22.]<br \/>\n Item: on the 26th January following,<br \/>\nI, being in the house of Messer Galeazzo<br \/>\nda San Severino [Footnote 9: Galeazza. See No. 718 note.], was arranging the festival for his jousting,<br \/>\nand certain footmen having undressed to try on some costumes of wild men for the said festival, Giacomo<br \/>\nwent to the purse of one of them which lay<br \/>\non the bed with other clothes, 2 lire 4 S,<br \/>\nand took out such money as was in it.<\/p>\n<p>Item: when I was in the same house,<br \/>\nMaestro Agostino da Pavia gave to me a<br \/>\nTurkish hide to have 2 lire.<br \/>\na pair of short boots made of it; this<br \/>\nGiacomo stole it of me within a month and<br \/>\nsold it to a cobbler for 20 soldi, with<br \/>\nwhich money, by his own confession, he<br \/>\nbought anise comfits.<\/p>\n<p>Item: again, on the 2nd April, Giovan<br \/>\nAntonio [Footnote 16:Giovan Antonio, probably Beltraffio, 1467 to 1516.] having left a silver point on a<br \/>\ndrawing of his, Giacomo stole it, and this<br \/>\nwas of the value of 24 soldi 1 lira 4 S.<\/p>\n<p>The first year-<\/p>\n<p>A cloak, 2 lire,<br \/>\n6 shirts, 4 lire,<br \/>\n3 jerkins, 6 lire,<br \/>\n4 pairs of hose, 7 lire 8 soldi,<br \/>\n1 lined doublet, 5 lire,<br \/>\n24 pairs of shoes, 6 lire 5 soldi,<br \/>\nA cap, l lira,<br \/>\nlaces, 1 lira.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Leonardo here gives a detailed account not only of the loss he and others incurred through Giacomo<br \/>\nbut of the wild tricks of the youth, and we may<br \/>\ntherefore assume that the note was not made merely<br \/>\nas a record for his own use, but as a report to be<br \/>\nforwarded to the lad&#8217;s father or other responsible<br \/>\nguardian.]<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. III. Ia]<\/p>\n<p>1459.<\/p>\n<p>On the last day but one of September;<\/p>\n<p>Thursday the 27th day of September<br \/>\nMaestro Tommaso came back and worked for<br \/>\nhimself until the last day but one of February.<br \/>\nOn the 18th day of March, 1493, Giulio, a<br \/>\nGerman, came to live with me,&#8211;Lucia, Piero,<br \/>\nLeonardo.<\/p>\n<p>On the 6th day of October.<\/p>\n<p>1460.<\/p>\n<p>1493.<br \/>\nOn the 1st day of November we settled<br \/>\naccounts. Giulio had to pay 4 months;<br \/>\nand Maestro Tommaso 9 months; Maestro<br \/>\nTommaso afterwards made 6 candlesticks,<br \/>\n10 days&#8217; work; Giulio some fire-tongs<br \/>\n15 days work. Then he worked for himself<br \/>\ntill the 27th May, and worked for me at a<br \/>\nlever till the 18th July; then for himself till<br \/>\nthe 7th of August, and for one day, on the<br \/>\nfifteenth, for a lady. Then again for me at<br \/>\n2 locks until the 20th of August.<\/p>\n<p>1461.<\/p>\n<p>On the 23rd day of August, 12 lire from<br \/>\nPulisona. On the 14th of March 1494, Galeazzo<br \/>\ncame to live with me, agreeing to<br \/>\npay 5 lire a month for his cost paying on<br \/>\nthe l4th day of each month.<\/p>\n<p>His father gave me 2 Rhenish florins.<\/p>\n<p>On the l4th of July, I had from Galeazze<br \/>\n2 Rhenish florins.<\/p>\n<p>1462.<\/p>\n<p>On the l5th day of September Giulio began<br \/>\nthe lock of my studio 1494.<\/p>\n<p>1463.<\/p>\n<p>Saturday morning the 3rd of August 1504<br \/>\nJacopo the German came to live with me<br \/>\nin the house, and agreed with me that I should<br \/>\ncharge him a carlino a day.<\/p>\n<p>1464.<\/p>\n<p>1511.<br \/>\nOn the 26th of September Antonio broke<br \/>\nhis leg; he must rest 40 days.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: This note refers possibly to Beltraffio.]<br \/>\n 1465.<\/p>\n<p>I left Milan for Rome on the 24th day of<br \/>\nSeptember, 1513, with Giovanni [<em>2], Francesco<br \/>\ndi Melzi [<\/em>3], Salai, Lorenzo and il Fanfoia.<\/p>\n<p>1466.<\/p>\n<p>On the 3rd day of January.<\/p>\n<p>Benedetto carne on the 17th of October;<br \/>\nhe stayed with me two months and 13 days<br \/>\nof last year [*4], in which time he earned<br \/>\n38 lire, 18 soldi and 8 dinari; he had of<br \/>\nthis 26 lire and 8 soldi, and there remains<br \/>\nto be paid for the past year 12 lire 10 soldi.<\/p>\n<p>Giodatti (?) came on the 8th day of September,<br \/>\nat 4 soldi a month, and stayed with<br \/>\nme 3 months and 24 days, and earned 59 lire<br \/>\n14 soldi and 8 dinari; he has had 43 lire,<br \/>\n4 soldi, there remains to pay 16 lire, 10 soldi<br \/>\nand 8 dinari.<\/p>\n<p>Benedetto, 24 grossoni.<\/p>\n<p>1467.<\/p>\n<p>Gian Maria 4,<br \/>\nBenedetto 4,<br \/>\nGian Pietro [*5] 3,<br \/>\nSalai 3,<br \/>\nBartolomeo 3,<br \/>\nGherardo 4.<\/p>\n<p>*1465. 2. _Giovan;_ it is not likely that Leonardo<br \/>\nshould have called Giovan&#8217; Antonio Beltraffio at one<br \/>\ntime Giovanni, as in this note and another time Antonio,<br \/>\nas in No. 1464 while in No. 1458 l. 16 we find<br \/>\n_Giovan&#8217;Antonio_, and in No. 1436, l.6 _Beltraffio_. Possibly<br \/>\nthe Giovanni here spoken of is Leonardo&#8217;s less<br \/>\nknown pupil Giovan Pietrino (see No. 1467, 5).<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>\n<ol>\n<li><em>Francesco de&#8217; Melzi<\/em> is often mentioned, see<br \/>\nNos. 1350.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/li>\n<li><em>Salai<\/em>. See No. 1519 note.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p><em>Lorenzo<\/em>. See No. 1351, l. 10 (p. 408). Amoretti<br \/>\ngives the following note in <em>Mem. Stor. XXIII:<\/em> 1505.<br \/>\n<em>Martedi-sera a di 14 d&#8217;aprile. Venne Lorenzo a stare<br \/>\ncon mecho: disse essere d&#8217;eta d&#8217;anni 17 .. a di 15 del<br \/>\ndetto aprile ebbi scudi 25 d&#8217;oro dal chamerlingo di Santa<br \/>\nMaria nuova.<\/em> This, he asserts is derived from a MS.<br \/>\nmarked S, in quarto. This MS. seems to have<br \/>\nvanished and left no trace behind; Amoretti himself<br \/>\nhad not seen it, but copied from a selection of<br \/>\nextracts made by Oltrocchi before the Leonardo<br \/>\nMSS. were conveyed to Paris on the responsibility<br \/>\nof the first French Republic. Lorenzo, by this, must<br \/>\nhave been born in 1487. The sculptor Lorenzetto<br \/>\nwas born in 1490. Amoretti has been led by the<br \/>\nabove passage to make the following absurd observations:<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p><em>Cotesto Lorenzo, che poi gli fu sempre compagno, almeno<br \/>\nsin che stette in Italia, sarebb&#8217; egli Lorenzo Lotto<br \/>\nbergamasco? Sappiamo essere stato questo valente dipintore<br \/>\nuno de&#8217; bravi scolari del Vinci<\/em> (?).<\/p>\n<p><em>Il Fafoia<\/em>, perhaps a nickname. Cesare da Sesto,<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s pupil, seems to have been in Rome in these<br \/>\nyears, as we learn from a drawing by him in the Louvre.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>This seems to be an account for two assistants.<br \/>\nThe name of the second is scarcely legible.<br \/>\nThe year is not given. The note is nevertheless of<br \/>\nchronological value. The first line tells us the date<br \/>\nwhen the note was registered, January 3d, and the*<br \/>\nC.A.F. 279a; 855a]<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>1468.<\/p>\n<p>Salai, 20 lire,<br \/>\nBonifacio, 2 lire,<br \/>\nBartolomeo, 4 lire,<br \/>\nArrigo [Harry], 15 lire.<\/p>\n<p>C.A. 207a; 609a]<\/p>\n<p>Quotations<br \/>\nand notes on<br \/>\nbooks and<br \/>\nauthors<br \/>\n(1469&#8211;1508).<\/p>\n<p>1469.<\/p>\n<p>Book on Arithmetic [Footnote 1: &#8220;La nobel opera de arithmethica ne la qual se tracta<br \/>\ntute cosse amercantia pertinente facta &amp; compilata per<br \/>\nPiero borgi da Veniesia&#8221;, in-40. In fine: &#8220;Nela inclita<br \/>\ncita di Venetia a corni. 2 augusto. 1484. fu imposto fine<br \/>\nala presente opera.&#8221; Segn. a&#8211;p. quaderni. V&#8217;ha pero<\/p>\n<p>un&#8217; altra opera simile di Filippo Calandro, 1491. E da<br \/>\nconsultarsi su quest&#8217; ultimo, Federici: Memorie Trevigiane,<br \/>\nFiore di virtu: pag. 73. &#8220;Libricciuolo composto di bello stile<br \/>\nverso il 1320 e piu volte impresso nel secolo XV (ristampato<br \/>\npoi anche piu tardi). Gli accademici della Crusca lo<br \/>\nammettono nella serie dei testi di lingua. Vedasi Gamba,<br \/>\nRazzolini, Panzer, Brunet, Lechi, ecc. (G. D&#8217;A.)] &#8216;Flowers of Virtue&#8217;,<\/p>\n<p>Pliny, [Footnote 2: &#8220;Historia naturale di C. Plinio Secondo, tradocta di<br \/>\nlingua latina in fiorentina per Christophoro Laudino &amp;<br \/>\nOpus Nicolai Jansonis gallici imp. anno salutis<br \/>\nM. CCCC.LXXVI.Venetiis&#8221; in-fol.-Diogene Laertio.<br \/>\nIncomincia: &#8220;El libro de la vita de philosophi etc.:<br \/>\nImpressum Venetiis&#8221; per Bernardinum Celerium de Luere,<br \/>\n1480&#8243;, in-40(G. D&#8217;A.).] &#8216;Lives of the Philosophers&#8217;,<\/p>\n<p>The Bible, [Footnote 3:&#8221;La Bibia volgare historiata (per Nicolo di Mallermi) Venecia &#8230; M.CCCC.LXXI in kalende di<br \/>\nAugusto (per Vindelino de Spira)&#8221; 2 vol. in-fol. a 2 col.<br \/>\ndi 50 lin,; od altra ediz. della stessa versione del<br \/>\nMallermi, Venetia 1471, e sempre: &#8220;Venecia per Gabriel de<br \/>\nPiero 1477,&#8221; in-fol.; 2 vol.; Ottavio Scotto da Modoetia<br \/>\n1481,&#8221; &#8220;Venetia 1487 per Joan Rosso Vercellese,&#8221; &#8220;1490<br \/>\nGiovanni Ragazo di Monteferato a instantia di Luchanthonio<br \/>\ndi Giunta, ecc.&#8221;&#8211;Lapidario Teofrasto? Mandebille: &#8220;Le<br \/>\ngrand lapidaire,&#8221; versioneitaliana ms.?&#8230; Giorgio Agricola<br \/>\nnon puo essere, perche nato nel 1494, forse Alberto Magno:<br \/>\nde mineralibus. * Potrebbe essere una traduzione del poema<br \/>\nlatino (Liber lapidum seu de gemmis) di Marbordio Veterio<br \/>\ndi Rennes (morto nel II23 da lui stesso tradotto in<br \/>\nfrancese dal greco di Evao re d&#8217;Arabia celebre medico che<br \/>\nl&#8217;aveva composto per l&#8217;imperatore Tiberio. Marbodio scrisse<br \/>\nil suo prima per Filippo Augusto re di Francia. Vi sono<br \/>\nanche traduzioni in prosa. &#8220;Il lapidario o la forza e la<br \/>\nvirtu delle pietre preziose, delle Erbe e degli Animali.&#8221;<br \/>\n(G. D&#8217;A.)] &#8216;Lapidary&#8217;,<\/p>\n<p>&#8216;On warfare&#8217; [Footnote 4:Il Vegezio?&#8230; Il Frontino?,.. Il Cornazzano?&#8230;<br \/>\nNoi crediamo piuttosto il Valturio. Questo libro doveva<br \/>\nessere uno de&#8217;favoriti di Leonardo poiche libro di scienza e d&#8217;arte nel tempo stesso.]&#8217;Epistles of Filelfo&#8217;,<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The late Marchese Girolamo d&#8217;Adda published<br \/>\na highly valuable and interesting disquisition on this<br \/>\npassage under the title: Leonardo da Vinci e la sua<br \/>\nLibreria, note di un bibliofilo (Milano 1873. Ed. di soli<br \/>\n75 esemplari; privately printed). In the autumn of<br \/>\n1880 the Marchese d&#8217;Adda showed me a considerable mass of additional notes prepared for a second<br \/>\nedition. This, as he then intended, was to come<br \/>\nout after the publication of this work of mine. After<br \/>\nthe much regretted death of the elder Marchese, his<br \/>\nson, the Marchese Gioachino d&#8217;Adda was so liberal<br \/>\nas to place these MS. materials at my disposal for<br \/>\nthe present work, through the kind intervention of<br \/>\nSignor Gustavo Frizzoni. The following passages,<br \/>\nwith the initials G. d&#8217;A. are prints from the valuable<br \/>\nnotes in that publication, the MS. additions I have<br \/>\nmarked*. I did not however think myself justified<br \/>\nin reproducing here the acute and interesting<br \/>\nobservations on the contents of most of the rare books<br \/>\nhere enumerated.]<\/p>\n<p>****below must belong to previous page&#8217;s footnotes***<br \/>\nobservations that follow refer to events of the previous month &#8216;of last year&#8217; (dell&#8217; anno passato). Leonardo<br \/>\ncannot therefore have written thus in Florence where<br \/>\nthe year was, at that period, calculated as beginning<br \/>\nin the month of March (see Vol. I, No. 4, note 2).<br \/>\nHe must then have been in Milan. What is more<br \/>\nimportant is that we thus learn how to date the<br \/>\nbeginning of the year in all the notes written at<br \/>\nMilan. This clears up Uzielli&#8217;s doubts: A Milano<br \/>\nfacevasi cominciar l&#8217;anno ab incarnatione, cioe il 25<br \/>\nMarzo e a nativitate, cioe il 25 Decembre. Ci sembra<br \/>\nprobabile che Leonardo dovesse prescegliere lo stile che era in uso a Firenze. (Ricerche, p. 84, note.)<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>\n<ol>\n<li>See No. 1465, 2.<br \/>\n****Above must belong to previous page&#8217;s footnotes***<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>The first decade, [5] &#8216;On the preservation of health&#8217;,<br \/>\nThe third decade, [6] Ciecho d&#8217;Ascoli,<br \/>\nThe fourth decade, [7] Albertus Magnus,<br \/>\nGuido, [8] New treatise on rhetorics,<br \/>\nPiero Crescentio, [9] Cibaldone,<br \/>\n&#8216;Quadriregio&#8217;, [10] AEsop,<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>*** IGNORE FOOTNOTES FOR THIS PAGE &#8211; Project Manager *** Donato, [Footnote 11:<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Donatus latine &amp; italice: Impressum Venetiis impensis<br \/>\nJohannis Baptistae de Sessa anno<\/em> 1499, <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0*&#8221;.&#8211;<br \/>\n&#8220;El Psalterio de David in lingua volgare (da Malermi<br \/>\nVenetia nel M.CCCC.LXXVI,&#8221; in-fol. s. n._ (G. D&#8217;A.)]<br \/>\nPsalms,<\/p>\n<p>Justinus, [Footnote 12:<br \/>\nCompare No. 1210, 48.&#8211;<em>La versione di Girolamo<br \/>\nSquarzafico: &#8220;Il libro di Justino posto diligentemente in<br \/>\nmaterna lingua. Venetia ale spesse (sic) di Johane de Colonia<br \/>\n&amp; Johane Gheretze<\/em> &#8230; l477,&#8221; <em>in-fol.<\/em>&#8211;&#8220;<em>Marsilii Ficini, Theologia<br \/>\nplatonica, sive de animarum immortalitate, Florentine,<br \/>\nper Ant. Misconimum<\/em> 1482,&#8221; <em>in-fol., ovvero qualche versione<br \/>\nitaliana di questo stesso libro, ms.<\/em> (G. D&#8217;A.)]<br \/>\n&#8216;On the immortality of<br \/>\nthe soul,<\/p>\n<p>Guido [Footnote 13:<br \/>\n<em>Forse &#8220;la Historia Trojana Guidonis&#8221; od il &#8220;manipulus&#8221;<br \/>\ndi &#8220;Guido da Monterocherii&#8221; ma piu probabilmente<br \/>\n&#8220;Guido d&#8217;Arezzo&#8221; il di cui libro: &#8220;Micrologus, seu disciplina<br \/>\nartis musicae&#8221; poteva da Leonardo aversi ms.; di<br \/>\nquesti ne esistono in molto biblioteche, e fu poi impresso<br \/>\nnel 1784 dal Gerbert.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Molte sono le edizione dei sonetti di Burchiello Fiorentino,<br \/>\nimpresse nel secolo XV. La prima e piu rara e<br \/>\nrecercata: &#8220;Incominciano li sonetti, ecc. (per Christoforo<br \/>\nArnaldo)&#8221;, in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0* <em>senza numeri, richiami o segnature, del<\/em><br \/>\n1475, <em>e fors&#8217; anche del<\/em> 1472, <em>secondo Morelli e Dibdin, ecc.<\/em><br \/>\n(G. D&#8217;A.)]<br \/>\nBurchiello,<\/p>\n<p>&#8216;Doctrinale&#8217; [Footnote 14:<br \/>\n<em>Versione italiana det &#8220;Doctrinal de Sapience&#8221;<br \/>\ndi Guy de Roy, e foris&#8217;anche l&#8217;originale in lingua<br \/>\nfrancese.&#8211;<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Di Pulci Luigi, benche nell&#8217; edizione:<\/em> &#8220;<em>Florentiae<\/em> 1479&#8243;<br \/>\n<em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0* si dica: &#8220;Il Driadeo composto in rima octava per<br \/>\nLucio Pulcro&#8221; Altre ediz, del secolo XV, &#8220;Florentie Miscomini_<br \/>\n1481, <em>in<\/em>-40*, <em>Firenze, apud S. Jacob, de Ripoli,<\/em> 1483,&#8221;<br \/>\n<em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0* <em>e &#8220;Antoni de Francesco,<\/em> 1487,&#8221; <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0* <em>e Francesco<br \/>\ndi Jacopo<\/em> 1489,<em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0* <em>ed altre ancora di Venezia e senza<br \/>\nalcuna nota ecc.<\/em> (G. D&#8217;A.)]<br \/>\nDriadeo,<\/p>\n<p>Morgante [Footnote 15:<br \/>\n<em>Una delle edizioni del Morgante impresse nel secolo<br \/>\nXV, ecc.&#8211;<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Quale delle opere di Francesco Petrarca, sarebbe malagevole<br \/>\nl&#8217;indovinare, ma probabilmente il Canzoniere.<\/em><br \/>\n(G. D&#8217;A.)]<br \/>\nPetrarch.<\/p>\n<p>John de Mandeville [Footnote 16:<br \/>\n<em>Sono i viaggi del cavaliere<\/em> &#8220;<em>Mandeville<\/em>&#8221; <em>gentiluomo<br \/>\ninglese. Scrisse il suo libro in lingua francese.<br \/>\nFu stampato replicatamente nel secolo XV in francese, in<br \/>\ninglese ed in italiano * ed in tedesco; del secolo XV ne<br \/>\nannoverano forse piu di 27 edizioni, di cui ne conosciamo<\/em><br \/>\n8 <em>in francese, quattro in latino, sei in tedesco e molte altre<br \/>\nin volgare.<\/em> (G. D&#8217;A.)]<\/p>\n<p>&#8216;On honest recreation&#8217; [Footnote 17:<br \/>\n<em>Il Platina (Bartolomeo Sacchi) la versione italiana<\/em><br \/>\n&#8220;<em>de la honesta voluptate, &amp; valetudine (&amp; de li obsonnii)<br \/>\nVenetia (senza nome di tipografo)<\/em> 1487,&#8221; <em>piccolo in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0*<br \/>\n<em>gotico.<\/em> (G. D&#8217;A.)&#8211;Compare No. 844, 21.]<\/p>\n<p>Manganello, [Footnote 18:<br \/>\n<em>Il Manganello: Satira eccessivamente vivace contro<br \/>\nle donne ad imitazione della Sesta di Giovenale. Manganello<br \/>\nnon e soltanto il titolo del libricino, sua ben anche<br \/>\nil nome dell&#8217;autore ch&#8217;era un<\/em> &#8220;<em>milanese<\/em>&#8220;. <em>Di questo libercolo<br \/>\nrarissimo, che sembra impresso a Venezia dallo<br \/>\nZoppino (Nicolo d&#8217;Aristotile detto il), senza data, ma dei<br \/>\nprimissimi anni del secolo XVI, e forse piu antico, come<br \/>\nvedremo in appresso, non se ne conoscono fra biblioteche<br \/>\npubbliche e private che due soli esemplari in Europa.<\/em><br \/>\n(G. D&#8217;A.)]<\/p>\n<p>The Chronicle of Isidoro, [Footnote 19:<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Cronica desidero<\/em>&#8220;, <em>sembra si deggia leggere piuttosto<\/em><br \/>\n&#8220;<em>cronico disidoro<\/em>&#8220;_; ed in questo caso s&#8217;intenderebbe la_<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>cronica d&#8217;Isidoro<\/em>&#8221; <em>tanto in voga a quel tempo<\/em> &#8220;<em>Comenza<br \/>\nla Cronica di Sancto Isidoro menore con alchune additione<br \/>\ncavate del testo &amp; istorie de la Bibia &amp; del libro di Paulo<br \/>\nOroso &#8230;. Impresso in Ascoli in casa del reverendo<br \/>\nmisser Pascale &#8230;.. per mano di Guglielmo de Linis<br \/>\nde Alamania M.CCCC.LXXVII<\/em>&#8221; <em>in<\/em>-40* <em>di<\/em> 157 <em>ff. E il<br \/>\nprimo libro impresso ad Ascoli e l&#8217;edizione principe di<br \/>\nquesta cronica in oggi assai rara. Non lo e meno l&#8217;edizione<br \/>\ndi Cividal del Friuli<\/em>, 1480, <em>e quella ben anche di<br \/>\nAquila<\/em>, 1482, <em>sempre in-_40. _Vedasi Panzer, Hain, Brunet<br \/>\ne P. Dechamps.<\/em> (G. D&#8217;A.)]<\/p>\n<p>The Epistles of Ovid, [Footnote 20:<br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Le pistole di Ovidio tradotte in prosa. Napoli<br \/>\nSixt. Riessinger<\/em>&#8220;, <em>in<\/em>-40*, <em>oppure:<\/em> &#8220;<em>Epistole volgarizzate<\/em><br \/>\n1489,&#8221; <em>in<\/em>-40* <em>a due col.<\/em> &#8220;<em>impresse ne la cita (sic) di Bressa<br \/>\nper pre: Baptista de Farfengo,<\/em>&#8221; <em>(in ottave) o:<\/em> &#8220;<em>El libro<br \/>\ndele Epistole di Ovidio in rima volgare per messere Dominico<br \/>\nde Monticelli toschano. Brescia Farfengo<\/em>,&#8221; <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0*<br \/>\n<em>got. (in rima volgare)<\/em>, 1491, <em>ed anche la versione di Luca<br \/>\nPulci. Firenze, Mischomini<\/em>, 1481, <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0*. (G. D&#8217;A.) ]<\/p>\n<p>Epistles of Filelfo, [Footnote 21: See l. 4.]<\/p>\n<p>Sphere, [Footnote 22: &#8220;<em>Jo: de Sacrobusto<\/em>,&#8221;<br \/>\n<em>o<\/em> &#8220;<em>Goro Dati<\/em>,&#8221; <em>o<\/em> &#8220;<em>Tolosano da<br \/>\nColle<\/em>&#8221; <em>di cui molteplici edizioni del secolo XV.<\/em> (G. D&#8217;A.)]<\/p>\n<p><em><em>nello da Streno,<\/em> 1497, <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0<\/em>, <em>ecc., o piu probabilmente:<br \/>\n&#8220;Aesopi&#8221; vita &amp; fabula&#8217; latine cum versione italica &amp;<br \/>\nallegoriis Fr. Tuppi impressae, Napoli,<\/em> 1483,&#8221; <em>in-fol., rara<br \/>\nedizione ornata di belle vignette incise in legno. Questo<br \/>\nEsopo e anche libro di novelle. Nel Catalogo Cicognara<br \/>\nabbiamo una minuta descrizione di questo rarissimo volume.<\/em> (G. D&#8217;A.)<br \/>\n The Jests of Poggio [Footnote 23:<br \/>\n<em>Tre edizioni delle facezie del Poggio abbiamo in<br \/>\nlingua italiana della fine del secolo XV, tutte senza data.<\/em><br \/>\n&#8220;<em>Facetie de Poggio fiorentino traducte de latino in vulgare<br \/>\nornatissimo,<\/em>&#8221; <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0*, <em>segn. a&#8211;e in caratteri romani; l&#8217;altra:<br \/>\n&#8220;_Facetie traducte de latino in vulgare,<\/em>&#8221; <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0*, <em>caratteri<br \/>\ngotici, ecc.<\/em> (G. D&#8217;A.)<br \/>\n]<br \/>\nChiromancy, [Footnote 24:<br \/>\n*&#8221;_Die Kunst Cyromantia etc, in tedesco._ 26 _ff. di<br \/>\ntesto e figure il tutte eseguito su tavole di legno verso la<br \/>\nfine del secolo XV da Giorgio Schapff_&#8221;. _Dibdin, Heinecken,<br \/>\nSotheby e Chatto ne diedero una lunga descrizione; i primi<br \/>\ntre accompagnati da fac-simili. La data_ 1448 _che si legge<br \/>\nalla fine del titolo si riferisce al periodo della composizione<br \/>\ndel testo, non a quello della stampa del volume benche<br \/>\ntabellario. Altri molti libri di Chiromanzia si conoscono di<br \/>\nquel tempo e sarebbe opera vana il citarli tutti._ (G. D&#8217;A.)]<\/p>\n<p>Formulary of letters, [Footnote 25:<br \/>\n<em>Miniatore Bartolomeo.<\/em> &#8220;<em>Formulario de epistole vulgare<br \/>\nmissive e responsive, &amp; altri fiori de ornali parlamenti<br \/>\nal principe Hercule d&#8217;Esti ecc. composto ecc. Bologna<br \/>\nper Ugo di Rugerii,<\/em>&#8221; <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0*, <em>del secolo XV, Altra<br \/>\nedizione di &#8220;Venetia Bernardino di Novara<\/em>, 1487&#8243; <em>e _&#8221;_Milano<br \/>\nper Joanne Angelo Scinzenzeler<\/em> 1500,&#8221; <em>in<\/em>-4\u00c2\u00b0*. (G. D&#8217;A.)<\/p>\n<p>Five books out of this list are noted by Leonardo<br \/>\nin another MS. (Tr. 3): <em>donato,&#8211;lapidario,&#8211;plinio,<br \/>\n&#8211;abacho,&#8211;morgante.<\/em><br \/>\n]<\/p>\n<p>1470.<\/p>\n<p>Nonius Marcellus, Festus Pompeius, Marcus Varro.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Nonius Marcellus and Sextus Pompeius Festus<br \/>\nwere Roman grammarians of about the fourth century<br \/>\nA. D. Early publications of the works of Marcellus<br \/>\nare: <em>De proprietate sermonis, Romae<\/em> (about 1470),<br \/>\nand 1471 (place of publication unknown). <em>Compendiosa<br \/>\ndoctrina, ad filium, de proprietate sermonum.<\/em> Venice,<br \/>\n1476. BRUNET, <em>Manuel du libraire<\/em> (IV, p. 97)<br \/>\nnotes: <em>Le texte de cet ancien grammairien a ete reimprime<br \/>\nplusieurs fois a la fin du XVe siecle, avec ceux de Pomponius<br \/>\nFestus et de Terentius Varro. La plus ancienne<br \/>\nedition qui reunisse ces trois auteurs est celle de Parme<\/em>,<br \/>\n1480 &#8230; <em>Celles de Venise<\/em>, 1483, 1490, 1498, <em>et de<br \/>\nMilan<\/em>, 1500, <em>toutes in-fol,, ont peli de valeur.<\/em>]<\/p>\n<p>1471.<\/p>\n<p>Map of Elephanta in India which Antonello<br \/>\nMerciaio has from maestro Maffeo;&#8211;there for<br \/>\nseven years the earth rises and for seven<br \/>\nyears it sinks;&#8211;Enquire at the stationers<br \/>\nabout Vitruvius.<\/p>\n<p>1472.<\/p>\n<p>See &#8216;On Ships&#8217; Messer Battista, and Frontinus<br \/>\n&#8216;On Acqueducts&#8217; [Footnote 2: 2. <em>Vitruvius de Arch., et Frontinus de Aquedoctibus.<\/em><br \/>\nFlorence, l5l3.&#8211;This is the earliest edition of<br \/>\nFrontinus.&#8211;The note referring to this author thus<br \/>\nsuggests a solution of the problem of the date of<br \/>\nthe Leicester Manuscript.].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: Compare No. 1113, 25.]<\/p>\n<p>1473.<\/p>\n<p>Anaxagoras: Every thing proceeds from<br \/>\nevery thing, and every thing becomes every<br \/>\nthing, and every thing can be turned into<br \/>\nevery thing else, because that which exists in<br \/>\nthe elements is composed of those elements.<br \/>\n **Wrong text!<\/p>\n<p>1474-<\/p>\n<p>The Archimedes belonging to the Bishop<br \/>\nof Padua.<\/p>\n<p>1475-<\/p>\n<p>Archimedes gave the quadrature of a poly-<br \/>\ngonal figure, but not of the circle. Hence<br \/>\nArchimedes never squared any figure with<br \/>\ncurved sides. He squared the circle minus<br \/>\nthe smallest portion that the intellect can<br \/>\nconceive, that is the smallest point visible.<\/p>\n<p>1476.<\/p>\n<p>If any man could have discovered the<br \/>\nutmost powers of the cannon, in all its<br \/>\nvarious forms and have given such a secret<br \/>\nto the Romans, with what rapidity would<br \/>\nthey have conquered every country and have<br \/>\nvanquished every army, and what reward could<br \/>\nhave been great enough for such a service!<br \/>\nArchimedes indeed, although he had greatly<br \/>\ndamaged the Romans in the siege of Syra-<br \/>\ncuse, nevertheless did not fail of being offered<br \/>\ngreat rewards from these very Romans; and<br \/>\nwhen Syracuse was taken, diligent search was<br \/>\nmade for Archimedes; and he being found<br \/>\ndead greater lamentation was made for him<br \/>\nby the Senate and people of Rome than if<br \/>\nthey had lost all their army; and they<br \/>\ndid not fail to honour him with burial and<br \/>\nwith a statue. At their head was Marcus<br \/>\nMarcellus. And after the second destruction<br \/>\nof Syracuse, the sepulchre of Archimedes was<br \/>\nfound again by Cato[25], in the ruins of a<br \/>\ntemple. So Cato had the temple restored and<br \/>\nthe sepulchre he so highly honoured&#8230;.<br \/>\nWhence it is written that Cato said that he<br \/>\nwas not so proud of any thing he had done<br \/>\nas of having paid such honour to Archimedes.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>See No. 1421, 1. 3, 6 and Vol. I, No. 343.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p>Compare No. 1504.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<li>\n<p>Where Leonardo found the statement that<br \/>\nCato had found and restored the tomb of Archi-<br \/>\nmedes, I do not know. It is a merit that Cicero<br \/>\nclaims as his own (Tusc. V, 23) and certainly with<br \/>\na full right to it. None of Archimedes&#8217; biographers<br \/>\n-not even the diligent Mazzucchelli, mentions any<br \/>\nversion in which Cato is named. It is evidently a<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>slip of the memory on Leonardo&#8217;s part. Besides,<br \/>\naccording to the passage in Cicero, the grave was<br \/>\nnot found &#8216;nelle mine ffun tempio&#8217;-which is highly<br \/>\nimprobable as relating to a Greek-but in an open<br \/>\nspot (H. MULLER-STROBING).&#8211;See too, as to Archi-<br \/>\nmedes, No. 1417.<\/p>\n<p>Leonardo says somewhere in MS. C.A.: Archi-<\/p>\n<p>tronito e una macchina di fino rame, invenzlon d* Archi-<br \/>\nmede (see &#8216;Saggiol, p. 20).<br \/>\n I.2 82b]<\/p>\n<p>1477.<\/p>\n<p>Aristotle, Book 3 of the Physics, and<br \/>\nAlbertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas and<br \/>\nthe others on the rebound of bodies, in<br \/>\nthe 7th on Physics, on heaven and earth.<\/p>\n<p>M. 62a]<\/p>\n<p>1478.<\/p>\n<p>Aristotle says that if a force can move<br \/>\na body a given distance in a given time, the<br \/>\nsame force will move half the same body<br \/>\ntwice as far in the same time.<\/p>\n<p>C. A. 284b; 865b]<\/p>\n<p>1479.<\/p>\n<p>Aristotle in Book 3 of the Ethics: Man<br \/>\nmerits praise or blame solely in such mat-<br \/>\nters as lie within his option to do or not<br \/>\nto do.<\/p>\n<p>C.A. 121a; 375a]<\/p>\n<p>1480.<\/p>\n<p>Aristotle says that every body tends to<br \/>\nmaintain its nature.<\/p>\n<p>K.2 3b]<\/p>\n<p>1481.<\/p>\n<p>On the increase of the Nile, a small book<br \/>\nby Aristotle.<br \/>\n[Footnote: <em>De inundatione Nili<\/em>, is quoted here and<br \/>\nby others as a work of Aristotle. The Greek<br \/>\noriginal is lost, but a Latin version of the beginning<br \/>\nexists (Arist. Opp. IV p. 213 ed. Did. Par.).<\/p>\n<p>In his quotations from Aristotle Leonardo possibly<br \/>\nrefers to one of the following editions: <em>Aristotelis libri IV<br \/>\nde coelo et mundo; de anima libri III; libri VIII physi-<br \/>\ncorum; libri de generatione et corruptione; de sensu et<br \/>\nsensato&#8230; omnia latine, interprete Averroe, Venetiis 1483<\/em><br \/>\n(first Latin edition). There is also a separate edition<br \/>\nof <em>Liber de coelo et mundo<\/em>, dated 1473.]<\/p>\n<p>W.A. IV.151b]<\/p>\n<p>1482.<\/p>\n<p>Avicenna will have it that soul gives birth<br \/>\nto soul as body to body, and each member<br \/>\nto itself.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Avicenna, see too No. 1421, 1. 2.]<\/p>\n<p>F. o&#8221;]<\/p>\n<p>1483.<\/p>\n<p>Avicenna on liquids.<\/p>\n<p>Br.M. 71b]<\/p>\n<p>1484.<\/p>\n<p>Roger Bacon, done in print.<br \/>\n[Footnote:The earliest printed edition known to Brunet<br \/>\nof the works of Roger Bacon, is a French translation, which appeared about fourty years after Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\ndeath.]<\/p>\n<p>C.A. 139b; 419b]<\/p>\n<p>1485.<\/p>\n<p>Cleomedes the philosopher.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Cleomede. A Greek mathematician of the<br \/>\nIVth century B. C. We have a Cyclic theory of<br \/>\nMeteorica by him. His works were not published before<br \/>\nLeonardo&#8217;s death.]<\/p>\n<p>Tr. 4]<\/p>\n<p>1486.<\/p>\n<p>CORNELIUS CELSUS.<\/p>\n<p>The highest good is wisdom, the chief<br \/>\nevil is suffering in the body. Because, as<br \/>\nwe are composed of two things, that is soul<br \/>\nand body, of which the first is the better,<br \/>\nthe body is the inferior; wisdom belongs<br \/>\nto the better part, and the chief evil belongs<br \/>\nto the worse part and is the worst of all.<br \/>\nAs the best thing of all in the soul is<br \/>\nwisdom, so the worst in the body is suf-<br \/>\nfering. Therefore just as bodily pain is the<br \/>\nchief evil, wisdom is the chief good of the<br \/>\nsoul, that is with the wise man; and nothing<br \/>\nelse can be compared with it.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Aulus Cornelius Celsus, a Roman physician,<br \/>\nknown as the Roman Hippocrates, probably contemporary with Augustus. Only his eight Books &#8216;De<br \/>\nMedicina&#8221;, are preserved. The earliest editions are:<br \/>\nCornelius Celsus, de medicina libr. VIII., Milan 1481<br \/>\nVenice 1493 and 1497.]<\/p>\n<p>Tr. 57]<\/p>\n<p>1487.<\/p>\n<p>Demetrius was wont to say that there was<br \/>\nno difference between the speech and words<br \/>\nof the foolish and ignorant, and the noises<br \/>\nand rumblings of the wind in an inflated<br \/>\nstomach. Nor did he say so without reason,<br \/>\nfor he saw no difference between the parts<br \/>\nwhence the noise issued; whether their lower<br \/>\nparts or their mouth, since one and the<br \/>\nother were of equal use and importance.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Compare Vol. I, No. 10.]<br \/>\n S.K.M. III.93a]<\/p>\n<p>1488.<\/p>\n<p>Maestro Stefano Caponi, a physician, lives<br \/>\nat the piscina, and has Euclid De Ponderibus.<\/p>\n<p>K.2 2a]<\/p>\n<p>1489.<\/p>\n<p>5th Book of Euclid. First definition: a<br \/>\npart is a quantity of less magnitude than<br \/>\nthe greater magnitude when the less is<br \/>\ncontained a certain number of times in the<br \/>\ngreater.<\/p>\n<p>A part properly speaking is that which<br \/>\nmay be multiplied, that is when, being<br \/>\nmultiplied by a certain number, it forms exactly<br \/>\nthe whole. A common aggregate part &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Second definition. A greater magnitude is<br \/>\nsaid to be a multiple of a less, when the<br \/>\ngreater is measured by the less.<\/p>\n<p>By the first we define the lesser [magnitude]<br \/>\nand by the second the greater is defined.<br \/>\nA part is spoken<\/p>\n<p>K.2 2b]<\/p>\n<p>1490.<\/p>\n<p>of in relation to the whole; and all their<br \/>\nrelations lie between these two extremes, and<br \/>\nare called multiples.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.III. 16b]<\/p>\n<p>1491.<\/p>\n<p>Hippocrates says that the origin of men&#8217;s<br \/>\nsperm derives from the brain, and from the<br \/>\nlungs and testicles of our parents, where the<br \/>\nfinal decocture is made, and all the other<br \/>\nlimbs transmit their substance to this sperm<br \/>\nby means of expiration, because there are no<br \/>\nchannels through which they might come to<br \/>\nthe sperm.<br \/>\n[Footnote: The works of Hippocrates were printed first after Leonardo&#8217;s death.] Ash.II. IIb]<\/p>\n<p>1492.<\/p>\n<p>Lucretius in his third [book] &#8216;De Rerum<br \/>\nNatura&#8217;. The hands, nails and teeth were (165)<br \/>\nthe weapons of ancient man.<\/p>\n<p>They also use for a standard a bunch of<br \/>\ngrass tied to a pole (167).<br \/>\n[Footnote: Lucretius, de rerum natura libri VI were<br \/>\nprinted first about 1473, at Verona in 1486, at Brescia in 1495, at Venice in 1500 and in 1515, and at Florence in 1515. The numbers 165 and 167 noted by Leonardo at<br \/>\nthe end of the two passages seem to indicate pages,<br \/>\nbut if so, none of the editions just mentioned can<br \/>\nhere be meant, nor do these numbers refer to the<br \/>\nverses in the poems of Lucretius.]<\/p>\n<p>Tr. 2]<\/p>\n<p>1493.<\/p>\n<p>Ammianus Marcellinus asserts that seven<br \/>\nhundred thousand volumes of books were<br \/>\nburnt in the siege of Alexandria in the time<br \/>\nof Julius Cesar.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Ammiani Marcellini historiarum libri qui<br \/>\nextant XIII, published at Rome in 1474.]<\/p>\n<p>Tr. 2]<\/p>\n<p>W. XXIII.]<\/p>\n<p>1494.<\/p>\n<p>Mondino says that the muscles which<br \/>\nraise the toes are in the outward side of<br \/>\nthe thigh, and he adds that there are no<br \/>\nmuscles in the back [upper side] of the feet,<br \/>\nbecause nature desired to make them light, so<br \/>\nas to move with ease; and if they had been<br \/>\nfleshy they would be heavier; and here<br \/>\nexperience shows &#8230;<br \/>\n[Footnote: &#8220;Mundini anatomia. Mundinus, Anothomia (sic).<br \/>\nMundini praestantissimorum doctorum almi studit ticiensis<br \/>\n(sic) cura diligentissime emendata. Impressa Papiae per magistrum Antonium de Carfano 1478,&#8221; in-fol.; ristampata:<br \/>\n&#8220;Bononiae Johan. de Noerdlingen, 1482,&#8221; in-fol.; &#8220;Padova<\/p>\n<p>per Mattheum Cerdonis de Vuindischgretz, 1484,&#8221; in-40;<br \/>\n&#8220;Lipsia, 1493,&#8221; in-40; &#8220;Venezia, 1494,&#8221; in-40 e ivi<br \/>\n&#8220;1498,&#8221;<br \/>\ncon fig. Queste figure per altro non sono, come si e<br \/>\npreteso, le prime che fossero introdotte in un trattato di Notamia. Nel &#8216;fasciculus Medicinae&#8217; di Giovanni Ketham,<br \/>\nche riproduce F&#8217;Anatomia&#8217; del Mundinus, impresso pure a<br \/>\nVenezia da J. e G. de Gregoriis, 1491, in-fol.,<br \/>\ncontengosi intagli in legno (si vogliono disegnati non gia incisi da<br \/>\nAndrea Mantegna) di grande dimensione, e che furono<br \/>\npiu volte riprodotti negli anni successivi. Quest&#8217; edizione<br \/>\ndel &#8220;fasciculus&#8221; del 1491, sta fra nostri libri e potrebbe<br \/>\nbenissimo essere il volume d&#8217;Anatomia notato da Leonardo.<br \/>\n(G. D&#8217;A.)]<\/p>\n<p>G. 8a]<\/p>\n<p>1495.<\/p>\n<p>Of the error of those who practice without knowledge;&#8211;[Footnote 3:<strong>where is it?<\/strong>]<br \/>\nSee first the &#8216;Ars poetica&#8217; of Horace [Footnote 5: <strong>where is it?<\/strong>].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A 3&#8211;5 are written on the margin at the side<br \/>\nof the title line of the text given, entire as No. 19<br \/>\n 1496.<\/p>\n<p>The heirs of Maestro Giovanni Ghiringallo<br \/>\nhave the works of Pelacano.<\/p>\n<p>1497.<\/p>\n<p>The catapult, as we are told by Nonius<br \/>\nand Pliny, is a machine devised by those &amp;c.<br \/>\n[Footnote: <em>Plinius<\/em>, see No. 946.]<\/p>\n<p>1498.<\/p>\n<p>I have found in a history of the Spaniards<br \/>\nthat in their wars with the English Archimedes<br \/>\nof Syracuse who at that time was living<br \/>\nat the court of Ecliderides, King of the<br \/>\nCirodastri. And in maritime warfare he ordered that<br \/>\nthe ships should have tall masts, and that on<br \/>\ntheir tops there should be a spar fixed [Footnote 6: Compare No. 1115.] of<br \/>\n40 feet long and one third of a foot thick. At<br \/>\none end of this was a small grappling iron and<br \/>\nat the other a counterpoise; and there was also<br \/>\nattached 12 feet of chain; and, at the end of<br \/>\nthis chain, as much rope as would reach from<br \/>\nthe chain to the base of the top, where it was<br \/>\nfixed with a small rope; from this base it ran<br \/>\ndown to the bottom of the mast where a<br \/>\nvery strong spar was attached and to this<br \/>\nwas fastened the end of the rope. But to go on<br \/>\nto the use of his machine; I say that below<br \/>\nthis grappling iron was a fire [Footnote 14: Compare No. 1128.] which, with<br \/>\ntremendous noise, threw down its rays and<br \/>\na shower of burning pitch; which, pouring<br \/>\ndown on the [enemy&#8217;s] top, compelled the<br \/>\nmen who were in it to abandon the top<br \/>\nto which the grappling-iron had clung. This<br \/>\nwas hooked on to the edges of the top<br \/>\nand then suddenly the cord attached at the<br \/>\nbase of the top to support the cord which<br \/>\nwent from the grappling iron, was cut, giving<br \/>\nway and drawing in the enemy&#8217;s ship; and<br \/>\nif the anchor&#8211;was cast &#8230;<br \/>\n[Footnote: Archimedes never visited Spain, and the<br \/>\nnames here mentioned cannot be explained. Leonardo<br \/>\nseems to quote here from a book, perhaps by some<br \/>\nquestionable mediaeval writer. Prof. C. Justi writes to<br \/>\nme from Madrid, that Spanish savants have no knowledge<br \/>\nof the sources from which this story may have<br \/>\nbeen derived.]<br \/>\n Leic. 14b<\/p>\n<p>1499.<\/p>\n<p>Theophrastus on the ebb and flow of the<br \/>\ntide, and of eddies, and on water.<br \/>\n[Footnote: The Greek philosophers had no opportunity<br \/>\nto study the phenomenon of the ebb and flow of<br \/>\nthe tide and none of them wrote about it. The<br \/>\nmovement of the waters in the Euripus however was to<br \/>\na few of them a puzzling problem.]<\/p>\n<p>Ash. II. IIb]<\/p>\n<p>1500.<\/p>\n<p>Tryphon of Alexandria, who spent his life<br \/>\nat Apollonia, a city of Albania (163).<br \/>\n[Footnote: Tryphon of Alexandria, a Greek Grammarian<br \/>\nof the time of Augustus. His treatise <em>TtaOY Aeijecu<\/em> appeared first at Milan in 1476, in Constantin<br \/>\nLaskaris&#8217;s Greek Grammar.]<\/p>\n<p>K.3 29b]<\/p>\n<p>1501.<\/p>\n<p>Messer Vincenzio Aliprando, who lives<br \/>\nnear the Inn of the Bear, has Giacomo<br \/>\nAndrea&#8217;s Vitruvius.<\/p>\n<p>L. 53b]<\/p>\n<p>1502.<\/p>\n<p>Vitruvius says that small models are of<br \/>\nno avail for ascertaining the effects of large<br \/>\nones; and I here propose to prove that<br \/>\nthis conclusion is a false one. And chiefly<br \/>\nby bringing forward the very same argument<br \/>\nwhich led him to this conclusion; that is, by<br \/>\nan experiment with an auger. For he proves<br \/>\nthat if a man, by a certain exertion of<br \/>\nstrength, makes a hole of a given diameter,<br \/>\nand afterwards another hole of double the<br \/>\ndiameter, this cannot be made with only<br \/>\ndouble the exertion of the man&#8217;s strength,<br \/>\nbut needs much more. To this it may very<br \/>\nwell be answered that an auger<\/p>\n<p>L. 53a]<\/p>\n<p>1503.<\/p>\n<p>of double the diameter cannot be<br \/>\nmoved by double the exertion, be-<br \/>\ncause the superficies of a body of<br \/>\nthe same form but twice as large has<br \/>\nfour times the extent of the superficies<br \/>\nof the smaller, as is shown in the two<br \/>\nfigures a and n.<\/p>\n<p>Section title: Notes on books and authors<br \/>\n* There are characters present in the original footnotes that have accents &#8211; I have placed an asterisk next to them.<\/p>\n<p>1504.<\/p>\n<p>OF SQUARING THE CIRCLE, AND WHO IT WAS<br \/>\nTHAT FIRST DISCOVERED IT BY ACCIDENT.<\/p>\n<p>Vitruvius, measuring miles by means of<br \/>\nthe repeated revolutions of the wheels which<br \/>\nmove vehicles, extended over many Stadia<br \/>\nthe lines of the circumferences of the circles<br \/>\nof these wheels. He became aware of them<br \/>\nby the animals that moved the vehicles. But<br \/>\nhe did not discern that this was a means of<br \/>\nfinding a square equal to a circle. This was<br \/>\nfirst done by Archimedes of Syracuse, who<br \/>\nby multiplying the second diameter of a circle<br \/>\nby half its circumference produced a rectangular<br \/>\nquadrilateral equal figure to the circle.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Vitruvius, see also Nos. 1113 and 343.<br \/>\n10. Compare No. 1475.]<\/p>\n<p>1505.<\/p>\n<p>Virgil says that a blank shield is devoid of<br \/>\nmerit because among the people of Athens the<br \/>\ntrue recognition confirmed by testimonies &#8230;<br \/>\n[Footnote: The end of the text cannot be deciphered.]<\/p>\n<p>1506.<\/p>\n<p>In Vitolone there are 805 conclusions<br \/>\n[problems] in perspective.<br \/>\n[Footnote: _(Witelo, Vitellion, Vitellon) Vitellione. *E da<br \/>\nvedersi su questo ottico prospettico del secolo XIII Luca<br \/>\nPacioli, Paolo Lomazzo, Leonardo da Vinci, ecc. e fra i<br \/>\nmoderni il Graesse, il Libri, il Brunet, e le Memorie<br \/>\npubblicate dal principe Boncompagni, e &#8216;Sur l&#8217; orthographe<br \/>\ndu nom et sur la patrie de Witelo (Vitellion) note de<br \/>\nMaximilien Curtze, professeur *a Thorn&#8217;, ove sono descritti<br \/>\ni molti codici esistenti nelle biblioteche d&#8217; Europa. Bernardino<br \/>\nBaldi nelle sue &#8216;Vite de&#8217;matematici&#8217;, manoscritto presso<br \/>\nil principe Boncompagni, ha una biografia del Vitellione.<br \/>\nQuesto scritto del Baldi reca la data 25 agosto 1588.<br \/>\nDiscorsero poi di lui Federigo Risnerio e Giovanni di Monteregio<br \/>\nnella prefazione dell&#8217; Alfagrano, Giovanni Boteone,<br \/>\nGirolamo Cardano, &#8216;De subtilitate&#8217;, che nota gli errori di<br \/>\nVitellione. Visse, secondo il Baldi, intorno all&#8217; anno 1269,<br \/>\nma secondo il Reinoldo fioriva nel 1299, avendo dedicata<br \/>\nla sua opera ad un frate Guglielmo di Monteca, che visse<br \/>\ndi que&#8217; tempi.<\/p>\n<p>Intorno ad un manoscritto dell&#8217; ottica di Vitellione, citato<br \/>\nda Luca Pacioli v&#8217; ha un secondo esemplare del Kurlz,<br \/>\ncon aggiunte del principe Boncompagni, e le illustrazioni<br \/>\ndel cav. Enrico Narducci. Nel &#8216;Catalogo di manoscritti&#8217;<br \/>\nposseduti da D. Baldassare de&#8217; principi Boncompagni, compilato<br \/>\nda esso Narducci, Roma, 1862, sotto al n. 358,<br \/>\ntroviamo citato: Vitellio, &#8216;Perspectiva&#8217;, manoscritto del secolo<br \/>\nXIV. La &#8216;Prospettiva di Vitelleone&#8217; (sic) Thuringo-poloni<br \/>\n*e citata due volte da Paolo Lomazzo nel Trattato dell&#8217; arte<br \/>\ndella pittura. Vitellio o Vitello o Witelo. Il suo libro<br \/>\nfu impresso in foglio a Norimberga nel 1535; la secondo<br \/>\nedizione *e del 1551, sempre di Norimberga, ed una terza<br \/>\ndi Basilea, 1572._ (See _Indagini Storiche &#8230; sulla Libreria&#8211;Visconteo&#8211;Sforzesca del Castello di Pavia &#8230; per<br \/>\ncura di G. D&#8217;A., Milano 1879. P. I. Appendice p. 113. 114).]<\/p>\n<p>1507.<\/p>\n<p>Vitolone, at Saint Mark&#8217;s.<br \/>\n[Footnote: <em>Altro codice di cotesta &#8216;Prospettiva&#8217; del Vitolone<br \/>\ntroviamo notato nel &#8216;Canone bibliographico di Nicol*o V&#8217;,<br \/>\nconservato alla, Magliabecchiana, in copia dell&#8217; originale<br \/>\nverosimilmente inviato dal Parentucelli a Cosimo de&#8217; Medici<br \/>\n(Magliab. cod. segn. 1 VII, 30 carte da 193 a 198).<br \/>\nProviene dal Convento di San Marco e lo aveva trascritto<br \/>\nfrate Leonardo Scruberti fiorentino, dell&#8217; ordine dei<br \/>\npredicatori che fu anche bibliotecario della Medicea pubblica<br \/>\nin San Marco<\/em> (See _Indagini Storiche &#8230; per cura<br \/>\ndi G. D&#8217;A. Parte I, p. 97).]<br \/>\n K.2 12b}<\/p>\n<p>1508.<\/p>\n<p>How this proposition of Xenophon is false.<br \/>\nIf you take away unequal quantities from<br \/>\nunequal quantities, but in the same<br \/>\nproportion, &amp;c.<br \/>\n[Footnote:  Xenophon&#8217;s works were published several<br \/>\ntimes during Leonardo&#8217;s lifetime.]<\/p>\n<p>B. 4a]<\/p>\n<p>Inventories<br \/>\nand accounts<br \/>\n(1509-1545).<\/p>\n<p>1509.<\/p>\n<p>On the 28th day of April I received from<br \/>\nthe Marchesino 103 lire and 12 dinari.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Instead of the indication of the year there<br \/>\nis a blank space after d&#8217;aprile.&#8211;Marchesino Stange<br \/>\nwas one of Lodovico il Moro&#8217;s officials.&#8211;Campare<br \/>\nNo. 1388.]<\/p>\n<p>Ash. I. Ia]<\/p>\n<p>1510.<\/p>\n<p>On the ioth day of July 1492 in 135<br \/>\nRhenish florins          1. 445<br \/>\nin dinari of 6 soldi     1. 112 S 16<br \/>\nin dinari of 5 1\/2 soldi 1.  29 S 13<br \/>\n9 in gold and 3 scudi   _l.__53________<br \/>\n                         1. 8II in all<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.III. 47a]<\/p>\n<p>1511.<\/p>\n<p>On the first day of February, lire 1200.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.III. 47a]<\/p>\n<p>1512.<\/p>\n<p>The hall towards the court is 126 paces<br \/>\nlong and 27 braccia wide.<\/p>\n<p>1513<\/p>\n<p>The narrow cornice above the hall lire 30.<\/p>\n<p>The cornice beneath that, being one for<br \/>\neach picture, lire 7, and for the cost of blue,<br \/>\ngold, white, plaster, indigo and glue 3 lire;<br \/>\ntime 3 days.<\/p>\n<p>The pictures below these mouldings with<br \/>\ntheir pilasters, 12 lire each.<\/p>\n<p>I calculate the cost for smalt, blue and<br \/>\ngold and other colours at 1 1\/2 lire.<\/p>\n<p>The days I calculate at 3, for the invention<br \/>\nof the composition, pilasters and other<br \/>\nthings.<\/p>\n<p>1514.<\/p>\n<p>Item for each vault 7 lire<\/p>\n<p>outlay for blue and gold 3 1\/2<br \/>\ntime, 4 days<\/p>\n<p>for the windows 1 1\/2<\/p>\n<p>The cornice below the windows 16 soldi<br \/>\nper braccio<\/p>\n<p>item for 24 pictures of Roman history<br \/>\n14 lire each<\/p>\n<p>The philosophers 10 lire<\/p>\n<p>the pilasters, one ounce of blue 10 soldi<\/p>\n<p>for gold 15 soldi<br \/>\nTotal 2 and 1\/2 lire.<\/p>\n<p>1515.<\/p>\n<p>The cornice above lire 30<br \/>\nThe cornice below lire 7<br \/>\nThe compositions, one with another lire 13<\/p>\n<p>1516.<\/p>\n<p>Salai, 6 lire&#8230; 4 soldi&#8230; 10 soldi for<br \/>\na chain;&#8211;<\/p>\n<p>On the l4th of March I had 13 lire S. 4;<br \/>\n16 lire remain.<\/p>\n<p>1517.<\/p>\n<p>How many braccia high is the level of<br \/>\nthe walls?&#8211;<br \/>\n123 braccia<\/p>\n<p>How large is the hall?<br \/>\nHow large is the garland?<br \/>\n30 ducats.<\/p>\n<p>On the 29th day of January, 1494<br \/>\ncloth for hose lire 4 S 3<br \/>\nlining S 16<br \/>\nmaking S 8<br \/>\nto Salai S 3<br \/>\na jasper ring S 13<br \/>\na sparkling stone S 11<br \/>\nto Caterina S 10<br \/>\nto Caterina S 10<br \/>\n H.2 33a]<\/p>\n<p>1518.<\/p>\n<p>The wheel                 lire  7<br \/>\nthe tire                  lire 10<br \/>\nthe shield                lire  4<br \/>\nthe cushion               lire  8<br \/>\nthe ends of the axle-tree lire  2<br \/>\nbed and frame             lire 30<br \/>\nconduit                   lire 10<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M.II.2 4a]<\/p>\n<p>1519.<\/p>\n<p>Parsley   10 parts<br \/>\nmint       1 part<br \/>\nthyme      1 part<br \/>\nVinegar &#8230; and a little salt two pieces<br \/>\nof canvas for Salai.<br \/>\n[Footnote: This note, of about the year 1494, is the<br \/>\nearliest<br \/>\nmention of Salai, and the last is of the year<br \/>\n1513 (see No. 1465, 3). From the various notes in<br \/>\nthe MSS. he seems to have been Leonardo&#8217;s assistant<br \/>\nand keeper only, and scarcely himself a painter. At<br \/>\nany rate no signed or otherwise authenticated picture<br \/>\nby him is known to exist. Vasari speaks somewhat doubtfully on this point.]<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. II.I o&#8221;]<\/p>\n<p>1520.<\/p>\n<p>On Tuesday I bought wine for morning [drinking];<br \/>\non Friday the 4th day of September the same.<br \/>\n[Footnote: This note enables us to fix the date of the<br \/>\nManuscript, in which it is to be found. In 1495 the<br \/>\n4th of September fell on a Friday; the contents<br \/>\nof the Manuscript do not permit us to assign it to<br \/>\na much earlier or later date (Compare No. 1522,<br \/>\nand Note).]<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. II.I 94b]<\/p>\n<p>1521.<\/p>\n<p>The cistern &#8230; at<br \/>\nthe Hospital,&#8211;2 ducats,&#8211;beans,-white<br \/>\nmaize,&#8211;red maize,&#8211;millet,&#8211;buckwheat,<br \/>\n&#8211;kidney beans,&#8211;beans,&#8211;peas.<\/p>\n<p>S.K.M. II.I 95a]<\/p>\n<p>1522.<\/p>\n<p>EXPENSES OF THE INTERMENT OF CATERINA.<\/p>\n<p>For the 3 Ibs of tapers              27 S<br \/>\nFor the bier                          8 S<br \/>\nA pall over the bier                 12 S<br \/>\nFor bearing and placing the cross     4 S<br \/>\nFor bearing the body                  8 S<br \/>\nFor 4 priests and 4 clerks           20 S<br \/>\nBell, book and sponge                 2 S<br \/>\nFor the gravediggers                 16 S<br \/>\nTo the senior                         8 S<br \/>\nFor a license from the authorities__  1 S<br \/>\n                                    106 S<br \/>\nThe doctor                            2 S<br \/>\nSugar and candles                 __ 12 S<br \/>\n                                    120 S<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote:  See Nos. 1384 and 1517.]<br \/>\n 1523.<\/p>\n<p>Salai&#8217;s cloak, the 4th of April 1497.<br \/>\n4 braccia of silver cloth l. 15 S 4<br \/>\ngreen velvet to trim it l. 9 S &#8212;<br \/>\nbinding l.&#8211; S 9<br \/>\nloops l.&#8211; S 12<br \/>\nthe making l. 1 S 5<br \/>\nbinding for the front l.&#8211; S 5<br \/>\nstitching _________<br \/>\nhere are 13 grossoni of his l. 26 S 5<br \/>\nSalai stole the soldi.<\/p>\n<p>1524.<\/p>\n<p>On Monday I bought 4 braccia of cloth<br \/>\nlire 13 S 14 1\/2 on the 17th of, October 1497.<\/p>\n<p>1525.<\/p>\n<p>Memorandum. That on the 8th day of<br \/>\nApril 1503, I, Leonardo da Vinci, lent to<br \/>\nVante, miniature painter 4 gold ducats, in<br \/>\ngold. Salai carried them to him and gave<br \/>\nthem into his own hand, and he said he would<br \/>\nrepay within the space of 40 days.<\/p>\n<p>Memorandum. That on the same day I<br \/>\npaid to Salai 3 gold ducats which he said<br \/>\nhe wanted for a pair of rose-coloured<br \/>\nhose with their trimming; and there remain<br \/>\n9 ducats due to him-excepting that he owes<br \/>\nme 20 ducats, that is 17 I lent him at Milan,<br \/>\nand 3 at Venice.<\/p>\n<p>Memorandum. That I gave Salai 21 braccia<br \/>\nof cloth to make a shirt, at io soldi<br \/>\nthe braccio, which I gave him on the<br \/>\n20th day of April 1503.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: With regard to Vante or Attavante, the miniature<br \/>\npainter (not Nanni as I formerly deciphered<br \/>\nthis name, which is difficult to read; see <em>Zeitschrift<br \/>\nfur Bild. Kunst<\/em>, 1879, p. 155), and Vasari, Lives of Frate<br \/>\nGiovanni da Fiesole, of Bartolommeo della Gatta,<br \/>\nand of Gherardo, <em>miniatore.<\/em> He, like Leonardo, was<br \/>\none of the committee of artists who, in 1503, considered<br \/>\nthe erection and placing of Michel Angelo&#8217;s David.<br \/>\nThe date of his death is not known; he was of the<br \/>\nsame age as Leonardo. Further details will be found<br \/>\nin &#8216;<em>Notizie di Attavante miniatore, e di alcuni suoi lavori<\/em>&#8216;<br \/>\n(Milanese&#8217;s ed. of Vasari, III, 231-235).]<\/p>\n<p>1526.<\/p>\n<p>On the morning of San Peter&#8217;s day,<br \/>\nJune 29th, 1504, I took io ducats, of which<br \/>\nI gave one to Tommaso my servant to<br \/>\nspend.<br \/>\n On Monday morning 1 florin to Salai to<br \/>\nspend on the house.<\/p>\n<p>On Thursday I took 1 florin for my own<br \/>\nspending.<\/p>\n<p>Wednesday evening 1 florin to Tommaso,<br \/>\nbefore supper.<\/p>\n<p>Saturday morning 1 florin to Tommaso.<\/p>\n<p>Monday morning 1 florin less 10 soldi.<\/p>\n<p>Thursday to Salai i florin less 10 soldi.<\/p>\n<p>For a jerkin, 1 florin.<\/p>\n<p>For a jerkin<br \/>\nAnd a cap<br \/>\n2 florins.<\/p>\n<p>To the hosier, 1 florin.<\/p>\n<p>To Salai, 1 florin.<\/p>\n<p>Friday morning, the 19th of July, 1 florin,<br \/>\nless 6 soldi. I have 7 fl. left, and 22 in the box.<\/p>\n<p>Tuesday, the 23th day of July, 1 florin to<br \/>\nTommaso.<\/p>\n<p>Monday morning, to Tommaso 1 florin.<\/p>\n<p>[Wednesday morning 1 fl. to Tommaso.]<\/p>\n<p>Thursday morning the 1st day of August<br \/>\n1 fl. to Tommaso.<\/p>\n<p>Sunday, the 4th of August, 1 florin.<\/p>\n<p>Friday, the pth day of August 1504, I<br \/>\ntook 10 ducats out of the box.<\/p>\n<p>1527.<\/p>\n<p>1504.<br \/>\nOn the 9th day of August, 1504, I took<br \/>\n10 florins in gold[<em>2] &#8230;. [<\/em>3] on Friday the<br \/>\n9th day of August fifteen grossoni that is<br \/>\nfl. 5 S 5 &#8230;. given to me 1 florin in gold<br \/>\non the l2th day of August [*4] &#8230;.. on the<br \/>\n14th of August, 32 grossoni to Tommaso. On<br \/>\nthe l8th of the same 5 grossoni to Salai.<br \/>\nOn the 8th of September 6 grossoni to the<br \/>\nworkman to spend; that is on the day of<br \/>\nour Lady&#8217;s birth. On the 16th day of September<br \/>\nI gave 4 grossoni to Tommaso: on<br \/>\na Sunday.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: In the original, the passage given as No. 1463<br \/>\nis written between lines 2 and 3 of this text, and<br \/>\nit is possible that the entries in lines 3 and 4 refer<br \/>\nto the payments of Jacopo Tedesco, who is there<br \/>\nmentioned. The first words of these lines are very<br \/>\nillegible.<\/p>\n<p>*7. _Al fattore._ Il Fattore, was, as is well known,<br \/>\nthe nick-name of Giovanni Franceso Penni, born in<br \/>\nFlorence in 1486, and subsequently a pupil of Raphael&#8217;s.<br \/>\nAccording to Vasari he was known by it<br \/>\neven as a boy. Whether he is spoken of in this<br \/>\npassage, or whether the word Fattore should be translated<br \/>\nliterally, I will not undertake to decide. The<br \/>\nlatter seems to me more probably right.<br \/>\n Section Title: Inventories and accounts.<\/p>\n<p>1528.<\/p>\n<p>On the day of October, 1508, I had<br \/>\n30 scudi; 13 I lent to Salai to make up his<br \/>\nsister&#8217;s dowry, and 17 I have left.<\/p>\n<p>1529.<\/p>\n<p>Memorandum of the money I have had<br \/>\nfrom the King as my salary from July 1508<br \/>\ntill April next 1509. First 100 scudi, then<br \/>\n70, then 50, then 20 and then 200 florins at<br \/>\n48 soldi the florin.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Compare No. 1350 and 1561.]<\/p>\n<p>1530.<\/p>\n<p>Saturday the 2nd day of March I had from<br \/>\nSanta Maria Novella 5 gold ducats, leaving<br \/>\n450. Of these I gave 2 the same day to<br \/>\nSalai, who had lent them to me.<br \/>\n[Footnote: See <em>&#8216;Conto corrente di Leonardo da Vinci con<br \/>\nlo Spedale di S. Maria Nuova&#8217; [1500 a 1507, 1513&#8211;1520]<\/em><br \/>\npublished by G. UZIELLI, <em>Ricerche intorno a Leonardo<br \/>\nda Vinci, Firenze,<\/em> 1872, pp. 164, 165, 218 and 219.<br \/>\nThe date here given by Leonardo does not occur in<br \/>\neither of the accounts.]<\/p>\n<p>1531.<\/p>\n<p>Thursday, the eighth day of June, I took<br \/>\n17 grossoni, 18 soldi; on the same Thursday<br \/>\nin the morning I gave to Salai 22 soldi<br \/>\nfor the expenses.<\/p>\n<p>1532.<\/p>\n<p>To Salai 4 grossoni, and for one braccio<br \/>\nof velvet, 5 lire, and 1\/2; viz. 10 soldi for<br \/>\nloops of silver; Salai 14 soldi for binding,<br \/>\nthe making of the cloak 25 soldi.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Compare No. 1523.]<\/p>\n<p>1533.<\/p>\n<p>I gave to Salai 93 lire 6 soldi, of which<br \/>\nI have had 67 lire and there remain 26 lire<br \/>\n6 soldi.<br \/>\n 1534.<\/p>\n<p>To Salai S 42<\/p>\n<p>2 dozen of laces S 8<\/p>\n<p>for papers S 3 d 8<\/p>\n<p>a pair of shoes S 14<\/p>\n<p>for velvet S 14<\/p>\n<p>a sword and knife S 21<\/p>\n<p>to the barber S 11<\/p>\n<p>to Paolo for a&#8230;. S 20<br \/>\nFor having his fortune told S 6<\/p>\n<p>1535.<\/p>\n<p>On Friday morning,<br \/>\none florin to Salai to<br \/>\nspend; 3 soldi received<\/p>\n<p>bread S.. d<\/p>\n<p>wine S.. d<\/p>\n<p>grapes S.. d<\/p>\n<p>mushrooms S.. d<\/p>\n<p>fruit S.. d<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 6: Compare Nos. 1545, l. 4 and 5,<br \/>\nwith similar entries for horse&#8217;s fodder.]<br \/>\nbran S.. d<\/p>\n<p>at the barber&#8217;s S.. d<\/p>\n<p>for shoes S.. d<\/p>\n<p>1536.<\/p>\n<p>On Thursday morning one florin.<\/p>\n<p>1537.<\/p>\n<p>On Saint Ambrose&#8217;s day from the morning<br \/>\nto Thursday 36 soldi.<\/p>\n<p>1538.<\/p>\n<p>The moneys I have had from Ser Matteo;<br \/>\nfirst 20 grassoni, then on 13 occasions 3 f.<br \/>\nand then 61 grassoni, then 3, and then 3*3;<br \/>\n46 soldi 12 grossoni.<\/p>\n<p>1539.<\/p>\n<p>For paper S 18<\/p>\n<p>for canvas S 30<\/p>\n<p>for paper S 10 d 19<\/p>\n<p>Total S 73<br \/>\n 1540.<\/p>\n<p>20 pounds of German<br \/>\nblue, at one ducat the pound lire 80 S  d<\/p>\n<p>60 pounds of white, S..<br \/>\nthe pound lire 15 S  d<\/p>\n<p>1 1\/2 pound at 48 the pound lire 6 S  d<\/p>\n<p>2 pounds of cinnabar at S 18<br \/>\nthe pound lire 1 S 16 d<\/p>\n<p>6 pounds of green at S 12<br \/>\nthe pound lire 3 S 12 d<\/p>\n<p>4 pounds of yellow at S 12<br \/>\nthe pound lire 2 S 8 d<\/p>\n<p>1 pound of minium at S 8<br \/>\nthe pound lire 0 S 8 d<\/p>\n<p>4 pounds of&#8230;.. at S 2<br \/>\nthe pound lire 0 S 8 d<\/p>\n<p>6 pounds of ochre at S 1<br \/>\nthe pound lire 0 S 6 d<\/p>\n<p>black&#8230; at S 2 the pound<br \/>\nfor 20 lire 2 S 0 d<\/p>\n<p>wax to make the stars<br \/>\n29 pounds at S&#8211;the pound lire 0 S 0 d<\/p>\n<p>40 pounds of oil for painting<br \/>\nat 5 soldi the pound lire 10 S 0 d<\/p>\n<p>Altogether lire 120 d 18<br \/>\nwithout the gold. 18<\/p>\n<p>tin for putting on the gold 120 18<br \/>\n58<\/p>\n<p>1541.<\/p>\n<p>Two large hatchets and one very small<br \/>\none, 8 brass spoons, 4 tablecloths, 2 towels,<br \/>\n15 small napkins, 2 coarse napkins, 2 coarse<br \/>\ncloths, 2 wrappers, 3 pairs of sheets, 2 pairs<br \/>\nnew and 1 old.<\/p>\n<p>1542.<\/p>\n<p>Bed 7 0 S<\/p>\n<p>ring 7 0<\/p>\n<p>crockery 2 5<\/p>\n<p>gardener 1 2<\/p>\n<p>&#8230;.. 2 8<\/p>\n<p>porters 2 1<\/p>\n<p>glasses 1<\/p>\n<p>fuel 3 6<\/p>\n<p>a lock 1<br \/>\n Section title: Miscellaneous Notes.<\/p>\n<p>1543.<\/p>\n<p>New tin-ware          3 pairs of sheets<br \/>\n6 small bowls,          each of 4 breadths,<br \/>\n6 bowls,              2 small sheets,<br \/>\n2 large dishes,       2 tablecloths and J\/2,<br \/>\n2 dishes medium size, 16 coarse cloths,<br \/>\n2 small ones          8 shirts,<br \/>\n  Old tin-ware        9 napkins,<br \/>\n3 small bowls,        2 hand-towels.<br \/>\n4 bowls,<br \/>\n3 square stones,<br \/>\n2 small bowls,<br \/>\n1 large bowl,<br \/>\n1 platter,<br \/>\n4 candlesticks,<br \/>\n1 small candlestick.<\/p>\n<p>1544.<\/p>\n<pre><code>Hose    S 40\n<\/code><\/pre>\n<p>straw       S 60<br \/>\nwheat       S 42<br \/>\nwine        S 54<br \/>\nbread       S 18<br \/>\nmeat        S 54<br \/>\neggs        S  5<br \/>\nsalad       S  3<br \/>\nthe Barber  S 2 d 6<br \/>\nhorses      S 1<\/p>\n<p>1545.<\/p>\n<p>Sunday<\/p>\n<p>meat        S 10 d<br \/>\nwine        S 12 d<br \/>\nbran        S  5 d 4<br \/>\nherbs       S 10 d<br \/>\nbuttermilk  S  4 d 4<br \/>\nmelon       S  3 d<br \/>\nbread       S  3 d 1<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Monday   S  9   8<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>&#8230;..       S  6 d<br \/>\nwine        S 12 d<br \/>\nbran        S  9 d 4<br \/>\nbuttermilk  S  4 d 4<br \/>\nherbs       S  8 d<br \/>\n____________________      Tuesday S    d<br \/>\nmeat         S  0 d 8<br \/>\nwine         S 12 d<br \/>\nbread        S  3 d<br \/>\nmeal         S  5 d 4<br \/>\nherbs        S  8 d<br \/>\n    Wednesday __<br \/>\nwine         S  5 d<br \/>\nmelon        S  2 d<br \/>\nmeal         S  5 d 4<br \/>\nvegetables   S  8<\/p>\n<p>Ash.I. 18b]<\/p>\n<p>Notes by<br \/>\nunknown<br \/>\npersons<br \/>\namong the<br \/>\nMSS.<br \/>\n(1546&#8211;1565).<\/p>\n<p>1546.<\/p>\n<p>Miseracione divina sacro sancte Romane ecclesie tituli n cardinalis 2wulgariter<br \/>\nnuncupatus venerabili religioso fratri Johanni Mair d&#8217;Nustorf 3ordinis praedicatorum provintie<br \/>\nteutonie (?) conventus Wiennensis capellano 4 nostro commensali salutem in dno sempi-<br \/>\nternam Religione zelus rite ac in [ferite?] 5honestas aliarumque laudabilium probitatis et<br \/>\nvirtutum merita quibus apud nos fide 6digno commendationis testimonio Magistri videlicet<br \/>\nordinis felicis recordacionis Leonardi de 7Mansuetis de Perusio sigillo suo &#8230; us dans<br \/>\ntibi ad &#8230; opera virtutum comen(salem)? 8 locum et tempus success(ores) cujus simi-<br \/>\nliter officium ministratus qui praedecessoris sui donum (?) 9confirmavit et de novo dedit<br \/>\naliorumque plurima [laudatis] qui opera tua laudant 10nos inducunt ut tibi (?) reddamus<br \/>\nad gratiam liberalem hinc est quod nos cupientes.<br \/>\n[Footnote: The meaning of this document, which is<br \/>\nvery difficult to decipher, and is written in<br \/>\nunintelligible<br \/>\nLatin, is, that Leonardo di Mansuetis recommends<br \/>\nthe Rev. Mair of Nusdorf, chaplain at Vienna,<br \/>\nto some third person; and says also that something,<br \/>\nwhich had to be proved, has been proved. The rest<br \/>\nof the passages on the same leaf are undoubtedly<br \/>\nin Leonardo&#8217;s hand. (Nos. 483, 661, 519, 578, 392,<br \/>\n582, 887 and 894.)]<\/p>\n<p>W. XIIb]<\/p>\n<p>1547.<\/p>\n<p>Johannes Antonius di Johannes Ambro-<br \/>\nsius de Bolate. He who lets time pass and<br \/>\ndoes not grow in virtue, the more I think<br \/>\nof it the more I grieve. No man has it in<br \/>\nhim to be virtuous who will give up honour<br \/>\nfor gain. Good fortune is valueless to him<br \/>\nwho knows not toil. The man becomes<br \/>\nhappy who follows Christ. There is no perfect<br \/>\ngift without great suffering. Our glories<br \/>\nand our triumphs pass away. Foul lust, and<br \/>\ndreams, and luxury, and sloth have banished<br \/>\nevery virtue from the world; so that our<br \/>\nNature, wandering and perplexed, has almost<br \/>\nlost the old and better track. Henceforth it<br \/>\nwere well to rouse thyself from sleep. The<br \/>\nmaster said that lying in down will not bring<br \/>\nthee to Fame; nor staying beneath the quilts.<br \/>\nHe who, without Fame, burns his life to waste,<br \/>\nleaves no more vestige of himself on earth than<br \/>\nwind-blown smoke, or the foam upon the sea.<br \/>\n[Footnote: From the last sentence we may infer that<br \/>\nthis text is by the hand of a pupil of Leonardo&#8217;s.&#8211;<br \/>\nOn the same sheet are the notes Nos.1175 and 715<br \/>\nin Leonardo&#8217;s own handwriting.]<br \/>\n Section Title: Miscellaneous notes.<\/p>\n<p>1548.<\/p>\n<p>On the morning of Santo Zanobio the<br \/>\n29th of May 1504, I had from Lionardo Vinci<br \/>\n15 gold ducats and began to spend them.<br \/>\nto Mona Margarita   S  62 d 4<br \/>\nto remake the ring  S  19 d 8<br \/>\nclothes             S  13<br \/>\ngood beef           S   4<br \/>\neggs                S   6<br \/>\ndebt at the bank    S   7<br \/>\nvelvet              S  12<br \/>\nwine                S  6 d 4<br \/>\nmeat                S  4<br \/>\nmulberries          S  2 d 4<br \/>\nmushrooms           S  3 d 4<br \/>\nsalad               S  1<br \/>\nfruit               S  1 d 4<br \/>\ncandles             S  3<br \/>\n&#8230;.                S  1<br \/>\nflour               S  2<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<pre><code>Sunday           198   8\n<\/code><\/pre>\n<hr \/>\n<p>bread               S  6<br \/>\nwine                S  9 d 4<br \/>\nmeat                S  7<br \/>\nsoup                S  2<br \/>\nfruit               S  3 d 4<br \/>\ncandles             S  3 d<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Monday                31<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>bread               S  6 d 4<br \/>\nmeat                S 10 d 8<br \/>\nwine                S  9 d 4<br \/>\nfruit               S  4<br \/>\nsoup                S  1 d 8<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<pre><code>                  32\n<\/code><\/pre>\n<p>1549.<\/p>\n<pre><code>Tuesday\n<\/code><\/pre>\n<hr \/>\n<p>bread              S  6<br \/>\nmeat               S 11<br \/>\nwine               S  7<br \/>\nfruit              S  9<br \/>\nsoup               S  2<br \/>\nsalad              S  1<\/p>\n<p>*[Footnote for 1548 and 1549. On the same sheet is the text No. 1015 in Leonardo&#8217;s own handwriting.]<br \/>\n Section title: Notes by unknown hands.<\/p>\n<p>1550.<\/p>\n<p>To Monna Margarita       S  5<br \/>\nto Tomaso                   S 14<br \/>\nto Monna Margarita     d  5 S  2<br \/>\non the day of San Zanobi<br \/>\nleft&#8230;.. after<br \/>\npayment                d 13 S  2 d 4<br \/>\nof Monna Margarita<br \/>\n                   __________________<br \/>\n     altogether        d 14 S 5 d 4<\/p>\n<p>1551.<\/p>\n<p>On Monday, the l3th of February, I lent<br \/>\nlire S 7 to Lionardo to spend, Friday d 7.<br \/>\n[Footnote: This note is followed by an account very like the one given as No. 1549.]<\/p>\n<p>1552.<\/p>\n<p>Stephano Chigi, Canonico&#8230;.., servant<br \/>\nof the honorable Count Grimani at S.<br \/>\nApostoli.<br \/>\n[Footnote: Compare No. 674, 21&#8211;23.]<\/p>\n<p>1553.<\/p>\n<p>Having become anxious&#8230;&#8230;&#8230;. Bernardo<br \/>\ndi Simone, Silvestro di Stefano, Bernardo<br \/>\ndi Jacopo, Francesco di Matteo Bonciani,<br \/>\nAntonio di Giovanni Ruberti, Antonio<br \/>\nda Pistoia&#8230;. Antonio; He who has time<br \/>\nand waits for time, will lose his friends and<br \/>\nhis money.<\/p>\n<p>1554.<\/p>\n<p>Reverend Maestro, Domino Giovanni, I<br \/>\nspoke to Maestro Zacaria as a brother about<br \/>\nthis business, and I made him satisfied with<br \/>\nthe arrangement that I had wished; that is,<br \/>\nas regards the commission that I had from<br \/>\nthe parties and I say that between us there<br \/>\nis no need to pay money down, as regard<br \/>\nthe pictures of the &#8230;<br \/>\n C.A. 75a; 220a]<\/p>\n<p>1555.<\/p>\n<p>Of things seen through a mist that which<br \/>\nis nearest its farthest limit will be least visible,<br \/>\nand all the more so as they are more remote.<\/p>\n<p>Cod.A. 77;b 225b]<\/p>\n<p>1556.<\/p>\n<p>Theodoricus Rex Semper Augustus.<\/p>\n<p>C.A. 94b; 271b]<\/p>\n<p>1557.<\/p>\n<p>Either you say Hesperia alone, and it will<br \/>\nmean Italy, or you add ultima, and it will<br \/>\nmean Spain. Umbria, part of Tuscany.<br \/>\n[Footnote: AMORETTI, Mem. Stor. XXIV, quotes the first<br \/>\nthree lines of this letter as by Leonardo. The<br \/>\ncha-<br \/>\nracter of the writing however does not favour this<br \/>\nhypothesis, and still less the contents. I should<br \/>\nregard it rather a rough draft of a letter by young<br \/>\nMelzi. I have not succeeded in deciphering<br \/>\ncompletely<br \/>\nthe 13 lines of this text. Amoretti reads at<br \/>\nthe beginning Canonica di Vaprio, but Vaprio seems<br \/>\nto me a very doubtful reading.]<br \/>\n[Footnote: The notes in Greek, Nos. 1557, 1558 and<br \/>\n1562 stand in close connection with each other, but<br \/>\nthe meaning of some words is very doubtful, and a<br \/>\ntranslation is thus rendered impossible.]<\/p>\n<p>C.A. 121b; 376b]<\/p>\n<p>1558.<\/p>\n<p><strong>IlavTcov avTKX[AcpXt(uv Suo soostai smataupovTou; 2irptoo[Aiaaai w avepu>uo? &#8216;Ae7]vac ToT?<br \/>\nQs.oi&lt;; 8sj(o[j-ai.<\/strong><br \/>\n[Footnote: The notes in Greek, Nos. 1557, 1558 and<br \/>\n1562 stand in close connection with each other, but<br \/>\nthe meaning of some words is very doubtful, and a<br \/>\ntranslation is thus rendered impossible.]<\/p>\n<p>C.A.130a; 397a]<\/p>\n<p>1559.<\/p>\n<p>Canonica of &#8230; on the 5th of July 1507;<br \/>\nmy dearly beloved mother, sisters and cousin<br \/>\nI herewith inform you that thanks to God<br \/>\nI am &#8230; about the sword which I<br \/>\n&#8230; bring it to Maso at the piazza &#8230;<br \/>\nand I will settle the business of Piero so<br \/>\nthat &#8230;<\/p>\n<p>C.A. 164b; 490b]<\/p>\n<p>1560.<\/p>\n<p>Ut bene respondet Naturae ars docta! dedisset<br \/>\n    Vincius, ut tribuit cetera \u00e2\u20ac\u00a2 sic animam \u00e2\u20ac\u00a2<br \/>\n  Noluit ut similis magis haec foret: altera sic est:<br \/>\n    Possidet illius Maurus amans animam.<br \/>\n[Footnote 1560: These three epigrams on the portrait of<br \/>\nLucrezia Crivelli, a picture by Leonardo which must<br \/>\nhave been lost at a very early date, seem to have<br \/>\nbeen dedicated to Leonardo by the poet. Leonardo<br \/>\nused the reverse of the sheet for notes on geometry.]<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: The notes in Greek, Nos. 1557, 1558 and<br \/>\n1562 stand in close connection with each other, but<br \/>\nthe meaning of some words is very doubtful, and a<br \/>\ntranslation is thus rendered impossible.]<\/p>\n<p>Hujus quam cernis nomen Lucretia, Divi<br \/>\nOmnia cui larga contribuere manu.<br \/>\nRara huic forma data est; pinxit Leonardos, amavit<br \/>\nMaurus, pictorum primus hic, ille ducum.<\/p>\n<p>Naturam, ac superas hac laesit imagine Divas<br \/>\nPictor: tantum hominis posse manum haec doluit,<br \/>\nIllae longa dari tam magnae tempera formae,<br \/>\nQuae spatio fuerat deperitura brevi.<\/p>\n<p>1561.<\/p>\n<p>Egidius Romanus on the formation of<br \/>\nthe human body in the mother&#8217;s womb [Footnote 1: <em>Liber magistri Egidii de pulsibus matrice<br \/>\nconipositus (cum commentario Gentilis de Fulgineo)<\/em> published<br \/>\nin 1484 at Padova, in 1494 and in 1514 at Venice,<br \/>\nand in 1505 at Lyons.].<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote 2:2. This text appears to be in a handwriting different<br \/>\nfrom that in the note, l. 1. Here the reading is<br \/>\nnot so simple as AMORETTI gave it, <em>Mem. Star. XXV:<br \/>\nA Monsieur Lyonard Peintre du Roy pour Amboyse<\/em>. He<br \/>\nsays too that this address is of the year 1509, and<br \/>\nMr. Ravaisson remarks: &#8220;<em>De cette suscription il semble<br \/>\nqu&#8217;on peut inferer que Leonard etait alors en France, a<br \/>\nla cour de Louis XII &#8230; Pour conclure je crois qu&#8217;il<br \/>\nn&#8217;est pas prouve que Leonard de Vinci n&#8217;ait pas fait un<br \/>\nvoyage de quelques mois en France sous Louis XII, entre<br \/>\nle printemps de 1509 et l&#8217;automne de 1510<\/em>.&#8221;&#8211;I must<br \/>\nconfess that I myself have not succeeded in deciphering<br \/>\ncompletely this French writing of which two<br \/>\nwords remain to me doubtful. But so much seems to<br \/>\nbe quite evident that this is not an address of a letter<br \/>\nat all, but a certificate or note. <em>Amboise<\/em>[l. 6] I believe<br \/>\nto be the signature of Charles d&#8217;Amboise the<br \/>\nGovernor of Milan. If this explanation is the right<br \/>\none, it can be easily explained by the contents of<br \/>\nNos. 1350 and 1529. The note, line 1, was perhaps<br \/>\nadded later by another hand; and Leonardo himself<br \/>\nwrote afterwards on the same sheet some geometrical<br \/>\nexplanations. I must also point out that the<br \/>\nstatement that this sheet belongs to the year 1509<br \/>\nhas absolutely no foundation in fact. There is no<br \/>\nclue whatever for giving a precise date to this note.]<br \/>\nTo Monsieur le Vinci,&#8211;the horses of the<br \/>\nking&#8217;s equerry&#8230;. Continue the payment<br \/>\nto Ms. Lyonard, Painter to the King.<\/p>\n<p>[6] Amboise.<\/p>\n<p>1562.<\/p>\n<p>*** [Don&#8217;t know what to do about these Greek characters]<\/p>\n<p>1563.<\/p>\n<p>Memorandum to Maestro Lionardo to<br \/>\nhave &#8230; the state of Florence.<\/p>\n<p>1564.<\/p>\n<p>To remind your Excellency that Ridolfo<br \/>\nManini brought to Florence a quantity<br \/>\nof crystal besides other stones such as<br \/>\nare &#8230;<br \/>\n 1565.<\/p>\n<p>XVIo* C. 6 de Ciuitate Dei, 2*se Antipodes.<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: A facsimile of this note, which refers to<br \/>\na well known book by St. Augustin, is given on page 254.]<\/p>\n<p>1566.<\/p>\n<p>Leonardo&#8217;s<br \/>\nWill.<\/p>\n<p>Be it known to all persons, present and<br \/>\nto come that at the court of our Lord the<br \/>\nKing at Amboise before ourselves in person,<br \/>\nMesser Leonardo da Vinci painter<br \/>\nto the King, at present staying at the place<br \/>\nknown as Cloux near Amboise, duly considering<br \/>\nthe certainty of death and the uncertainty<br \/>\nof its time, has acknowledged and<br \/>\ndeclared in the said court and before us that<br \/>\nhe has made, according to the tenor of these<br \/>\npresents, his testament and the declaration of<br \/>\nhis last will, as follows. And first he commends<br \/>\nhis soul to our Lord, Almighty God,<br \/>\nand to the Glorious Virgin Mary, and to our<br \/>\nlord Saint Michael, to all the blessed Angels<br \/>\nand Saints male and female in Paradise.<\/p>\n<p>Item. The said Testator desires to be<br \/>\nburied within the church of Saint Florentin<br \/>\nat Amboise, and that his body shall be borne<br \/>\nthither by the chaplains of the church.<\/p>\n<p>Item. That his body may be followed<br \/>\nfrom the said place to the said church of<br \/>\nSaint Florentin by the <em>collegium<\/em> of the said<br \/>\nchurch, that is to say by the rector and the<br \/>\nprior, or by their vicars and chaplains of the<br \/>\nchurch of Saint Denis of Amboise, also the<br \/>\nlesser friars of the place, and before his body<br \/>\nshall be carried to the said church this Testator<br \/>\ndesires, that in the said church of Saint<br \/>\nFlorentin three grand masses shall be celebrated<br \/>\nby the deacon and sub-deacon and<br \/>\nthat on the day when these three high masses<br \/>\nare celebrated, thirty low masses shall also<br \/>\nbe performed at Saint Gregoire.<\/p>\n<p>Item. That in the said church of Saint<br \/>\nDenis similar services shall be performed, as<br \/>\nabove.<\/p>\n<p>Item. That the same shall be done in<br \/>\nthe church of the said friars and lesser<br \/>\nbrethren.<\/p>\n<p>Item. The aforesaid Testator gives and<br \/>\nbequeaths to Messer Francesco da Melzo,<br \/>\nnobleman, of Milan, in remuneration for services<br \/>\nand favours done to him in the past, each<\/p>\n<p>[Footnote: See page 420.]<br \/>\n and all of the books the Testator is at present<br \/>\npossessed of, and the instruments and<br \/>\nportraits appertaining to his art and calling<br \/>\nas a painter.<\/p>\n<p>Item. The same Testator gives and bequeaths<br \/>\nhenceforth for ever to Battista de Vilanis<br \/>\nhis servant one half, that is the moity, of his<br \/>\ngarden which is outside the walls of Milan,<br \/>\nand the other half of the same garden to<br \/>\nSalai his servant; in which garden aforesaid<br \/>\nSalai has built and constructed a house which<br \/>\nshall be and remain henceforth in all perpetuity<br \/>\nthe property of the said Salai, his<br \/>\nheirs and successors; and this is in remuneration<br \/>\nfor the good and kind services which<br \/>\nthe said de Vilanis and Salai, his servants<br \/>\nhave done him in past times until now.<\/p>\n<p>Item. The said Testator gives to Maturina<br \/>\nhis waiting woman a cloak of good<br \/>\nblack cloth lined with fur, a&#8230;.. of cloth<br \/>\nand two ducats paid once only; and this<br \/>\nlikewise is in remuneration for good service<br \/>\nrendered to him in past times by the said<br \/>\nMaturina.<\/p>\n<p>Item. He desires that at his funeral<br \/>\nsixty tapers shall be carried which shall be<br \/>\nborne by sixty poor men, to whom shall be given<br \/>\nmoney for carrying them; at the discretion<br \/>\nof the said Melzo, and these tapers shall be<br \/>\ndistributed among the four above mentioned<br \/>\nchurches.<\/p>\n<p>Item. The said Testator gives to each<br \/>\nof the said churches ten lbs. of wax in thick<br \/>\ntapers, which shall be placed in the said<br \/>\nchurches to be used on the day when those<br \/>\nsaid services are celebrated.<\/p>\n<p>Item. That alms shall be given to the<br \/>\npoor of the Hotel-Dieu, to the poor of Saint<br \/>\nLazare d&#8217;Amboise and, to that end, there<br \/>\nshall be given and paid to the treasurers of<br \/>\nthat same fraternity the sum and amount of<br \/>\nseventy soldi of Tours.<\/p>\n<p>Item. The said Testator gives and bequeaths<br \/>\nto the said Messer Francesco Melzo,<br \/>\nbeing present and agreeing, the remainder of<br \/>\nhis pension and the sums of money which<br \/>\nare owing to him from the past time till<br \/>\nthe day of his death by the receiver or<br \/>\ntreasurer-general M. Johan Sapin, and<br \/>\neach and every sum of money that he has<br \/>\nalready received from the aforesaid Sapin<br \/>\nof his said pension, and in case he should<br \/>\ndie before the said Melzo and not otherwise;<br \/>\nwhich moneys are at present in the possession<br \/>\nof the said Testator in the said place<br \/>\ncalled Cloux, as he says. And he likewise<br \/>\ngives and bequeaths to the said Melzo all and<br \/>\neach of his clothes which he at present possesses<br \/>\nat the said place of Cloux, and all in<br \/>\n remuneration for the good and kind services<br \/>\ndone by him in past times till now, as well as<br \/>\nin payment for the trouble and annoyance he<br \/>\nmay incur with regard to the execution of this<br \/>\npresent testament, which however, shall all<br \/>\nbe at the expense of the said Testator.<\/p>\n<p>And he orders and desires that the sum<br \/>\nof four hundred scudi del Sole, which he<br \/>\nhas deposited in the hands of the treasurer<br \/>\nof Santa Maria Nuova in the city of Florence,<br \/>\nmay be given to his brothers now living in Florence<br \/>\nwith all the interest and usufruct that<br \/>\nmay have accrued up to the present time, and<br \/>\nbe due from the aforesaid treasurer to the aforesaid<br \/>\nTestator on account of the said four hundred<br \/>\ncrowns, since they were given and consigned<br \/>\nby the Testator to the said treasurers.<\/p>\n<p>Item. He desires and orders that the<br \/>\nsaid Messer Francesco de Melzo shall be<br \/>\nand remain the sole and only executor of<br \/>\nthe said will of the said Testator; and that the<br \/>\nsaid testament shall be executed in its full and<br \/>\ncomplete meaning and according to that which<br \/>\nis here narrated and said, to have, hold, keep<br \/>\nand observe, the said Messer Leonardo da Vinci,<br \/>\nconstituted Testator, has obliged and obliges by<br \/>\nthese presents the said his heirs and successors<br \/>\nwith all his goods moveable and immoveable<br \/>\npresent and to come, and has renounced and<br \/>\nexpressly renounces by these presents all and<br \/>\neach of the things which to that are contrary.<br \/>\nGiven at the said place of Cloux in the<br \/>\npresence of Magister Spirito Fieri vicar, of<br \/>\nthe church of Saint Denis at Amboise, of<br \/>\nM. Guglielmo Croysant priest and chaplain,<br \/>\nof Magister Cipriane Fulchin, Brother Francesco<br \/>\nde Corion, and of Francesco da Milano,<br \/>\na brother of the Convent of the Minorites<br \/>\nat Amboise, witnesses summoned and required<br \/>\nto that end by the indictment of the<br \/>\nsaid court in the presence of the aforesaid<br \/>\nM. Francesco de Melze who accepting and<br \/>\nagreeing to the same has promised by his<br \/>\nfaith and his oath which he has administered<br \/>\nto us personally and has sworn to us never<br \/>\nto do nor say nor act in any way to the contrary.<br \/>\nAnd it is sealed by his request with<br \/>\nthe royal seal apposed to legal contracts at<br \/>\nAmboise, and in token of good faith.<\/p>\n<p>Given on the XXIIIrd day of April<br \/>\nMDXVIII, before Easter.<\/p>\n<p>And on the XXIIIrd day of this month of<br \/>\nApril MDXVIII, in the presence of M. Guglielmo<br \/>\nBorian, Royal notary in the court<br \/>\nof the bailiwick of Amboise, the aforesaid<br \/>\nM. Leonardo de Vinci gave and bequeathed,<br \/>\nby his last will and testament, as aforesaid,<br \/>\nto the said M. Baptista de Vilanis, being<br \/>\npresent and agreeing, the right of water which<br \/>\n the King Louis XII, of pious memory lately<br \/>\ndeceased gave to this same de Vinci, the<br \/>\nstream of the canal of Santo Cristoforo in<br \/>\nthe duchy of Milan, to belong to the said<br \/>\nVilanis for ever in such wise and manner<br \/>\nthat the said gentleman made him this gift<br \/>\nin the presence of M. Francesco da Melzo,<br \/>\ngentleman, of Milan and in mine.<\/p>\n<p>And on the aforesaid day in the said<br \/>\nmonth of April in the said year MDXVIII<br \/>\nthe same M. Leonardo de Vinci by his last<br \/>\nwill and testament gave to the aforesaid<br \/>\nM. Baptista de Vilanis, being present and<br \/>\nagreeing, each and all of the articles of<br \/>\nfurniture and utensils of his house at present<br \/>\nat the said place of Cloux, in the event<br \/>\nof the said de Vilanis surviving the aforesaid<br \/>\nM. Leonardo de Vinci, in the presence of<br \/>\nthe said M. Francesco Melzo and of me<br \/>\nNotary &amp;c. Borean.<\/p>\n<p>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, THE NOTEBOOKS OF LEONARDO DA VINCI, COMPLETE ***<\/p>\n<p>This file should be named 5000-8.txt or 5000-8.zip<\/p>\n<p>Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed<br \/>\neditions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US<br \/>\nunless a copyright notice is included.  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